ub£33S£ 

X>        OF 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE 

PRESIDENCY 

FROM  1788  TO  1897 


BY 


EDWARD  STANWOOD,  Litt.D.  (Bowdoin) 


BOSTON  AND   NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 


Copyright,  1898, 
Br  EDWARD  STANWOOJ* 

All  rights  reserved.  ■ 


PREFACE 


The  basis  of  this  book  is  the  "  History  of  Presidential  Elec- 
tions," originally  published  in  1884.  In  the  preparation  of 
that  work  the  meagreness  and  comparative  inaccessibility  of 
material  concerning  the  early  elections  made  the  chapters  that 
deal  with  that  period  somewhat  barren.  Increasing  abundance 
of  material  and  greater  familiarity  with  the  political  history  of 
more  recent  times  caused  a  broadening  of  the  plan,  and  led  to 
the  result  that  the  later  chapters  of  the  original  work,  and  still 
more  the  chapters  added  in  subsequent  editions,  in  1888,  1892, 
and  1896,  were  much  more  than  a  history  of  the  elections. 

I  have  thought  that  the  usefulness  of  the  book  might  be 
greatly  enhanced  by  rewriting  a  large  part  of  it,  supplying 
deficiencies  by  a  more  diligent  search  for  and  study  of  the 
facts  relating  to  the  presidency  in  the  early  days  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  enriching  it  throughout  with  new  personal, 
explanatory,  and  other  enlightening  matter,  thus  making  the 
whole  work  uniform  in  method.  This  has  enabled  me  to 
introduce  a  fuller  discussion  of  some  of  the  political  problems 
to^which  the  constitutional  provisions_regarding  the  presiden- 
tial-office have  given  riseT  Mofeniiportant  still,  the  revision 
and  expansion  ~oT  the  work  have  given  me  a  much-desired 
opportunity  to  modify  some  opinions  expressed  in  the  original 
book  which  a  more  careful  and  thorough  examination  of  origi' 
nal  sources  of  information  has  led  me  to  regard  as  not  well 
founded.  The  last  consideration  has  the  more  weight  in  view 
of  the  use  that  has  been  made  of  the  book  in  the  history  depart- 
ments of  our  colleges.  / 

The  changes  and  additions  here  noted  have  given  the  book 


3R7.17fi 


vi  PREFACE 

so  much  greater  scope  than  it  had  in  its  first  form,  that  a 
broader  title  seems  necessary.     If  it  be  urged  that  a  history  of 
the  presidency  should  include  an  account  of  the  development 
of  the  presidential  office,  and  of  the  successive  expansions  or 
limitations  of  the  President's  powers  and  duties,  the  reply  may 
be  made  that  there  has  been  no  such  development  to  record, 
since  the  office  is  now  what  it  was  in  the  time  of  Washington, 
. —  neither  of  greater  nor  of  less  weight  in  the  government  than 
it  was  then. 
/    I  have  endeavored  to  collect  and  present  all  important  mat-^ 
ters  relating  to  the  presidency,  beginning  with  the  constituj 
tional  history  of  the  office,  covering  every  public  event  ana 
discussion  which  had  a  perceptible  influence  in  determining\ 
who  should  hold  the  office,  and  in  connection  therewith  to  | 
note  the  origin  and  sketch  the  history  of  all  political  parties, 
however  ephemeral,  that  rose  above  the  rank  of  a  local  faction. 
And,  since  one  President  is  different  from  another,   I  have 
tried  to  show  wherein  and  in  what  manner  the  personal  quali- 
ties of  the  Presidents  have  affected  the  course  of  public  events 
and  of  the  national  history. 

E.  S. 
Brookline,  Massachusetts,  July,  1898. 


CONTENTS 


I.  The  Electoral  System 
II.  The  First  Election 

III.  Washington  re-elected  unanimously 

IV.  John  Adams 

V.  The  Jefferson-Burr  Contest  . 

VI.  The  Democratic  Regime 

VII.  James  Madison 

VIII.   An  Election  in  Time  of  War 
IX.   The  Last  of  the  Virginia  "Dynasty 
X.  The  "Era  of  Good  Feelings"     . 
XI.   The  Defeat  of  "King  Caucus" 
XII.  Jackson's  Triumph  .... 

XIII.  The  "Old  Hero"  re-elected  . 

XIV.  The  Convention  System 

XV.  Van  Buren 

XVI.  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too  . 
XVII.  The  First  "Dark  Horse" 
XVIII.   The  "Free  Soil"  Campaign  of  1848 
XIX.   The  Democrats  reunited 
XX.   The  New  Republican  Party 
XXI.   The  Last  Struggle  of  Slavery 
XXII.  Lincoln  re-elected 

XXIII.  General  Grant    .        .        . 

XXIV.  The  Greeley  Campaign 

XXV.   The  Disputed  Election     .        .        . 
XXVI.   A  Republican  Revival  . 
XXVII.  The  Mugwump  Campaign  . 
XXVIII.   Two  Important  Questions  decided 
XXIX.  The  Second  Harrison 
XXX.  Cleveland's  Second  Election 
XXXI.  The  Free  Silver  Campaign 

Index  


PAQl 

1 

20 
32 
42 
54 

86 
97 
106 
115 
125 
142 
151 
166 
178 
190 
206 
226 
244 
258 
279 
298 
313 
333 
356 
394 
419 
450 
457 
486 
519 
571 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM 

The  evolution  of  the  Constitution  of  1787  forms  one  of  the 
most  interesting  chapters  in  the  history  of  human  government. 
For  the  first  time,  the  representatives  of  an  inchoate  nation, 
meeting  to  ordain  and  establish  a  fundamental  law  for  them- 
selves and  their  posterity,  could  write  that  law  upon  tabula 
rasa.  They  had  to  expunge  nothing,  —  to  abolish  no  old 
institutions,  to  violate  no  traditions,  to  reform  no  long-stand- 
ing abuses.  Their  task  was  not  made  easier  by  their  unex- 
ampled freedom  from  the  trammels  of  an  established  order ;  on 
the  contrary,  it  was  thereby  rendered  more  difficult.  To  know 
what  is  not  liked  goes  far  toward  teaching  one  what  will  be 
liked.  The  members  of  the  Philadelphia  Convention  had  no 
indication  of  what  would  be  agreeable  to  those  for  whom  they 
acted.  Yet  they  proceeded,  first  to  draw  in  the  rough,  and 
afterward  to  fill  in  and  refine  the  detail,  of  a  constitution  that 
has  converted  the  unorganized  communities  of  a  congeries  of 
mutually  repellant  States  into  a  united  nation,  under  a  govern- 
ment more  conservative  and  less  subject  to  change  than  that 
of  any  other  self-governing  people  in  the  world. 

Particularly  worthy  of  study  is  the  process  by  which  the 
executive  department  of  the  government  to  be  created  was 
moulded,  as  the  perfect  statue  is  developed  from  the  rough 
block  of  marble.  By  successive  resolutions  the  convention 
determined  that  there  should  be  an  executive ;  consisting  of 
one  person ;  holding  office  for  a  limited  period ;  reeligible ; 
elected ;  endowed  with  certain  powers.  The  Convention  hesitated 
upon  many  points  ;  the  decisions  first  reached  were  not  always, 
not  even  usually,  final.  Indeed,  almost  every  feature  of  the  plan 


H 


2  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

ultimately  adopted  was  at  least  once  rejected,  after  full  debate. 
Yet  it  cannot  be  said,  after  a  full  study  of  the  debates,  that 
the  Convention  was  unduly  vacillating.  The  truth  is  that  it 
was  a  series  of  independent  propositions  which  was  rejected  in 
all  these  cases,  but  that  when  they  were  combined  in  a  whole, 
the  scheme  became  that  toward  which  the  Convention  was  all 
the  time  working.  This  will  explain  why  Hamilton,  whose 
plan  of  a  government  was  widely  different  from  that  which 
formed  the  basis  of  the  Convention's  deliberations,  who,  in- 
deed, had  but  little  part  in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution, 
could  without  great  inconsistency  become  a  defender  of  the 
instrument  as  a  whole,  and  could  write  : l  "  The  mode  of  the 
appointment  of  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  United  States  is 
almost  the  only  part  of  the  system  of  any  consequence  which 
has  escaped  without  some  censure,  or  which  has  received  the 
slightest  mark  of  approbation  from  its  opponents."  Notwith- 
standing this  statement,  which  was  strictly  true,  it  is  now  to 
be  said  that  the  only  part  of  the  machinery  of  government, 
ordained  by  the  people  when  they  adopted  the  Constitution, 
that  has  suffered  the  least  change  since  the  government  came 
into  being,  is  the  article  which  then  gave  universal  satisfaction ; 
and  that  no  part  of  the  Constitution  has  been  so  earnestly  and 
so  continuously  criticised  as  this  same  article,  already  once 
amended  to  remove  a  supposed  defect. 

The  plan  of  a  national  government  submitted  to  the  Con- 
vention on  the  29th  of  May,  1787,  by  Mr.  Edmund  Randolph, 
provided  for  "  a  national  executive  to  be  chosen  by  the  national 

legislature  for  the  term  of  years,"  "  and  to  be  ineligible 

the  second  time."  Charles  Pinckney  proposed,  at  the  same 
time,  "  that  the  executive  power  be  vested  in  a  '  President  of 
the  United  States  of  America/  which  shall  be  his  style ;  and 
his  title  shall  be  '  His  Excellency.'     He  shall  be  elected  for 

years,  and  shall  be  reeligible."   In  some  of  the  propositions 

made  during  the  early  days  of  the  Convention  the  proposed 
executive  was  styled  the  "  governor ;  "  but  it  was  a  mere  sug- 
gestion, resulting  from  the  fact  that  as  there  was  not,  and 
never  had  been,  a  model  from  which  to  copy  the  executive 
which  the  Convention  intended  to  create,  no  precedent  existed 
to  guide  them  in  giving  him  a  title.  The  first  question  was, 
In  how  many  persons  should  the  executive  power  be  vested  ? 
One  voice  was  raised  in  favor  of  three,  —  one  to  be  chosen 
l  Federalist,  No.  67. 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  3 

from  the  North,  one  from  the  Middle  States,  and  one  from  the 
South.  It  was  speedily  determined  that  there  should  be  a  sin- 
gle chief  magistrate,  and  the  decision  was  not  reopened  or  crit- 
icised afterward. 

The  questions  concerning  the  executive  department  of  the 
government  divided  themselves  into  two  classes :  What  should 
be  the  powers  and  duties  of  the  President  ?  and,  How  and  by 
whom  should  he  be  chosen?  With  the  first  class  we  have 
nothing  to  do,  save  incidentally.  To  understand  why  the  Con- 
vention was  puzzled,  and  why  it  changed  its  mind,  apparently, 
so  often,  it  is  necessary  to  inquire  briefly  what  it  was  the  pur- 
pose of  the  Convention  to  accomplish,  and  against  what  appre- 
hended evils  it  endeavored  to  guard.  It  was  one  of  the  guid- 
ing principles,  early  adopted  and  rigidly  adhered  to,  that  the 
legislative,  executive,  and  judicial  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment should  be  separate  and  mutually  independent.  There 
were  two,  and  only  two,  natural  ways  of  selecting  the  Presi- 
dent :  by  popular  vote,  and  by  the  national  legislature.  At 
no  time  was  the  proposition  of  a  popular  election  received 
with  favor,  although  it  had  the  support  of  powerful  advocates, 
particularly  of  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris.  The  chief  objections 
urged  against  it  were  three  :  the  great  advantage  this  method  \ 
would  give  to  the  large  States ;  the  probable  ignorance  of  the 
people  at  large  as  to  the  comparative  merits  of  candidates,  and 
the  consequent  likelihood  that  they  would  in  all  cases  give  a 
preference  to  a  candidate  each  from  his  own  State ;  and  the  / 
general  incompetence  of  the  populace  to  decide  a  question  of 
such  moment.  Superficial  writers  are  responsible  for  a  popu- 
lar impression  that  the  third  of  these  reasons  was  the  control- 
ling one,  —  that  the  Convention  by  its  action  registered  its 
distrust  of  the  people,  that  if  the  members  had  felt  a  greater 
confidence  in  the  people,  the  decision  would  have  been  differ- 
ent. Prom  this  it  is  plausible  to  draw  an  argument  that  the 
present  generation,  which  knows  that  the  people  may  be 
trusted,  should  introduce  the  popular  election.  In  truth,  a 
distrust  of  the  good  judgment  of  the  people  was  expressed  by 
one  member  only,  Colonel  Mason,  of  Virginia,  who  happens  to 
have  been  one  of  the  three  members  of  the  Convention  who 
did  not  sign  the  Constitution,1  in  the  often  quoted  remark 
that  it  would  be  "  as  unnatural  to  refer  the  proper  character 
for  chief  magistrate  to  the  people  as  it  would  be  to  refer  a  trial 
1  The  others  were  Randolph  and  Gerry. 


4  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

of  colors  to  a  blind  man."  On  the  other  hand,  the  fear  of 
aggrandizement  by  the  large  States  was  ever  present  as  a  con- 
trolling principle ;  for  unless  the  frame  of  government  were 
such  as  the  smaller  States  would  adopt,  the  Convention  must 
be  a  failure.  The  consideration  that  the  public  characters  of 
the  country  were  not  generally  known,  save  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  their  homes,  was  also  potent,  and  was  founded  upon 
a  real  condition. 

Yet  the  alternative,  an  election  by  the  legislature,  was  equally 
objectionable  on  other  grounds.  To  require  that  the  Executive 
should  be  independent  of  the  law-making  power,  and  at  the 
same  time  to  give  the  election  to  the  legislature,  was  an  incon- 
sistency so  glaring  as  to  shock  the  Convention  whenever  the 
clause  relating  to  the  choice  of  a  President  came  under  consid- 
eration. The  only  escape  from  it,  and  that  but  a  partial  one, 
was  to  forbid  the  reelection  of  a  chief  magistrate,  —  a  provision 
which,  as  was  pointed  out,  might  and  would  sometimes  exclude 
from  the  office  the  person  best  fitted  to  exercise  it.  The  pro- 
position to  avoid  these  difficulties  by  creating  a  body  of  elec- 
tors for  the  sole  purpose  of  choosing  a  President  was  made 
early  in  the  session.  On  the  2d  of  June,  James  Wilson  pro- 
posed that  there  should  be  "  certain  districts  in  each  State 
which  should  appoint  electors  to  elect  outside  of  their  own 
body."  The  objection  was  made  that,  inasmuch  as  the  most 
eminent  citizens  would  be  already  serving  as  senators,  repre- 
sentatives, and  State  governors,  the  choice  of  a  President 
would,  by  this  plan,  be  committed  to  a  body  of  inferior  men, 
ignorant  of  the  merits  of  citizens  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
and  therefore  apt  to  vote  for  candidates  living  in  their  own 
State.  Dealing  with  the  conditions  that  prevailed  in  their 
time,  —  a  dearth  of  men  capable  of  filling  so  many  new  posi- 
tions as  it  was  necessary  to  create,  and  an  absence  of  the 
means  by  which  information  regarding  public  men  and  public 
affairs  is  now  disseminated,  —  they  were  right. 

The  statement  of  the  perplexities  by  which  the  Convention 
was  confronted  prepares  us  to  understand  the  frequent  reversal 
of  its  decisions.  The  first  resolution,  adopted  before  the  objec- 
tions to  it  had  occurred  to  the  members,  was  that  the  Execu- 
tive should  be  chosen  by  the  legislature.  Then  Elbridge 
Gerry  brought  forward  a  suggestion  that  the  President  should 
be  elected  by  the  governors  of  the  States ;  this  was  negatived. 
Hamilton's  plan  of  a  government,  offered  on  the  18th  of  June, 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  5 

which  was  never  considered  by  the  Convention,  committed  the 
election  to  a  body  of  electors  to  be  chosen  by  the  people,  by 
districts.  These  electors  were  to  meet,  those  for  each  State 
within  that  State,  and  vote  not  only  for  a  President  of  the 
United  States,  but  also  for  two  "  second  electors."  A  majority 
of  all  the  "  first  electors "  was  to  be  necessary  to  make  choice 
of  a  President.  Should  such  a  majority  not  be  obtained,  the 
"second  electors"  were  to  meet  in  one  place,  be  presided  over 
by  the  Chief  Justice,  and  effect  a  choice. 

The  convention  returned  to  the  subject  of  the  Executive  on 
the  17th  of  July,  and  after  a  debate  rejected  a  motion  that  he 
should  be  chosen  "  by  electors  appointed  by  the  legislatures  of 
the  several  States."  On  the  19th  it  adopted  a  motion  in  almost 
the  identical  words  of  the  rejected  proposition :  "  to  be  chosen 
by  electors  appointed  for  that  purpose  by  the  legislatures  of  the 
States."  The  question  as  to  the  length  of  the  President's  term, 
as  well  as  that  of  his  reeligibility,  was  closely  involved  with 
the  consideration  of  the  body  to  which  he  was  to  owe  his  election. 
A  long  term  and  ineligibility  for  a  second  term  were  both  mea- 
sures to  insure  the  President's  independence  of  the  legislature. 
The  bugbear  of  legislative  tyranny  was  held  up  before  the  Con- 
vention almost  as  frequently  as  was  that  of  a  control  of  the 
government  by  the  larger  States.  Seven  years,  therefore,  was 
the  term  first  agreed  upon ;  and  the  question  of  reeligibility 
was  left  open.  After  the  second  vote,  above  noted,  commit- 
ting the  choice  to  independent  electors,  the  term  was  reduced 
to  six  years ;  and  an  amendment  that  a  President  should  not 
hold  office  more  than  six  years  of  any  twelve  years  was  re- 
jected. This  was  on  the  19th  of  July.  The  next  day  the 
Convention  adopted  Mr.  Gerry's  proposition  regarding  the 
number  of  electors  :  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia 
were  to  have  three  each ;  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jer- 
sey, Maryland,  North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  two  each  ; 
Rhode  Island,  Delaware,  and  Georgia,  one  each.  On  the  26th 
the  Convention  reverted  to  the  seven  years'  term,  with  the 
provision,  of  ineligibility  for  reelection.  Then,  on  the  same 
day,  the  whole  subject  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  five. 
The  committee  reported  a  draft  of  a  Constitution  on  the  6th  of 
August.  The  article  relating  to  the  election  of  President  was  y 
in  these  words  :  — 

Art.  X.,  Sect.  1.  The  executive  power  of  the  United  States  shall 
be  vested  in  a  single  person.    His  style  shall  be  "  The  President  of 


6  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  United  States  of  America ; "  and  his  title  shall  be  "  His  Excel- 
lency." He  shall  be  elected  by  ballot  by  the  legislature.  He  shall 
hold  his  office  during  seven  years,  but  shall  not  be  elected  a  sec- 
ond time. 

This  section,  which  combined  Mr.  Randolph's  and  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney's  plans,  but  which  contained  no  trace  of  the  electoral  plan 
adopted  by  the  Convention,  was  the  basis  of  future  discussions. 
But  the  scheme  of  a  choice  by  the  legislature  was  still  as 
objectionable  as  ever.  It  was  at  this  point  that  Mr.  Hugh 
"Williamson  of  North  Carolina  made  a  suggestion  in  which  was 
the  germ  of  the  plan  ultimately  adopted.  He  proposed  to 
refer  the  election  to  popular  vote,  each  elector  to  vote  for 
three  persons,  and  the  choice  to  fall  on  him  who  obtained  a 
majority  of  all  the  persons  voting.  He  thought  this  would  be 
a  cure  for  the  evil  that  the  large  States  would  govern.  Gou- 
verneur  Morris  at  once  caught  up  the  idea,  but  suggested  that 
two  votes  only  be  allowed  to  electors,  and  that  it  be  provided 
that  one  at  least  of  the  two  should  not  be  given  to  a  citizen  of 
the  voter's  own  State.  Mr.  Madison  also  thought  that  some- 
thing valuable  might  be  made  of  Mr.  Williamson's  suggestion, 
with  Mr.  Morris's  amendment.  He  advanced  the  idea  that 
the  second  best  man  would  probably  be  the  first,  that  is,  a 
voter  would  place  a  citizen  of  his  own  State  first,  but  would 
give  his  second  vote  to  a  man  selected  on  account  of  his  fitness 
for  the  place,  and  not  on  account  of  his  residence.  The  voter 
might  give  the  preference  to  a  local  candidate  in  the  hope  that 
he  would  get  a  majority ;  but  he  would  not  throw  away  his 
second  vote  also.  The  first  judgment  of  the  Convention  was 
against  the  proposition,  yet  it  was  defeated  by  one  majority 
only,  —  five  States  supporting  and  six  opposing  it. 

On  the  24th  of  August  the  question  of  the  Executive  was 
again  considered.  I  The  Convention  rejected  a  proposition  by 
Mr.  Morris  to  refer  the  election  to  electors  chosen  by  the 
people  of  the  several  States,  and  also  a  motion  that  the  Presi- 
dent be  chosen  "  by  electors. 'J  It  rejected  moreover  a  plain 
election  by  the  people,  a  motion  to  give  to  each  State  one  vote 
for  President  (in  the  election  by  "  the  legislature,"  which  in 
all  this  discussion  meant  the  House  of  Representatives  and 
not  both  branches  of  Congress),  and  another  motion  that  when 
the  legislature  should  be  equally  divided  the  President  of  the 
Senate  should  have  the  casting  vote.  It  adopted  two  amend- 
ments to   the  section   quoted  above,  which    made    the  third 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  7 

sentence  read  as  follows :  "  He  shall  be  elected  by  joint  ballot  u ' 
by  the  legislature,  to  which  election  a  majority  of  the  votes  of 
the    members  present  shall  be  required."     In  the  clause  as 
amended,  it  will  be  seen,  the  phrase  "  the  legislature  "  signifies 
both  branches. 

Up  to  this  point  no  proposition  had  been  made  to  appoint  v^ 
a  Vice-President.  On  August  31  "the  questions  not  yet 
settled  "  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  eleven,  which  reported, 
on  the  4th  of  September,  a  scheme  for  the  election  of  the 
Executive  radically  different  from  anything  that  had  been 
sanctioned  by  the  Convention,  —  as  different  as  the  report  of 
a  Congressional  committee  of  conference,  in  our  day,  some- 
times is  from  any  version  of  a  bill  passed  in  non-concurrence 
submitted  to  it.  The  committee  proposed  to  strike  all  out  of 
the  section  printed  above  after  the  word  "Excellency,"  and 
to  insert  the  following  provisions  :  — 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  its  legislature  may 
direct,  a  number  of  electors  equal  to  the  whole  number  of  senators 
and  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  which  the  State 
may  be  entitled  in  the  legislature.   (A) 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  State  with  themselves ;  and  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for 
each,  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit,  sealed, 
to  the  seat  of  general  government,  directed  to  the  President  of  the 
Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  that  house,  open  all 
the  certificates :  and  the  votes  shall  then  and  there  be  counted.  (B) 
The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  President, 
if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors ; 
and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have 
an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  Senate  shall  choose  by  ballot 
one  of  them  for  President ;  but  if  no  such  person  have  such  ma- 
jority, then,  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  by  ballot  the  President.  And  in  every  case,  after  the 
choice  of  a  President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  shall  be  the  Vice-President ;  but  if  there  should  remain  two 
or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them 
the  Vice-President. 

The  legislature  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  and  assem- 
bling the  electors,  and  the  manner  of  certifying  and  transmitting 
their  votes. 

When  the  article  was  taken  up  for  consideration  on  the 


8  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

following  day,  September  5,  many  amendments  were  offered. 
Those  which  were  adopted  show  again  most  clearly  that  the 
Convention  now  discerned  definitely  what  it  desired  to  ac- 
complish, and  that  it  could  move  directly  to  that  end.  At 
""the  place  marked  (A)  a  provision  was  inserted  that  "  no  per- 
son shall  be  appointed  an  elector  who  is  a  member  of  the  leg- 
islature of  the  United  States,  or  who  holds  any  office  of  profit 
or  trust  under  the  United  States."  At  the  place  marked  (B) 
was  added  the  phrase,  "  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,"  —  an  important  clause,  in  that  it 
implies  that  the  President  of  the  Senate  was  to  count  the  elec- 
toral vote,  and  that  the  members  of  the  two  houses  were  to 
Kbe  present  as  witnesses  only.  The  word  "  immediately"  was 
inserted  in  the  direction  to  the  Senate  to  choose  the  President 
in  case  of  a  failure  of  the  electors  to  give  a  majority  to  one 
person.  A  motion  to  commit  the  election  to  the  "  legisla- 
ture" instead  of  to  the  Senate  was  rejected  by  seven  States 
against  three.  The  reason  for  this  vote  was  evidently  a  de- 
termination that  when  the  electors  did  not  effect  a  choice,  the 
result  should  be  determined  by  a  poll  of  States,  each  having 
an  equal  voice ;  for  when  Roger  Sherman  moved  that  the 
election  be  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  each  State 
to  have  one  vote,  the  motion  was  carried  by  ten  States  to  one. 
Then  it  was  suggested  that  inasmuch  as  a  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  constituted  a  quorum,  the  election 
might  be  carried,  when  the  members  of  three  large  States 
only  were  present,  by  a  vote  of  two  States  to  one.  Madison 
met  this  by  offering  an  amendment,  wrhich  was  accepted,  pro- 
viding that  when  the  House  was  assembled  for  the  purpose  of 
electing  a  President,  a  quorum  should  consist  of  a  member  or 
members  from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  that  a  majority 
of  all  the  States  should  be  necessary  to  effect  a  choice. 

Thus  all  the  points  of  objection  were  met,  and  the  scheme  as 
a  whole  was  regarded  with  almost  universal  satisfaction.  The 
whole  Constitution  was  referred  to  a  committee  "  to  revise  the 
style  and  arrange  the  articles  agreed  to  by  the  House."  The 
committee,  appointed  on  the  8th  of  September,  reported  on 
the  12th.  The  articles  were  "read,  debated  by  paragraphs, 
amended,  and  agreed  to,"  and  the  Convention  adjourned  on  the 
17th  of  September.  The  article,  as  finally  adopted  and  rati- 
fied, under  which  the  first  four  elections  were  held,  is,  in  full, 
as  follows  :  — 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  9 

Art.  IL,  Sect.  1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his 
office  during  the  term  of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice- 
President,  chosen  for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows  :  — 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  num- 
ber of  senators  and  representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  enti-  V 
tied  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  senator  or  representative,  or  person 
holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States,  shall 
be  appointed  an  elector. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhab- 
itant of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for 
each ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit,  sealed, 
to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in 
the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all 
the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if 
such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  ap- 
pointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority, 
and  have  an  equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives shall  immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  Presi- 
dent; and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest 
on  the  list  the  said  House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  Presi- 
dent. But  in  choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by 
States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a 
quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members 
from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States 
shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of 
the  President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
of  the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there  should 
remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall  choose 
from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President. 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors 
and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall 
be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

vcjUjuocC 

What  the  electoral  system  has  accomplished,  and  wherein 
it  has  proved  more  or  less  defective,  may  be  learned  in  detail 
from  the  historical  events  narrated  in  subsequent  chapters.  It 
is  desirable,  nevertheless,  to  consider  in  this  place  the  general 
working  of  the  system,  and  its  development  in  practice.  In 
the  first  place,  let  us  see  how  far  it  has  fulfilled  the  purposes 


10  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

and  expectations  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution.  No 
doubt  it  is  unsafe  to  declare  in  precise  terms  what  they 
intended  to  accomplish  by  every  clause  and  word  of  the 
remarkable  instrument  they  left  for  the  use  of  their  country- 
men: nor  is  it  just  or  expedient  to  regard  their  work  as 
imperfect  in  those  parts  of  the  Constitution  wherein  later 
generations  have  departed  from  what  seems  to  have  been 
their  original  intention,  provided  the  modification,  not  in- 
consistent with  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  result  in  a 
workable  and  equitable  system.  Bearing  in  mind  these  pre- 
liminary cautions,  we  may  say  that  the  Convention  sought  to 
accomplish,  (1)  the  independence  of  the  Executive ;  (2)  the 
choice  of  the  President  by  an  electorate  which  (a)  should  be 
intelligent,  and  free  to  choose  the  best,  and  (b)  should  not 
be  controlled  by  the  large  States ;  (3)  that  in  the  event  of 
a  failure  of  the  electors  to  make  a  choice,  each  State  should 
have  an  equal  voice. 

"  «-  The  first  of  the  above-enumerated  objects  has  been  realized, 
although  at  one  time  it  seemed  to  be  defeated.  In  the  Chap- 
ter on  the  Convention  System  (XIV)  it  will  be  seen  how  the 
Congressional  Caucus  became  so  obvious  a  necessity  that  it 
would  have  been  contrary  to  the  plainest  dictate  of  political 
wisdom  not  to  make  use  of  it ;  and  yet  it  was  directly  in  vio- 
lation of  the  principle  that  the  President  must  not  owe  nis 
election  to  the  legislative  department  of  the  government.  The 
national  convention  has  restored  to  the  President  as  large  a 
measure  of  independence  of  Congress  as  is  possible  under  any 
svstem.  So  long  as  the  strongest,  wisest,  and  best-informed 
public  men  have  the  greatest  influence  upon  the  choice,  as 
they  ought  to  have,  and  so  long  as  the  people  send  such  men 
to  Congress,  as  they  ought  to  do,  so  long  will  the  absolute 
independence  of  the  President  be  impossible  ;  but  not  his  in- 
dependence of  Congress  as  a  whole,  or  of  his  own  party  mem- 
bers in  Congress. 

'The  most  difficult  requirement  was  that  the  electors  should 
be  free  agents,  and  qualified  to  make  a  wise  choice  by  acquaint- 
ance with  the  public  men  of  the  country.  In  the  strictest 
sense,  the  first  part  of  this  condition  was  not  realized  even  at 
the  earliest  elections.  There  was  no  second  where  Washington 
was  first;  but  when  he  retired,  the  intelligence  of  the  electors 
needed  to  be  instructed.  It  was  many  years  before  acquaint- 
ance with  public  men  was  sufficiently  general  to  enable  all  the 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  11 

States  to  appoint  electors  who  were  competent  to  judge  for 
themselves.  It  is  notorious  that  almost  from  the  beginning, 
the  electors  have  been  subject,  in  giving  their  votes,  to  a  moral 
stress  so  powerful  that  not  one  of  them  could  separate  himself 
from  his  fellows  and  vote  for  any  other  than  the  candidate  of 
his  party,  without  being  held  guilty  of  unpardonable  political 
treachery.  The  intrigues  to  detach  Federal  electors  from 
Adams,  eight  years  only  after  the  Constitution  went  into 
effect,  and  the  absolute  unanimity  of  the  anti-Federal  electors 
in  support  of  both  Jefferson  and  Burr,  in  1800,  show  how 
quickly  the  scheme  of  independent,  free-acting  electors  came 
to  naught.  Shall  we  say  that  it  is  surprising  that  the  sagacious 
statesmen  of  the  Convention  did  not  foresee  that  the  govern- 
ment they  were  instituting  would  be  a  government  by  party, 
and  that  the  success  of  parties  would  depend  as  much  on  their 
discipline  as  on  their  principles  ?  They  did  foresee  it.  Or 
rather,  they  feared,  as  some  of  them  expressed  it  in  debate, 
that  the  electors  would  be  influenced  and  controlled  in  their 
action  by  designing  men  ;  and  they  hoped  only  that  the  votes 
would  be  free. 

No  argument  is  needed  to  prove  that  the  scheme  of  the 
fathers  is  not  only  impracticable,  but  that  in  its  operation  it 
would  now  be  intolerable.  Were  electors  to  be  chosen  merely 
as  party  men,  uncommitted  to  any  candidates,  one  of  two 
things  must  happen.  Either  the  choice  of  these  candidates, 
after  the  appointment  of  electors,  would  be  made  in  the  utmost 
confusion,  and  would  be  attended  with  scandalous  intrigues, 
perhaps  with  corruption  ;  or,  the  election  of  a  President  would 
be  thrown  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  not  occasionally, 
but  always.  The  most  casual  consideration  of  the  subject  will 
convince  every  thinking  man  that  the  system  we  have  is  far 
better  than  that  which  the  fathers  planned.  We  have,  in  the 
convention  system,  a  device  which  substitutes  the  judgment 
of  a  whole  party  for  that  of  the  individual  elector,  and  which 
enables  the  wishes  of  the  largest  party  to  be  carried  into  effect, 
instead  of  being  scattered  and  wasted.  The  new  system  may 
not,  does  not,  carry  out  the  exact  intention  of  the  Fathers,  but 
it  conforms  to  the  letter  of  the  Constitution. 

Four  elections  only  were  held  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  as  ratified  by  the  States.  Then  a  change  was 
made,  in  order  to  meet  in  a  different  way  a  state  of  affairs 
which  the  Convention    had   foreseen.     The  circumstances  in 


12  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

which  the  will  of  the  victorious  party  was  nearly  frustrated  at 
the  election  of  1800-1801  are  fully  narrated  in  a  subsequent 
chapter.  It  was  to  prevent  a  recurrence  of  the  scandal,  for  it 
was  a  scandal,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  was  constitutional, 
that  the  change  was  made.  Nevertheless  the  amendment  cast 
away  the  very  feature  which  induced  the  Convention  to 
entrust  the  choice  of  President  to  a  created  body  of  electors, 
and  which  was  to  make  it  certain  that  the  large  States  should 
not  control.  Consequently,  it  seems  at  first  sight  illogical  to 
amend  the  Constitution  by  ordaining  a  different  course  of  pro- 
cedure, for  the  sole  reason  that  something  had  happened  which 
was  distinctly  foreseen  and  provided  for. 

It  seemed  both  illogical  and  unwise  to  Gouverneur  Morris, 
who  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate 
from  New  York.1  I  The  twelfth  amendment  was  proposed  by 
New  York.  Mr.  Morris  voted  against  it,  and  the  resolution 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  first  defeated  by  his  vote. 
In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  and  Speaker  of  the 
Assembly  of  New  York,  dated  December  25,  1802,2  he  gives 
his  reasons  for  his  vote,  three  in  number,  of  which  one  only  is 
pertinent.  The  evils  complained  of  were  foreseen  in  the 
Convention.  "  The  Convention  not  only  foresaw  that  a  scene 
might  take  place  similar  to  that  of  the  last  presidential  election, 
but  even  supposed  it  not  impossible  that  at  some  time  or  other, 
a  person  admirably  fitted  for  the  office  of  President  might 
have  an  equal  vote  with  one  totally  unqualified,  and  that,  by 
the  predominance  of  faction  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
the  latter  might  be  preferred.  This,  which  is  the  greatest 
supposable  evil  of  the  present  mode,  was  calmly  examined, 
and  it  appeared  that  however  prejudicial  it  might  be  at  the 
present  moment,  a  useful  lesson  would  result  from  it  for  the 
future,  to  teach  contending  parties  the  importance  of  giving 
both  votes  to  men  fit  for  the  first  office."  Mr.  Morris  was  a 
Federalist,  but  his  judgment  in  the  crisis  of  1801  had  been 
decidedly  against  the  course  pursued  by  the  members  of  his 
party  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  Thus  he  had  seen  an 
example  of  that  which  he  characterizes  as  "  the  greatest  sup- 
posable evil  of  the  present  mode."  He  must  also  have  been 
aware  of  the  strenuous  efforts  put  forth  by  men  of  his  own 
party  to  secure  for  Mr.  Pinckney  a  larger  electoral  vote  than 

1  He  represented  Pennsylvania  in  the  Convention  of  1787. 

2  Sparks's  Life  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  vol.  iii.,  p.  174. 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  13 

that  for  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  year  preceding  that  crisis.  That 
which  he  calls  a  "  useful  lesson  "  was  then,  and  has  at  almost 
every  subsequent  election  been  greatly  needed,  and  usually 
unheeded.  No  doubt,  if  a  party  victorious  in  the  choice  of 
electors  were  always  liable  to  the  accident  of  having  to  submit 
to  an  assembly  politically  hostile  the  choice  between  its  two 
candidates  for  the  presidency,  the  nominations  would  be  more 
carefully  made.  But  it  is  clearly  evident  that,  with  the  aban- 
donment of  the  theory  of  independent  voting  by  electors,  and 
the  consequent  certainty  that  there  would  always  be  a  tie  be- 
tween two  candidates,  and  an  election  ultimately  by  the  House 
of  Representatives,  the  change  made  after  the  Jefferson-Burr 
contest  was  a  wise  one. 

It  has  been  said  that  to  this  change  is  to  be  attributed  the 
semi-degradation  of  the  office  of  Vice-President.  In  support 
of  the  assertion  it  may  be  stated  with  truth  that  not  more  than 
two  or  three  candidates  for  Vice-President  of  all  parties,  dur- 
ing the  last  three  quarters  of  a  century,  have  been  men  who, 
at  the  time  of  their  nomination,  had  even  been  suggested  as 
candidates  for  President.  Mr.  Tyler,  Mr.  Wheeler,  and  Mr. 
Hendricks  may  be  named  ;  is  there  a  fourth  ?  It  may  never- 
theless be  urged  that  under  the  original  system  there*  surely 
would  have  been  an  evil  greater  than  the  choice  of  second-rate 
men  for  the  vice-presidency.  Consider  what  would  have  hap- 
pened had  two  such  men  as  Clay  and  Webster  been  the  candi- 
dates, and  the  successful  candidates,  of  the  Whig  party,  in 
1840.  Receiving  an  equal  vote  from  the  electors,  the  House 
of  Representatives  must  have  made  choice  between  them.  One 
of  the  two  would  have  gone  to  the  White  House ;  the  other 
would  have  been  condemned  to  the  obscurity  of  the  vice-presi- 
dency. One  can  hardly  conceive  of  a  situation  more  conducive 
to  intrigue  on  the  part  of  both,  —  to  an  effort  of  the  successful 
man  to  retain  power  by  putting  down  his  rival,  of  the  unsuc- 
cessful to  supplant  him.  This  consideration  alone,  —  and  others 
might  be  mentioned,  —  should  be  sufficient  to  reconcile  the 
country  to  the  change  that  resulted  from  the  tie  vote  between 
Jefferson  and  Burr. 

No  strong  movement  has  ever  been  made  to  substitute  a 
direct  popular  vote  for  the  existing  system.  The  suggestion 
is  so  clearly  impracticable  that  a  discussion  of  its  merits 
is  useless.  A  three  fourths  vote  of  the  States  is  needed 
for  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution.     Under  the  present 


14  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

apportionment  there  are  fifteen  States  which  have  no  more 
than  two  members  each  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  One 
third  of  the  States,  then,  have  a  vastly  greater  power  in  de- 
termining who  shall  be  President  than  they  would  exercise 
under  the  system  of  popular  election.  Not  one  of  them  would 
give  its  consent  to  the  change.  Nor  has  there  ever  been  a 
time  in  our  history  when  the  number  of  small  States  which 
would  lose  political  power  by  the  adoption  of  a  system  of  pop- 
ular election  was  not  large  enough  to  foredoom  the  proposi- 
tion. 

Numerous  have  been  the  suggestions  of  amendment  of  the 
Constitution  with  a  view  to  dispensing  with  the  machinery  of 
electors,  at  the  same  time  preserving  to  the  States  their  rela- 
tive weight  in  the  election.  The  leading  idea  in  the  most  of 
them  is :  a  direct  vote  by  the  people  for  President  and  Vice- 
President;  the  result  in  each  State  to  be  determined  by  a 
plurality ;  the  candidates  who  receive  such  plurality  to  be 
credited  with  as  many  votes  from  that  State  as  the  electoral 
votes  they  would  have  under  the  present  system.  The  sole 
practical  advantage  to  be  anticipated  from  any  of  these  propo- 
sitions is  relief  from  the  possibility  of  treachery  on  the  part  of 
men  designated  as  electors.  Never  but  once  has  this  danger 
threatened.  A  complete  remedy,  much  more  easily  applied 
than  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  is  the  election  of  men 
of  high  character  as  electors. 

The  language  of  the  Constitution  relative  to  the  counting  of 
the  votes  is  extremely  precise  up  to  the  point  of  designating 
by  whom  they  shall  be  counted.  It  does  not  seem  to  have 
suggested  itself  to  any  member  of  the  Convention  that  there 
might  be  a  controverted  election  in  any  State,  and  conse- 
quently that  authority  to  make  a  decision  should  be  lodged 
somewhere.  The  vagueness  of  the  direction  led  to  a  variation 
in  practice  at  the  early  elections,  as  will  be  observed  in  the 
account  of  each  election.  Gradually  Congress  asserted  its 
right  to  make  the  count  and  to  determine  all  questions  arising. 
If  this  is  not  clearly  the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Con- 
stitution —  who  provided  merely  that  the  certificates  of  votes 
should  be  opened  in  the  presence  of  Congress  —  it  is  certainly 
safer  to  entrust  the  decision  to  the  two  Houses  than  to  the 
discretion  of  one  man.  The  process  by  which  Congress  as- 
sumed the  power  will  be  most  conveniently  set  forth  in  the 
history  of  the  successive  elections. 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  15 

The  theory  of  the  Constitution  undoubtedly  is  that  the  elec- 
tors are  officers  of  their  respective  States.  As  such  the  method 
of  their  appointment  is  left  entirely  to  the  legislatures.  From 
the  beginning  there  was  a  marked  difference  in  the  States  in 
this  regard,  for  while  in  most  of  them  the  legislature  itself 
made  the  choice,  some  entrusted  the  election  to  the  people.  It 
will  be  seen  from  what  follows  that  the  tendency  to  the  sys- 
tem of  popular  election  was  not  strong  at  first ;  but  in  Mon- 
roe's time  it  became  general.  When  the  election  of  1824  took 
place  three  fourths  of  the  State  legislatures  had  renounced  the 
privilege  of  appointment.  During  the  whole  period  prior  to 
1824  there  were  numerous  cases  of  the  resumption  of  the'right 
of  choice  directly,  by  the  legislatures  of  States  in  which  a 
political  advantage  was  to  be  gained  by  so  doing.  At  the 
election  of  1828,  in  Delaware  and  South  Carolina  alone  were 
the  electors  chosen  by  legislature.  South  Carolina  clung  to 
that  method  of  appointment  until  the  civil  war.  Another 
change  in  the  mode  of  appointment  accompanied  or  followed 
that  just  mentioned.  Originally,  in  most  of  the  States  where 
the  popular  system  prevailed,  each  voter  cast  his  ballot  for 
three  electors  —  two  for  the  State  at  large,  and  one  for  the  con- 
gressional district  in  which  he  resided.  But  politicians  soon 
discovered  that  the  weight  of  the  State's  influence  was  in- 
creased by  a  general  election  of  the  whole  number,  by  the  plan 
known  in  France  as  the  scrutin  de  liste.  As  soon  as  a  few  of 
the  States  had  adopted  this  method  it  was  necessary  for  the 
rest  to  do  the  same,  for  self-protection.  Maryland  was  the 
last  State  to  give  up  the  district  system,  which  she  did  after 
the  election  of  1832.  Since  then  no  State  has  reverted  to  it, 
with  one  exception,  namely,  Michigan  in  1892.  The  party 
accidentally  in  power  adopted  this  device  with  the  express  pur- 
pose of  dividing  the  electoral  vote  of  the  State,  which  it  had 
no  hope  of  obtaining  upon  a  general  popular  vote.  It  is  in 
this  feature  that  the  electoral  plan  of  1787  fails  most  conspic- 
uously. The  general  ticket  greatly  increases  the  power  of  the 
large  States.  Since  the  first  election  of  Jackson,  when  it 
became  the  usual  rule  of  election,  no  President  has  been  chosen 
in  opposition  to  the  vote  of  both  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
and  but  four  in  opposition  to  the  vote  of  either  of  them. 
Nevertheless,  it  cannot  be  asserted  that  the  general  result 
would  have  been  different  in  many  cases,  if  the  district  method 
of  election  had  prevailed  universally.      Gerrymandering  might 


16  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

effect  almost  as  much  as  the  general  ticket.  Inasmuch  as  the 
power  to  choose  between  the  district  and  the  general  ticket 
system  rests  exclusively  with  the  legislatures,  and  since  the 
evil  —  whatever  it  may  be  —  can  be  reached  by  amendment  of 
the  Constitution  only,  the  plan  adopted  will  undoubtedly  con- 
tinue in  use. 

Since  the  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President  are  state 
officers,  whose  appointment  is  certified  by  the  governor ;  who 
meet,  discharge  their  one  duty,  and  adjourn,  within  the  State 
and  under  state  authority,  it  follows  that  a  fraud  perpetrated 
with  the  connivance  of  the  chief  officers  of  a  State  is  subject 
to  no  effective  revision.  Unfortunately  there  have  been  too 
many  instances  of  subversion  of  the  will  of  the  people  by 
fraudulent  elections,  falsified  returns,  and  disfranchisement  of 
citizens  by  rejection  of  their  legal  votes,  to  admit  of  this  be- 
ing regarded  as  a  fanciful  danger.  Indeed,  it  may  be  asserted 
that  from  the  time  of  the  Plaquemines  affair  in  1844  to  the 
present  time  there  have  been  few  presidential  elections  which 
are  not  believed  by  members  of  one  party  or  another  to  be 
tainted  with  electoral  frauds.  So  long  as  the  elections  are 
under  state  control  this  evil  is  beyond  remedy.  To  introduce 
the  system  of  popular  election  of  the  President  would  not  be  a 
cure,  even  in  appearance.  Moreover,  the  jealousy  and  alarm 
that  are  always  excited  by  every  proposition  to  put  elections 
under  national  supervision,  render  the  only  possible  remedy 
wholly  impracticable.  Yet  it  needs  no  argument  to  prove  that 
fraud  which  gives  the  electoral  vote  of  New  York  or  Nevada, 
the  largest  or  the  smallest  State,  to  electors  who  have  not  a 
plurality  of  votes,  and  by  so  doing  changes  the  result  of  the 
presidential  election,  entails  a  political  injury  not  merely  upon 
the  people  of  the  State  whose  will  has  been  nullified,  but 
upon  the  whole  country.  The  wrong  must  go  unpunished 
and  unredressed,  because  there  is  no  appeal  from  the  acts  of 
state  authority.  There  was  no  apprehension  of  such  wrong 
when  the  Constitution  was  framed;  but  it  has  been  suffered, 
repeatedly,  if  not  frequently.  In  1876  a  complication  of  elec- 
toral disorders  and  controversies,  in  which  neither  party  was 
innocent,  brought  the  country  to  the  verge  of  a  terrible  crisis. 
It  would  be  sheer  optimism  to  believe  that  evils  equally  peril- 
ous to  peace  will  not  occur  hereafter. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  Republic  most  of  the  States  re- 
quired election  to  all  offices  by  a  majority  of  votes ;  and  when 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  17 

no  candidate  had  more  than  a  plurality,  a  fresh  election  was 
held,  and  repeated  until  a  majority  appeared.  At  that  time 
it  would  have  been  thought  a  peril  to  the  Republic,  had  any 
candidate  for  President,  elected  under  a  popular  system,  ob- 
tained the  office  supported  by  less  than  a  majority  of  the 
people.  It  is  needless  to  repeat  that  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution  required  a  majority  of  electoral  votes,  represent- 
ing the  States  as  units  in  the  Federal  Union  ;  or  failing  that, 
a  majority  of  States  represented  in  the  lower  House  of  Con- 
gress. In  practice  almost  every  President  since  Polk  —  the 
first  on  the  list  —  has  had  less  than  a  majority  of  all  the 
votes.  The  exceptions  are  Pierce,  Lincoln  (in  1864),  Grant 
at  both  his  elections,  and  McKinley.  Two  Presidents  entered 
office  backed  by  less  than  a  plurality  of  popular  votes :  Hayes, 
and  Benjamin  Harrison.  Even  this  cannot  be  deemed  an 
argument  for  a  change  from  the  present  electoral  system, 
unless  we  are  to  abandon  altogether  the  principle  of  elec- 
tion by  States  and  adopt  that  of  election  by  a  plurality  of 
individuals. 

One  phase  of  the  practical  working  of  the  electoral  system 
should,  in  conclusion,  be  mentioned  and  examined.  It  is 
customary  for  the  newspapers,  after  each  election,  to  draw 
attention,  in  the  tone  of  an  alarmist,  to  the  fact  that  the 
change  of  a  certain  small  number  of  votes  from  one  candidate 
to  another  in  a  few  States,  would  have  given  the  election  to 
that  second  candidate.  The  successful  party  in  the  contest 
of  1896  affected,  to  an  unusual  degree,  to  regard  the  result 
as  a  narrow  escape,  and  the  defeated  party  mourned  that  it 
missed  a  victory  by  so  small  a  margin.  Yet,  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  Mr.  McKinley  was  the  first  President  since  1872  to 
receive  a  clear  majority  of  votes ;  and  he  also  had  a  larger 
electoral  majority  than  any  President  during  the  same  period, 
except  Mr.  Cleveland  at  his  second  election.  The  answer  to 
the  ever-repeated  arithmetical  speculation  is  that  the  votes 
never  do  have  a  tendency  to  redistribute  themselves'  in  the 
way  suggested.  One  election  does  not  resemble  another ;  but 
the  tendency  in  one  State  at  any  given  election  is  substan- 
tially the  same  as  in  other  States.  It  increases  the  ma- 
jority of  the  winning  party  in  its  own  States ;  it  carries  some 
States  over  to  the  opposition ;  it  reduces  majorities  in  the 
States  held  by  the  losing  party,  —  these  changes  all  being, 
at  any  election,  in  the  same  direction.     It  appears  that  some- 


18  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

thing  less  than  nineteen  thousand  votes  transferred  from 
McKinley  to  Bryan  in  the  States  of  California,  Delaware, 
Indiana,  Kentucky,  Oregon,  and  West  Virginia,  would  have 
given  Bryan  the  election.  It  is  overlooked  that  five  of  the 
six  States  named  were  gained  by  the  Republicans  from  the 
Democrats,  since  they  were  carried  by  Mr.  Cleveland  in  1892 ; 
and  that  the  change  was  a  part  of  the  movement  which  gave 
McKinley  his  election.  It  would  have  required  a  change  of 
8772  votes  in  Indiana  to  transfer  that  State  from  the  Re- 
publican to  the  Democratic  column.  Since  similar  causes 
produce  similar  effects,  we  must  suppose  that  in  other  States 
as  well  as  in  Indiana,  the  Republicans  would  have  lost  2.7 
per  cent,  of  their  vote,  and  the  Democrats  gained  2.9  per  cent. 
That  change  throughout  the  country  would  have  reduced 
McKinley's  plurality  by  about  360,000  votes.  Applying  to 
the  whole  country  the  proportional  change  needed  to  give  the 
vote  of  Delaware  to  Bryan,  the  position  of  the  two  candidates 
would  be  almost  exactly  reversed ;  Bryan  would  have  a  plu- 
rality of  more  than  600,000.  This  statement  suggests  strongly 
that  the  result  in  a  single  State  cannot  be  dissociated  from  the 
result  in  other  States.  It  is  interesting  as  an  arithmetical  fact 
that  twenty  thousand  voters,  carefully  located,  might  have  re- 
versed the  verdict  of  1896 ;  but  as  a  political  fact  it  is  value- 
less, and  has  no  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  practical 
working  of  the  electoral  system. 

Almost  identical  conditions,  it  may  also  be  observed,  are 
found  to  exist  at  every  election.  In  1892,  Mr.  Cleveland  had 
277  electoral  votes  to  145  for  Mr.  Harrison  —  a  larger  excess 
than  that  of  McKinley  over  Bryan  in  1896.  A  change  of 
26,000  votes  in  California,  Delaware,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kansas, 
North  Dakota,  and  Wisconsin,  would  have  given  Harrison  226 
votes,  and  an  election.  In  1888  a  change  of  7200  votes  in 
New  York  alone  would  have  elected  Cleveland  over  Harrison. 
A  change  of  600  votes  in  New  York,  in  1884,  would  have 
elected  Blaine  over  Cleveland.  Garfield  might  have  been 
defeated  in  1880  by  the  loss  to  Hancock  of  10,517  votes  in 
New  York,  or  by  the  loss  of  11,452  votes  in  Maine,  New 
Hampshire,  Connecticut,  Indiana,  and  Oregon.  Hayes,  but 
for  circumstances  favoring  him,  might  have  been  replaced  by 
Tilden  without  the  loss  of  one  popular  vote.  A  study  of  the 
tables  of  popular  votes  in  the  following  pages  will  reveal  many 
similar   facts,  even  back  to  1836,  when  a   slight  change  in 


THE  ELECTORAL  SYSTEM  19 

Pennsylvania  would  have  compelled  Van  Buren  to  seek  his 
election  from  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  appears,  then, 
that  the  situation  in  1896-  was  nothing  unusual,  nor  one  to 
give  the  victors  a  lugubrious  thrill,  and  the  defeated  a  regretful 
sigh  for  what  might  have  been.  It  is  ordinarily  the  case  at 
every  election  that  some  precincts,  districts,  counties,  or  States 
are  carried  by  the  victorious  party  by  narrow  margins  ;  and  it 
is  those  which  make  the  difference  between  victory  and  defeat. 
That  the  same  thing  is  true  of  our  Presidential  elections  is  not 
a  good  ground  for  criticism  of  the  electoral  system. 

Summing  up  the  merits  and  faults  of  the  system  as  modified 
by  experience,  we  may  at  least  say  this  :  that  it  has  almost  always 
resulted  in  giving  effect  to  the  popular  will,  as  well  as  to  the 
will  of  the  States  —  which  was  what  it  was  designed  to  do. 
The  restlessness  which  advocates  radical  change  in  any  institu- 
tion that  has  turned  out  not  to  be  perfect,  without  due  consid- 
eration of  fresh  evils  that  may  be  introduced  by  the  reform, 
has  devised  many  substitutes  for  the  system  which  exists.  Yet 
every  substantial  evil  that  has  been  experienced  under  the 
electoral  clauses  of  the  Constitution  was  introduced  by  politi- 
cians for  party  purposes,  and  might  be  cured  —  granting  the 
desire  to  cure  it  —  without  altering  these  clauses.  If  any 
scheme  can  be  presented  which  politicians  might  not  pervert, 
it  may  be  well  to  consider  it. 


n 

THE  FIRST  ELECTION 

It  was  provided  by  the  Constitution' of  the  United  States 
that  u  the  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall 
be  sufficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between 
the  States  so  ratifying  the  same."  The  Constitution  was 
adopted  September  17,  1787.  Before  the  close  of  the  year  it 
had  been  ratified  by  the  conventions  of  three  States.  Two 
other  States  came  to  its  support  in  January,  1788,  one  in 
February,  one  in  April,  and  one  in  May,  bringing  the  number 
up  to  eight.  New  Hampshire  had  the  honor  of  giving  the 
ninth  vote,  which  made  the  Constitution  effective,  on  June 
21 ;  Virginia  followed  closely  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month ; 
and  New  York  yielded,  after  a  memorable  and  bitter  struggle, 
on  July  26.  The  States  of  North  Carolina  and  Rhode  Island 
refused  their  assent  to  the  Constitution,  and  adhered  to  the  re- 
fusal until  Congress  had  proposed  a  series  of  twelve  amend- 
ments, ten  of  which  were  adopted.  Neither  of  the  two  States 
participated  in  the  first  election. 

The  Constitution  having  become  operative,  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation,  in  obedience  both  to  the 
advice  of  the  Convention  of  1787  and  to  its  own  resolution,  to 
fix  the  time  when  the  new  government  should  come  into 
being.  A  long  and  dreary  discussion  as  to  the  place  where 
the  seat  of  government  should  be,  caused  a  needless  delay  in 
starting  the  machinery,  and,  as  will  be  seen  presently,  has 
resulted  in  a  sudden  stoppage  of  the  legislative  department  on 
a  fixed  day,  every  alternate  year,  for  more  than  a  century.  It 
was  not  until  September  13,  1788,  —  New  York  City  having 
at  last  been  chosen  as  the  temporary  seat  of  government,  — 
that  a  resolution  was  passed,  reciting  in  a  preamble  that  a 
sufficient  number  of  States  had  ratified  the  Constitution,  and 
directing  that  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President  should 
be  appointed  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  January,  1789,  that 
they  should  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  give  in  their 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION  21 

votes  on  the  first  Wednesday  in  February,  and  that  the  new 
Congress  should  meet  in  New  York  on  the  first  Wednesday  in 
March.  The  people  everywhere  had  become  impatient  at  the 
tardy  action  of  Congress,  and  hailed  this  resolution  with  great 
satisfaction. 

Nevertheless,  the  time  allowed  them  was  exceedingly  short. 
During  the  year  that  elapsed  between  the  promulgation  of  the 
Constitution  by  the  Convention,  and  the  summons  to  the  first 
political  action  under  it,  no  preparations  whatever  had  been 
made  for  an  election.  If  it  cannot  be  asserted  positively  that 
no  state  legislature  had  passed  a  law  providing  foT  the  election 
of  Representatives  and  the  appointment  of  electors,  prior  to 
the  adoption  of  the  resolution  of  Congress  just  referred  to,  it 
is  nevertheless  believed  that  this  is  the  fact.  Indeed,  it  must 
have  seemed  to  most  people  futile  to  pass  laws  providing  for 
elections  under  a  Constitution  that  was  bitterly  opposed,  and 
that  might  never  go  into  effect.  It  may  well  be  doubted  if 
Congress  would  have  directed  the  establishment  of  a  govern- 
ment in  the  nine  States  which  first  ratified  the  Constitution,  if 
Virginia  and  New  York  had  not  been  included  in  the  number. 

Even  in  these  days  of  railroads  and  telegraphs  a  period  of 
four  months  would  be  a  short  time  in  which  to  do  all  that  was 
to  be  done  between  September  13  and  January  7.  The  legis- 
latures were  to  be  summoned,  laws  were  to  be  passed  to 
provide  for  elections,  and  candidates  for  the  new  positions 
were  to  be  canvassed  and  chosen.  At  that  time  communi- 
cation was  slow.  Intelligence  of  the  resolution  of  Congress 
would  hardly  reach  some  of  the  distant  state  capitals  in  two 
weeks.  The  governor  must  then  issue  his  proclamation  sum- 
moning the  legislature,  and  here  again  allowance  had  to  be 
made  both  for  the  slowness  of  mails  in  notifying  members  in 
the  remote  regions  of  the  State,  and  for  the  time  they  must 
necessarily  consume  in  travelling  to  the  capital.  All  this  be- 
fore a  discussion,  perhaps  prolonged,  as  to  the  manner  in  which 
electors  should  be  appointed ;  and,  if  it  should  be  determined 
to  give  the  people  the  privilege  of  choosing  them,  all  the  pre- 
parations for  a  popular  election.  It  seems  to  have  been  gener- 
ally inferred  from  the  shortness  of  the  time  allowed,  that 
Congress  intended  that  the  legislatures  themselves  should 
make  the  choice.  "  It  is  evident,"  wrote  a  newspaper  corre- 
spondent at  Philadelphia,  on  October  1,  1788,  "  that  Congress 
construe  the  Constitution  that  the  legislatures  of  the  several 


22  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

States,  not  the  people,  are  to  choose  the  electors,  as  that  body 
has  ordered  the  choice  of  said  electors  to  be  on  the  first 
Wednesday  of  January,  and  their  meeting  for  the  choice  of 
President  four  weeks  later.  Por  if  the  people,  as  hath  been 
asserted,  are  to  choose  the  electors,  is  it  possible  that  in  the 
large  States  of  Massachusetts,  Virginia,  etc.,  the  returns  can  be 
made  for  the  choice,  notice  given  ^o  the  persons  chosen,  and 
the  persons  thus  chosen  have  time  to  meet  together  in  the 
short  space  of  one  month  ?  No,  it  is  impossible,  and  can 
only  be  remedied  by  the  legislature,  who,  in  fact,  are  '  the 
States  '  making  the  choice." 

In  five  of  the  eleven  States  entitled  to  participate  in  the 
election  the  governors  did  not  summon  the  legislature  in  time 
to  provide  for  an  election  by  the  people,  and  thus  they  virtu- 
ally required  the  legislature  to  make  the  appointment.  These 
States  were  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  South  Caro- 
lina, and  Georgia.  The  proceedings  in  some  of  the  other 
States  were  interesting.  The  legislature  of  New  Hampshire 
assembled  on  the  5th  of  November  and  passed  an  act  for  the 
election  of  representatives  and  electors  on  the  third  Monday  in 
December  (the  15th).  The  people  were  to  bring  in  their  votes 
for  five  electors,  the  full  number  to  which  the  State  was  en- 
titled. The  votes  were  to  be  returned  to  the  legislature,  which 
was  to  be  in  session  at  the  beginning  of  January ;  "  and  the 
persons  having  a  majority  of  votes  shall,  on  the  first  Wednes- 
day of  January  next,  be  duly  appointed  and  declared  elected." 
In  case  the  whole  or  any  of  the  electors  should  not  be  chosen 
by  a  majority,  then  the  General  Court  was  to  choose  as  many 
as  might  be  wanting,  from  double  that  number  of  the  candi- 
dates, having  the  highest  number  of  votes.  No  elector  re- 
ceived a  majority,  and  it  became  the  duty  of  the  General  Court 
to  appoint  a  full  list.  The  law  had  not  prescribed  the  method 
of  choice,  and  the  two  branches  had  great  difficulty  in  coming 
to  terms.  The  Senate  claimed  equal  power  with  the  House 
of  Representatives  in  the  appointment ;  the  House  insisted 
upon  a  joint  ballot.  The  contest  was  prolonged  far  into  the 
night,  the  House  stubbornly  refusing  to  admit  the  pretension 
of  the  Senate  to  a  full  negative  upon  its  action.  "  The  obser- 
vations made  by  the  members  of  the  Senate,  relative  to  their 
prerogative,"  writes  one  reporter,  quoted  by  the  Hartford 
"  Courant,"  "  were  pertinent,  manly,  and  firm  —  those  of  the 
House,  ingenious,  deep,  and  well-digested."     It  is  not  easy  to 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION  23 

decide  between  two  sets  of  adjectives  so  well  balanced,  which 
branch  of  the  General  Court  had  the  better  of  the  argument. 
Shortly  before  midnight,  in  order  that  the  vote  of  the  State 
might  not  be  lost  to  Washington,  "the  Great  American  Fa- 
bius,"  the  House  yielded,  with  a  protest  against  its  action 
being  regarded  as  a  precedent,  and  concurred  in  the  list  of 
electors  chosen  by  the  Senate.      They  were  all  Federalists. 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Massachusetts  General  Court  was 
not  unlike  that  of  New  Hampshire.  The  people  in  each  repre- 
sentative district  were  to  vote  for  two  persons,  inhabitants  of 
the  district.  From  the'two  persons  in  each  district  having 
the  highest  number  of  votes  the  General  Court  chose  one ;  and 
it  also  chose,  independently,  two  electors  at  large.  The  law 
prescribed  that  the  choice  should  be  by  joint  ballot. 

The  vote  of  New  York  was  lost.  The  two  branches  of  the 
legislature  fell  into  a  contest  almost  precisely  like  that  in  New 
Hampshire.  The  Assembly  was  willing  to  divide  the  electors 
with  the  Senate,  when  objection  was  made  to  its  original  pro- 
position of  a  joint  ballot.  The  Senate  refused  to  agree  to  any 
plan  which  did  not  give  it  a  full  negative  upon  the  action  of 
the  Assembly.  The  time  for  action  was  wasted  in  bitter  con- 
tention. New  York  was  not  enthusiastic  over  the  new  Con- 
stitution, and  many  members  of  the  legislature  were  rather 
glad  than  sorry  that  the  deadlock  was  not  broken  until  the 
time  for  an  election  had  passed. 

Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  passed  laws  providing 
for  popular  elections,  which  took  place  without  great  excite- 
ment. Not  only  in  these  States,  but  in  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire,  the  vote  was  light.  The  two  parties  were 
made  up  of  those  who  favored  the  Constitution  on  the  one 
hand,  and  those  who  opposed  it  on  the  other.  Political  senti- 
ment seems  to  have  been  largely  one  way  or  the  other  in  each 
community.  Here,  the  Federalists  comprised  nearly  the  whole 
population ;  there,  scarcely  a  Federalist  was  to  be  found. 
There  were. thus  present  none  of  the  elements  necessary  for  a 
great  political  contest.  The  majority  cast  perhaps  a  half  of 
their  possible  vote,  the  minority  hardly  appeared  at  the  polls ; 
in  fact,  they  often  had  no  candidates  in  the  field. 

The  electors  were,  as  the  Constitution  contemplated  that 
they  should  be,  free  agents  in  the  choice  of  President  and  Vice- 
President.  Yet  public  opinion  governed  their  action  to  a 
far  greater  degree  than  might   have  been  anticipated  «*i  the 


21  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

discharge  of  a  perfectly  new  function.  One  name,  indeed, 
came  spontaneously  to  the  thoughts  of  all.  The  newspapers  of 
the  time  and  the  private  letters  of  statesmen  show  that  it  was 
universally  regarded  as  fitting  that  George  Washington  should 
be  President.  As  will  be  seen  presently  a  suggestion  of  an- 
other result  was  made,  but  it  came  not  from  those  who  desired 
the  defeat  of  General  Washington,  but  from  those  who  had  or 
affected  a  fear  that  others  might  desire  it.  So  far  as  can  be 
ascertained,  neither  any  elector  nor  any  considerable  number 
of  the  people  countenanced  opposition  to  Washington.  It  was 
from  the  first  accepted  as  the  obvious  and  proper  course  to  give 
him  a  unanimous  vote.  But  the  electors  were  to  vote  for  two 
persons,  —  he  who  received  the  highest  number,  being  a  major- 
ity, to  be  President ;  the  candidate  who  received  the  next 
highest  number,  whether  a  majority  or  not,  to  be  Vice-Presi- 
dent. Public  opinion  gradually  concentrated  upon  John 
Adams. 

Most  of  the  electors  were,  to  use  one  of  the  phrases  current 
at  the  time,  men  of  "  strong  federal  opinions,"  and  it  was  but 
natural  that  they  should  desire  to  support  a  candidate  who, 
like  themselves,  favored  the  new  Constitution.  Since  the 
President  was  a  citizen  of  a  Southern  State,  it  was  deemed 
just  to  take  the  Vice-President  from  the  North.  These  con- 
siderations, restricting  the  choice,  were  recognized  early  in  the 
discussion.  Hamilton  was  a  most  conspicuous  leader  of  Feder- 
alist opinion  ;  but  he  had  not  attained  the  age  of  thirty-five 
years,  and  therefore  was  not  eligible  to  the  office.  A  candidate 
from  New  England  was  indicated  as  desirable.  The  names  of 
Governor  Hancock,  Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  and  General 
Henry  Knox,  were  canvassed.  Knox  was  a  soldier,  like  Wash- 
ington, and  was  speedily  rejected  as  a  candidate.  It  was 
deemed  necessary  that  Hancock  should  remain  in  the  position 
of  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  Samuel  Adams  had  been  an 
opponent  of  the  Constitution  at  the  outset,  and  although  he 
had  subsequently  advocated  it,  his  early  attitude  on  the  ques- 
tion rendered  him  an  unsuitable  candidate.  John  Adams  re- 
mained,—  at  least  as  conspicuous  a  figure  in  public  life  as 
any  man  in  New  England,  qualified  both  by  his  talents  and 
by  his  experience  for  the  highest  place,  and  open  to  none  of 
the  objections  cited  against  the  other  Massachusetts  candidates. 
He  was  a  civilian ;  he  would  vacate  no  office  where  his  ser- 
vices were  needed,  by  becoming  Vice-President  j  and  he  had 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION  25 

written  a  book  in  defence  of  the  Constitution.  Moreover,  his 
public  services  for  many  years,  not  the  least  of  which  had  just 
been,  rendered  as  minister  to  England,  and  had  ended  not 
many  months  before  in  a  dignified  retirement,  made  him  seem 
to  most  Federalists  a  peculiarly  acceptable  candidate.  The  sen- 
timents of  the  friends  of  the  Constitution  are  well  set  forth  in 
an  article  in  a  Philadelphia  paper  under  date  of  October  8, 
1788,  three  months  prior  to  the  choice  of  electors :  — 

The  electors  of  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  part  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania  are  to  meet  in  the  borough  of 
Reading,  where  it  is  universally  hoped  and  expected  that  one  more 
tribute  of  merited  approbation  will  be  given  to  George  Washing- 
ton, Esq.,  by  their  unanimous  suffrages.  Of  the  several  respected 
candidates  in  nomination  for  Vice-President,  circumstances  seem 
most  in  favor  of  John  Adams,  Esq.  While  the  conciliating  talents 
of  Governor  Hancock,  and  the  attachment  to  him  that  prevails  in 
Massachusetts,  render  him  necessary  to  the  peace  of  New  England, 
Mr.  Adams  is  perfectly  at  leisure  to  fill  a  seat  for  which  nature, 
education,  and  the  experience  of  several  years  and  various  courts 
in  Europe  have  eminently  and  peculiarly  qualified  him. 

Nevertheless  there  was  another  side  of  the  question.  Adams's 
relations  to  Washington  during  the  Revolutionary  war  had 
been  such  that  doubt  was  entertained  if  he  would  be  accept- 
able to  Washington.  To  an  inquiry  on  this  point  there  had 
come  from  Mount  Vernon  a  cautious  reply  that  — 

Having  taken  it  for  granted  that  the  person  elected  for  that 
important  place  would  be  a  true  Federalist,  in  that  case  he  was 
altogether  disposed  to  acquiesce  in  the  prevailing  sentiments  of 
the  electors,  without  giving  any  unbecoming  preference,  or  incur- 
ring any  unnecessary  ill-will. 

Hamilton  was  consulted.  He  had  generalized  upon  what 
he  had  seen  of  Mr.  Adams ;  and  while  admitting  the  merits 
of  that  gentleman,  had  an  almost  prophetic  foresight  of  the 
political  woes  that  would  be  caused  by  the  infirmities  of  his 
temper.  "  On  the  whole,"  he  wrote,  "  I  have  concluded  to 
support  him."  It  is  impossible  to  say  how  much  of  American 
history  would  have  been  changed  had  Hamilton  followed  this 
resolution  without  modification.  His  distrust  and  misgivings 
led  him  to  take  a  step  which  aroused  the  resentment  of  Adams 
and  wounded  his  vanity.  When  we  reflect  how  many  of 
the  acts  of  Adams  which  led  to  his  defeat  and  the  rout  of  the 


26  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Federalist  party  are  to  be  ascribed  directly  to  his  rancor  toward 
Hamilton,  we  seem  almost  to  make  the  political  history  of  the 
country  for  more  than  a  generation  turn  on  a  trivial  circum- 
stance. 

Although  in  all  the  newspaper  references  to  the  coming 
election,  —  one  of  which  is  quoted  above,  —  Mr.  Adams  was 
spoken  of  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  that  gentleman 
did  not  so  regard  himself,  but  rather  as  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  If  he  received  more  votes  than  Washington,  he 
would  be  President ;  if  the  votes  were  equal,  the  House  of 
Representatives  would  choose  one  of  the  two.  He  showed 
plainly  that  he  regarded  his  own  merits  as  equal  to  those  of 
Washington.  Hamilton's  offence  was  that  he  also  foresaw 
the  possibility  that  Adams's  vote  would  be  equal  to  Wash- 
ington's, and  took  measures  to  prevent  it.  After  the  event 
it  was  clear  that  there  had  never  been  any  danger;  but  it 
does  not,  by  any  means,  follow  that  Hamilton  was  over- 
anxious and  officious.  There  was  an  understanding  that  the 
New  York  opponents  of  the  Constitution  would  vote  for 
George  Clinton,  and  for  Adams,  or  some  other  than  Washing- 
ton. Ultimately,  as  we  have  seen,  New  York  chose  no  electors. 
It  is  said  in  the  Life  of  Hamilton,  by  his  son,  that  "  for  a  time 
the  pretensions  of  Franklin  "  to  the  presidency  "  were  dis- 
cussed in  private  circles.  But  the  incomparably  superior 
claims  of  Washington  silenced  this  purpose,  which  there  is 
no  evidence  was  encouraged  by  Franklin,  whose  extreme  age 
would  alone  have  presented  an  insuperable  objection."  There 
is  no  evidence  that  Franklin  was  aware  of  the  suggestion.  Yet 
when  such  rumors  were  in  the  air,  it  was  no  more  than  com- 
mon prudence  on  the  part  of  Hamilton  to  do  what  he  could 
to  make  Washington's  election  sure  by  cutting  down  the  vote 
for  Adams.  This,  moreover,  was  not  only  his  right,  but  what 
almost  every  man  in  the  country  except  Adams  would  thank 
him  for  accomplishing. 

What  Hamilton  did  was  to  send  word  into  several  States, 
advising  that  a  unanimous  vote  be  given  to  Washington,  and 
that  some  of  the  votes  which  would  naturally  go  to  Adams 
be  scattered.  No  doubt  his  advice  was  followed  more  exten- 
sively than  was  needful,  and  more  than  Hamilton  himself 
intended.  If  we  may  take  his  own  word  for  it,  he  did  not 
at  the  time  suppose  that  Mr.  Adams  would  resent  his  action. 
In  his  famous  letter  on  the  character  of  John  Adams,  written 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION 


27 


in  1800,  with  reference  to  the  election  of  1796  and  the  then 
pending  election  which  resulted  in  the  overthrow  of  Adams, 
he  said,  alluding  to  his  interference  in  the  first  contest :  — 

Great  was  my  astonishment  and  equally  great  my  regret,  when, 
afterwards,  I  learned  from  persons  of  unquestionable  veracity  that 
Mr.  Adams  had  complained  of  unfair  treatment  in  not  having 
been  permitted  to  take  an  equal  chance  with  General  Washington, 
by  leaving  the  votes  to  an  uninfluenced  current. 

No  statement  was  ever  made,  so  far  as  is  known,  how  much 
of  the  scattering  vote  was  due  to  Hamilton's  advice.  It  is 
not  difficult  to  attribute  the  seven  votes  given  to  other  candi- 
dates by  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey  electors  to  his  influence. 
Those  of  Virginia  seem  rather  anti-Federal  than  Hamiltonian 
vagaries.  At  all  events,  the  long  list  of  scattering  votes  shows 
how  little  reason  there  was  for  Hamilton's  fears. 

Under  the  Constitution  the  thirteen  States  were  entitled  to 
sixty-five  representatives  and  twenty-six  senators ;  and  conse- 
quently to  ninety-one  electoral  votes.  Rhode  Island  and 
North  Carolina,  with  three  and  seven  votes,  respectively,  had 
not  adopted  the  Constitution ;  the  eight  votes  of  New  York 
were  lost ;  and  two  electors  of  Maryland  and  two  of  Virginia 
failed  to  appear  on  the  day  of  voting  —  the  4th  of  February. 
It  was  explained  that  the  ice  in  the  rivers  and  bay  prevented 
one  of  the  absent  Maryland  electors  from  attending,  and  gout 
held  the  other  at  home.  The  electoral  votes  were  sixty-nine 
in  number,  and  were  cast 'as  follows:  — 


States. 

§ 

1 

1 

► 

a 

1 

« 
6 

00 

i 

< 

1 

d 

I 

a 

a 

s 
H 

"3 

s 

1 

CO 

1 

a 

1 

i 

1 

d 
| 

W 
W 

1 

i 

6 
6 

j 

5 

0 

I 

3 
3 

& 

a 

1 

6 
6 

J 

i 

a 
3 

►"9 

2 
2 

60 

1 

< 

9) 

B 
I 

1 
1 

i 

1 
1 

d 

o 

s 

a 

1 

s 

M 

New  Hampshire 
Massachusetts 
Connecticut     . 
New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware     .     . 
Maryland     .    . 
Virginia .     .     . 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .     .     . 

Total    .     .     . 

5 
10 

7 
6 

10 
3 
6 

10 
7 
5 

69 

5 
10 
5 
1 

8 

5 
34 

2 
2 

5 
3 

9 

2 

1 
1 

4 

1 

r 

28  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

It  may  be  well  to  note  that,  excepting  John  Jay  and  George 
Clinton,  of  New  York,  and  John  Hancock  of  Massachusetts, 
all  the  U  scattering "  candidates  for  Vice-President  were 
"  favorite  sons "  of  the  States  which  gave  them  votes. 
Georgia,  in  particular,  distinguished  itself  by  discovering  four 
of  its  own  citizens  worthy  to  be  placed  second  to  Washing- 
ton. 

The  consummation  of  the  election  of  General  Washington 
was  an  occasion  of  solemn  joy  throughout  the  country.  The 
accounts  of  the  voting  are  meagre.  One  description  only  of 
the  scene  has  been  found.  In  Massachusetts  the  electors  had 
their  ballots,  for  Washington  and  Adams,  prepared  before 
they  came  together.  Having  organized,  they  voted  quickly 
and  adjourned.  "  There  was  not  a  word  spoken,"  reports 
the  Worcester  "  Spy,"  "  except  in  the  choice  of  a  chairman." 
Many  of  the  newspapers  expressed  their  feelings  in  the  ex- 
uberant  rhetoric  of  the  day,  when  the  election  had  taken  place. 
Here  is  one  example  from  Baltimore :  — 

The  important  day  in  the  annals  of  America  is  past,  which 
conferred  on  a  single  citizen  those  sovereign  powers  that  require 
to  be  placed  in  one  person,  in  order  to  render  a  nation  happy  in 
peace,  and  prosperous  in  war.  Perhaps  that  day  has  exhibited 
what  has  never  happened  before  in  any  part  of  the  globe ;  above 
three  millions  of  people,  scattered  over  a  country  of  vast  extent, 
of  opposite  habits  and  different  manners,  all  fixing  their  hopes 
on  the  same  man,  and  unanimously  voting  for  him  only,  without 
the  intervention  of  force,  artifice,  plan,  or  concert.  With  what 
delight  will  the  lover  of  mankind  dwell  on  this  period  of  history 
and  cherish  the  memory  of  a  people,  who  could  thus  feel  and  thus 
reward  a  life  of  great  and  virtuous  actions  ? 

The  first  Wednesday  in  March  was  the  day  fixed  by  the 
Congress  of  the  Confederation  for  the  meeting  of  the  new 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  It  was  more  than  a  month 
after  that  date,  on  the  6th  of  April,  1789,  that  a  quorum  of 
senators  appeared  in  their  seats.  It  was  nearly  as  difficult  to 
secure  the  acceptance  of  the  senatorial  position  by  suitable 
persons,  as  it  had  been  to  persuade  them  to  discharge  the  far 
less  important  duties  devolved  on  members  of  the  Continental 
Congress ;  and  the  old  vices  of  non-attendance  and  tardy  at- 
tendance were  still  persistent.  Nevertheless,  since  the  fourth 
of  March  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  meeting,  and  since 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION  29 

some  of  the  senators  appeared  in  their  seats  on  that  day,  it 
was  assumed  that  the  whole  government  then  came  into  being. 
Although  Washington  was  not  inaugurated  until  the  30th  day 
of  April,  his  first  term  was  held  to  have  ended  on  the  3d  of 
March,  1793.  The  first  Congress  came  to  an  end  on  the  3d 
of  March,  1791 ;  and  every  Congress  since  then  has  come  to 
its  constitutional  term  on  the  same  day  of  that  month.  A 
more  unfortunate  period  could  not  have  been  chosen,  for  the 
result  has  been  that  every  alternate  session  is  virtually  limited 
to  three  months'  duration.  An  earlier  ratification  of  the  Con- 
stitution by  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  and  New  York,  and 
greater  promptness  on  the  part  of  Congress,  might  have  carried 
the  day  of  the  birth  of  the  government  back  to  December ; 
and  there  might  have  been  two  sessions  of  full  length.  Or 
if  the  first  Congress  had  taken  the  view  that  its  term  began 
when  it  completed  its  organization,  that  would  have  given  a 
month  more  of  time  for  the  short  session.  Some  half-hearted 
attempts  have  been  made  during  the  century  to  change  the 
system  which  so  greatly  hampers  and  hurries  Congress ;  but 
no  action  in  that  direction  has  ever  been  taken. 

As  soon  as  a  quorum  of  senators  was  in  attendance,  imme- 
diate steps  were  taken  for  inducting  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  into  office.  John  Langdon,  a  senator  from  New 
Hampshire,  was  elected  "  president  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
opening  and  counting  the  votes  for  President  of  the  United 
States."  A  message  was  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
apprising  that  body  of  the  presence  of  a  quorum  and  of  the 
temporary  organization,  "  and  that  the  Senate  is  now  ready  in 
the  Senate  Chamber  to  proceed,  in  the  presence  of  the  House, 
to  discharge  that  duty ;  and  that  the  Senate  have  appointed 
one  of  their  members  to  sit  at  the  clerk's  table  to  make  a  list 
of  the  votes  as  they  shall  be  declared,  submitting  it  to  the 
wisdom  of  the  House  to  appoint  one  or  more  of  their  members 
for  the  like  purpose." 

The  House  appointed  two  tellers,  and,  having  given  notice 
to  the  Senate  of  its  readiness  to  join  that  body,  proceeded  to 
the  Senate  Chamber.  The  President  of  the  Senate  opened 
and  counted  the  vote.  The  Journal  of  the  Senate  reads 
that  — 

The  Speaker  and  the  House  of  Representatives  attended  in  the 
Senate  Chamber,  and  the  president  elected  for  the  purpose  of 
counting  the  votes  declared  the  Senate  and  House  of  Represents 


30  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

tives   had   met,  and  that  he,  in  their  presence,  had  opened  and 
counted  the  votes  of  the  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  which  were  as  follows  :  [The  table  given 
above  is  here  inserted.] 
Whereby  it  appeared  that 

George  Washington,  Esq.,  was  elected  President,  and 
John  Adams,  Esq.,   Vice-President,  of  the   United   States  of 
America. 

Notification  to  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  their 
election  was  sent  by  the  Senate  by  special  messengers,  and 
great  preparations  were  made  for  the  first  inauguration.  The 
journeys  of  Mr.  Adams  and  General  Washington  —  for  Adams's 
was  first  in  point  of  time  —  were  like  a  triumphal  progress. 
The  Vice-President  elect  "  sat  out  from  Braintree,"  his  home, 
escorted  by  the  Roxbury  troop  of  horse  to  Boston,  where  the 
cavalcade  was  received  by  a  throng  of  applauding  citizens, 
amid  the  ringing  of  the  bells  of  the  town.  After  a  collation 
in  his  honor  given  by  Governor  John  Hancock,  another 
military  company  became  his  escort  to  Charlestown,  and 
through  Cambridge  to  Marlborough,  where  still  another  troop 
was  waiting  to  receive  him  and  accompany  him  on  his  way. 
The  details  of  his  journey  through  Connecticut  are  not  pre- 
served ;  but  he  was  met  at  the  New  York  State  line  by  the 
Light  Horse  of  Westchester  County,  and  escorted  to  the  city. 
On  April  21  he  was  introduced  to  the  Senate.  President 
Langdon  left  the  chair  and  addressed  Mr.  Adams  in  a  speech 
of  congratulation  ;  and  then  the  Vice-President  took  the  chair 
and  made  a  speech  in  reply.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that 
although  he  presided  over  the  Senate  thereafter,  he  did  not 
take  the  oath  of  office  until  June  2.  The  Constitution  pre- 
scribes a  form  of  oath  for  the  President,  but  not  for  other  offi- 
cers of  the  government.  The  act  prescribing  an  oath  of  office 
was  passed  by  Congress,  and  signed  by  the  President  on  the 
first  of  June. 

The  journey  of  General  Washington  was  much  longer  than 
Mr.  Adams's,  and  was  far  more  noteworthy  for  the  popular 
demonstrations  of  love  and  devotion.  Along  the  whole  route 
he  was  greeted  as  only  the  sovereign  of  the  people's  hearts 
could  be  greeted.  His  progress  from  the  New  Jersey  shore 
and  his  arrival  in  New  York  formed  a  fitting  culmination  of  a 
journey,  the  like  of  which  has  never  been  seen  on  this  con- 
tinent.    The  ceremonies  of  inauguration  soon  followed,  on  the 


THE  FIRST  ELECTION  31 

30th  of  April.  In  the  morning  at  nine  o'clock,  the  people 
assembled  in  their  respective  churches  for  services  of  prayer 
for  the  success  of  the  new  government  and  the  prosperity  of 
the  President.  At  noon,  Washington  was  escorted  from  his 
house  to  the  federal  statehouse  in  Broad  Street,  where,  upon 
a  balcony  and  in  the  presence  of  a  vast  throng,  the  oath  of 
office  was  administered  by  Chancellor  Livingston.  "  I  swear 
it.  So  help  me,  God !  "  ejaculated  the  first  President.  Then 
while  the  people  shouted  "  Long  live  George  Washington, 
President  of  the  United  States,"  he  retired  within  the  build- 
ing to  the  Senate  Chamber,  where  he  delivered  his  inaugural 
address. 


Ill 

WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED  UNANIMOUSLY 

The  first  administration  was  occupied  chiefly  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  new  government,  with  the  creation  of  departments, 
the  formation  of  a  revenue  system,  an  adjustment  of  the  public 
debt,  and  similar  matters.  Jefferson,  at  the  head  of  the  State 
Department,  and  Hamilton,  at  the  Treasury,  were  the  Presi- 
dent's chief  advisers.  Circumstances  gave  to  the  younger 
man  much  greater  prominence  as  the  constructive  statesman, 
at  this  momentous  period,  than  to  the  author  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  The  fact  that  to  his  department  be- 
longed naturally  the  duty  of  devising  the  financial  measures 
which  were  of  first  importance  ;  the  personal  intimacy  between 
the  President  and  Hamilton  ;  and  Washington's  strong  leaning 
to  the  Federalist  view  of  public  questions  ;  these  all  combined 
to  render  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  conspicuous  and  success- 
ful, and  to  leave  the  Secretary  of  State  in  comparative  obscurity. 
The  line  between  parties  was  more  clearly  defined  than  one 
would  have  expected  it  to  be  in  a  country  which  had  just  been 
consolidated  into  a  nation,  and  which  had  previously  known 
no  political  divisions  save  those  indicated  by  the  terms  "  large 
States,"  "small  States,"  "North,"  and  "South."  Not  a 
few  anti-Federalists  were  elected  to  Congress,  and  formed  the 
nucleus  of  an  active  opposition.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
Jefferson  did  what  he  could  to  thwart  Hamilton  and  to  defeat 
or  modify  the  measures  he  devised,  although  those  measures 
had  the  support  of  the  President,  the  chief  of  both  Secretaries. 
As  governments  are  now  organized,  such  a  course  of  action 
would  be  regarded  as  base  political  treachery.  It  was  not  so 
at  the  time.  The  Secretaries  did  not  form  a  cabinet,  in  the 
modern  sense  of  the  word  ;  Washington  was  not  chosen  Presi- 
dent as  the  candidate  of  a  party  ;  and  being  fully  aware  of 
Jefferson's  dissent  from  the  measures  which  he  himself  wished 
to  be  passed,  he  did  not  intimate  a  desire  for  the  resignation  of 
the  Secretary  of  State. 


WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED  UNANIMOUSLY      33 

Jefferson  therefore  felt  free  to  organize  and  direct  the  party 
in  opposition.  It  happened,  unfortunately  for  Mr.  Adams, 
that  the  Senate  was  closely  divided,  and  that  he  was  required, 
as  Vice-President,  to  give  the  casting  vote  in  favor  of  many  of 
the  most  important  measures  of  legislation  devised  by  Hamil- 
ton. To  no  Vice-President  since  his  time,  it  is  believed,  has 
fallen  so  large  a  share  in  active  legislation.  Mr.  Adams  was 
by  nature  and  conviction  a  Federalist.  He  approved  the  mea- 
sures brought  forward,  and,  in  spite  of  the  grievance  he  had 
against  Hamilton,  loyally  supported  them.  Hamilton  him- 
self, writing  in  the  year  1800,  expressed  his  entire  satisfaction 
with  Mr.  Adams's  course,  and  declared  that  it  had  the  effect 
of  modifying  the  unfavorable  opinion  of  that  gentleman  which 
he  had  previously  entertained.  Indeed,  while  the  canvass  of 
1796  was  in  progress  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Adams,  expressing  a 
strong  interest  in  his  election  ;  he  referred  to  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent at  this  time  as  "  a  firm,  honest,  and  independent  politi- 
cian ; "  and  used  all  his  influence  to  promote  his  success.  But 
Adams's  course  had  the  opposite  effect  with  the  anti-Federal- 
ists. They  could  not  or  would  not  attack  Washington ;  they 
trained  all  their  guns  on  Adams. 

The  French  Revolution  was  approaching  one  of  its  acute 
crises  when  the  presidential  canvass  took  place,  for  the  king 
had  already  been  deposed  when  the  election  took  place,  and 
was  guillotined  before  the  second  inauguration.  The  great 
events  in  France  were  to  have  an  important  influence  upon 
American  politics.  Mr.  Adams  was  the  first  to  suffer.  His 
political  enemies  alighted  upon  some  phrases  in  the  published 
writings  of  the  Vice-President  which,  they  declared,  proved 
him  to  be  in  favor  of  a  monarchy,  to  have  a  liking  for  aristo- 
cracy, and  to  regard  the  Constitution  as  but  a  makeshift  soon 
to  be  discarded  for  the  system  which  they  believed,  or  affected 
to  believe,  he  preferred.  They  rang  the  changes  on  a  passage 
in  which  he  had  extolled  the  working  of  government  by  "  king, 
lords,  and  commons ; "  they  jeered  at  his  reference  to  the 
"  well  born ; "  and  professed  alarm  lest  he  should  be  found 
conspiring  against  the  Constitution  which  he  had  characterized 
as  a  "  promising  essay."  Had  such  attacks  been  made  before 
the  outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution,  it  is  doubtful  if  they 
would  have  caused  anything  but  amusement.  But  now  the 
warm  approval  of  the  uprising  carried  with  it  sympathy  with 
the  sentimental  republicanism  of   the  French   people.      The 


34  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

formality  of  the  republican  court  at  Philadelphia,  the  relations 
between  the  President  and  Congress  which  were  a  distinct  im- 
itation of  those  between  king  and  parliament,  —  none  of  these 
things  had  offended  the  popular  taste  until  sans-culottism 
began  to  triumph  at  Paris.  Now  the  Republicans  —  the  new 
name  adopted  by  the  anti-Federalist  party  —  set  up  the  spectre 
of  monarchy  for  the  express  purpose  of  terrifying  themselves 
into  the  eternal  vigilance  which  is  the  price  of  liberty. 

The  opposition  selected  George  Clinton  of  New  York  as 
their  candidate  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Adams.  The  preliminary 
electioneering  was  carried  on  in  private  letters  between  public 
men,  and  in  communications  in  the  newspapers.  Rufus  King 
wrote  to  Gouverneur  Morris:  "The  opposition  that  now  exists 
arises  from  other  principles  than  those  which  produced  an 
opposition  to  the  Constitution,  and  proceeds  from  that  rivalry 
which  always  has  and  will  prevail  in  a  free  country.  Wash- 
ington and  Adams  will  be  re-chosen  this  winter  :  the  first  with- 
out opposition.  Whether  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Adams  will 
combine  their  opposition  I  consider  as  uncertain.  Should  this 
be  the  case,  Clinton  will  be  their  man.''  "  A  Citizen  "  wrote 
to  the  "  Baltimore  Advertiser  "  that  all  were  in  favor  of  Wash- 
ington, but  that  "  men  who  have  a  sense  of  equality  and  a  dis- 
gust of  supercilious  superiority  are,  *I  am  in  hopes,  linked  as  a 
strong  chain  against  the  Vice-President." 

The  leader  among  the  newspapers  opposing  Adams  was  the 
"National  Gazette,"  of  Philadelphia,  conducted  by  Philip 
Freneau.  Freneau  had  gone  to  Philadelphia  from  New  York, 
on  an  appointment  by  Jefferson  as  translator  to  the  State 
Department,  and  had  established  his  newspaper,  which  became 
the  organ  and  mouthpiece  of  those  who  abused  and  vilified  the 
Federalists  and  their  measures,  and  particularly  of  those  who 
hated  Mr.  Adams.  Although  the  salary  drawn  by  Freneau  from 
the  Government  was  a  pitiful  sum,  his  course  as  a  protege  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  and  as  the  editor  of  the  most  violent  politi- 
cal newspaper  in  opposition  to  the  administration  was  a  public 
scandal.  Both  Freneau  and  Jefferson  refused  to  see  it  in  that 
light.  The  editor  protested  that  his  political  course  was  unin- 
fluenced by  the  secretary,  and  that  his  receipt  of  a  salary  from 
the  government  should  not  hamper  him  or  deter  him  from  ex- 
pressing his  opinions.  Jefferson  said  nothing,  and  left  Fre- 
neau's  defence  to  stand  for  his  own.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
know  whether   Freneau's    sworn    denial    that   Jefferson    had 


WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED  UNANIMOUSLY        35 

directly  or  indirectly  dictated  his  course,  was  absolutely  true 
or  a  disingenuous  but  skillfully  worded  evasion.  Surely  the 
situation,  which  either  of  the  persons  might  have  brought  to  a 
termination  in  a  day,  was  not  defensible.  It  is  equally  cer- 
tain that  Freneau  was  all  the  time  faithfully  serving  Jeffer- 
son's purposes. 

The  other  newspapers  of  the  time  had  strong  political  lean- 
ings one  way  or  the  other,  which  can  be  detected  by  the  pre- 
vailing tone  of  the  communications  printed  by  them.  Yet 
they  admitted  to  their  columns  letters  on  both  sides  of  the 
question  at  issue.  Classical  signatures  were  much  in  vogue. 
A  long  series  of  articles  signed  "  Catullus  "  was  widely  copied. 
That  Hamilton  was  the  author  was  suspected  at  the  time. 
The  letters  are  included  in  Hamilton's  "Works."  The  dis- 
cussion was  carried  on  by  "  Lucius,"  "  Marcus,"  "  Mutius," 
"  Antonius,"  "  Philanthropos,"  and  other  Greeks  and  Romans. 
As  the  close  of  the  canvass  drew  near,  the  virulence  of  party 
hatred  became  more  intense.  The  enemies  of  Mr.  Adams 
brought  out  one  "local  issue"  to  draw  away  a  few  votes. 
Congress  had  passed  a  bill  apportioning  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  after  the  ascertainment  of  population  at  the 
first  census.  There  was  much  bad  feeling  on  this  question. 
The  bill  passed  by  Congress  encountered  the  first  executive 
veto  in  the  history  of  the  government.  Mr.  Adams  had,  in 
the  progress  of  the  measure  through  the  Senate,  given  a  cast- 
ing vote  against  a  ratio  of  one  representative  to  thirty  thousand 
inhabitants.  The  defeat  of  that  ratio  reduced  the  representa- 
tion of  Virginia,  and  enraged  the  people  of  the  State  against 
Adams.  Every  electoral  vote  of  Virginia  was  given  to  Clin- 
ton. 

In  most  of  the  other  States  it  was  a  strictly  party  contest. 
New  England  was  solid  for  Federalism.  New  York  had  been 
carried,  as  before,  by  the  Republicans.  That  is  to  say,  it  was 
counted  for  that  party.  At  the  spring  election  of  1792,  the 
opposing  candidates  for  governor  were  Clinton  and  Jay. 
There  was  a  plurality  of  votes  for  Jay,  but  the  canvassers 
threw  out  the  returns  from  three  counties  and  declared  Clinton 
elected.  Hamilton,  writing  to  assure  Adams  of  a  wish  for 
his  success,  intimated  that  the  method  of  Clinton's  election 
would  not  help  his  canvass  for  the  vice-presidency.  There  is 
no  evidence  that  it  hurt  his  chances.  The  Middle  States  went 
for  Washington  and  Adams.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia 
were  carried  for  Clinton.     This  result  was  to  have  been  antici' 


36  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

pated  in  North  Carolina,  which  had  come  into  the  Federal 
Union  after  the  Constitution  went  into  effect,  and  with  un- 
feigned reluctance. 

It  was  not  until  the  last  session  of  Congress  before  the  elec- 
tion, that  the  following  act  regulating  the  election  of  President 
was  passed.  This  law,  modified  and  amended  from  time  to 
time,  as  will  be  noted  hereafter,  remained  in  force  until  it  was 
superseded  by  the  act  of  1887  :  — 

An  Act  Relative  to  the  Election  of  a  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  and  declaring  the  Officer  who  shall  be  Presi- 
dent in  case  of  Vacancies  in  the  Offices  both  of  President  and 
Vice-President. 

Section  1.  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that,  except  in  cases  of  the  elec- 
tion of  a  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  prior 
to  the  ordinary  period,  as  hereinafter  specified,  electors  shall  be 
appointed  in  each  State  for  the  election  of  a  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  within  thirty-four  days  preceding 
the  first  Wednesday  in  December,  1792,  and  within  thirty-four 
days  preceding  the  first  Wednesday  in  December  in  every  fourth 
year  succeeding  the  last  election,  which  electors  shall  be  equal  to 
the  number  of  senators  and  representatives  to  which  the  several 
States  may  by  law  be  entitled  at  the  time  when  the  President  and 
Vice-President  thus  to  be  chosen  should  come  into  office:  Provided 
always,  that  when  no  apportionment  of  representatives  shall  have 
been  made,  after  any  enumeration,  at  the  time  of  choosing  electors, 
then  the  number  of  electors  shall  be  according  to  the  existing 
apportionment  of  senators  and  representatives. 

Sec.  2.  That  the  electors  shall  meet  and  give  their  votes  on  the 
said  first  Wednesday  in  December,  at  such  place  in  each  State  as 
shall  be  directed  by  the  legislature  thereof ;  and  the  electors  in  each 
State  shall  make  and  sign  three  certificates  of  all  the  votes  by  them 
given,  and  shall  seal  up  the  same,  certifying  on  each  that  a  list  of 
the  votes  of  such  State  for  President  and  Vice-President  is  con- 
tained therein,  and  shall,  by  writing  under  their  hands,  or  under 
the  hands  of  a  majority  of  them,  appoint  a  person  to  take  charge 
of  and  deliver  to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, before  the  first  Wednesday  in  January  then  next  ensuing, 
one  of  the  said  certificates ;  and  the  said  electors  shall  forthwith 
forward,  by  the  post  office,  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  at  the 
seat  of  government,  one  other  of  the  said  certificates ;  and  shall 
forthwith  cause  the  other  of  the  said  certificates  to  be  delivered 
to  the  judge  of  that  district  in  which  the  said  electors  shall 
assemble. 

Sec.  3.  That  the  executive  authority  of  each  State  shall  cause 
three  lists  of  the  names  of  the  electors  of  such  State  to  be  made 


WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED   UNANIMOUSLY        37 

and  certified,  and  to  be  delivered  to  the  electors  on  or  before  the 
said  first  Wednesday  in  December;  and  the  said  electors  shall 
annex  one  of  the  said  lists  to  each  of  the  lists  of  their  votes. 

Sec.  4.  That  if  a  list  of  votes  from  any  State  shall  not  have 
been  received  at  the  seat  of  government  on  the  said  first  Wednes- 
day in  January,  then  the  Secretary  of  State  shall  send  a  special 
messenger  to  the  district  judge  in  whose  charge  such  list  shall  have 
been  lodged,  who  shall  forthwith  transmit  the  same  to  the  seat  of 
government. 

Sec.  5.  That  Congress  shall  be  in  session  on  the  second 
Wednesday  in  February,  1793,  and  on  the  second  Wednesday  in 
February  succeeding  every  meeting  of  the  electors,  and  the  said 
certificates,  or  so  many  of  them  as  shall  have  been  received,  shall 
then  be  opened,  the  votes  counted,  and  the  persons  who  shall  fill 
the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  ascertained  and  de- 
clared agreeably  to  the  Constitution. 

Sec.  6.  That  in  case  there  shall  be  no  President  of  the  Senate 
at  the  seat  of  government  on  the  arrival  of  the  persons  entrusted 
with  the  lists  of  the  votes  of  the  electors,  then  such  persons  shall 
deliver  the  lists  of  the  votes  in  their  custody  into  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  to  be  safely  kept  and  delivered  over  as  soon  as 
may  be  to  the  President  of  the  Senate. 

Sec.  7.  That  the  persons  appointed  by  the  electors  to  deliver 
the  lists  of  votes  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  be  allowed, 
on  the  delivery  of  the  said  lists,  twenty-five  cents  for  every  mile  of 
estimated  distance  by  the  most  usual  road  from  the  place  of  meet- 
ing of  the  electors  to  the  seat  of  government  of  the  United  States. 

Sec.  8.  That  if  any  person  appointed  to  deliver  the  votes  of 
electors  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  after  accepting  his 
appointment,  neglect  to  perform  the  services  required  of  him  by 
this  Act,  he  shall  forfeit  the  sum  of  one  thousand  dollars. 

Sec.  9.  That  in  case  of  the  removal,  death,  resignation,  or 
disability  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  the  President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tempore,  and,  in  case  there 
shall  be  no  President  of  the  Senate,  then  the  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  for  the  time  being,  shall  act  as  President  ot 
the  United  States  until  such  disability  be  removed,  or  until  a  Presi- 
dent be  elected. 

Sec.  10.  That  whenever  the  office  of  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  both  become  vacant,  the  Secretary  of  State  shall  forth- 
with cause  a  notification  thereof  to  be  made  to  the  Executive  of 
every  State,  and  shall  also  cause  the  same  to  be  published  in  at 
least  one  of  the  newspapers  printed  in  each  State,  specifying  that 
electors  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  appointed 
or  chosen  in  the  several  States  within  thirty-four  days  preceding 
the  first  Wednesday  in  December  then  next  ensuing ;  provided,  that 
there  shall  be  a  space  of  two  months  between  the  date  of  such 


88  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

notification  and  the  said  first  Wednesday  in  December  ;  but  if  there 
shall  not  be  the  space  of  two  months  between  the  date  of  such 
notification  and  the  first  Wednesday  in  December,  and  if  the  term 
for  which  the  President  and  Vice-President  last  in  office  were 
elected  shall  not  expire  on  the  third  day  of  March  next  ensuing, 
then  the  Secretary  of  State  shall  specify  in  the  notification  that 
the  electors  shall  be  appointed  or  chosen  within  thirty-four  days 
preceding  the  first  Wednesday  in  December  in  the  year  next  en- 
suing, within  which  time  the  said  electors  shall  accordingly  be 
appointed  or  chosen ;  and  the  electors  shall  meet  and  give  their 
votes  on  the  said  first  Wednesday  in  December,  and  the  proceed- 
ings and  duties  of  the  said  electors  and  others  shall  be  pursuant 
to  the  directions  prescribed  in  this  act. 

Sec.  11.  That  the  only  evidence  of  a  refusal  to  accept,  or  of  a 
resignation  of,  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President,  shall  be 
an  instrument  in  writing  declaring  the  same,  and  subscribed  by 
the  person  refusing  to  accept  or  resigning,  as  the  case  may  be,  and 
delivered  into  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State. 

Sec.  12.  That  the  term  of  four  years,  for  which  the  President 
and  Vice-President  shall  be  elected,  shall  in  all  cases  commence  on 
the  fourth  day  of  March  next  succeeding  the  day  oh  which  the 
votes  of  the  electors  shall  have  been  given. 

Fifteen  States  took  part  in  the  election  of  1792.  Rhode 
Island  and  North  Carolina  had  ratified  the  Constitution  ;  and 
Vermont  had  been  admitted  to  the  Union  March  4,  1791,  and 
Kentucky,  June  1,  1792.  Electors  were  appointed  by  the 
legislatures  in  Vermont,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and 
Kentucky  ;  by  the  people  and  the  legislature  in  New  Hamp- 
shire and  Massachusetts  ;  by  the  people  alone  in  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  and  North  Carolina.  In  Massachusetts 
the  people  chose  electors  in  five  districts  ;  in  the  other  nine  dis- 
tricts no  one  had  a  majority,  and  the  General  Court  appointed 
electors  for  these  districts  and  also  two  at  large.  In  North 
Carolina  a  peculiar  system  was  adopted  which  was  never  prac- 
ticed anywhere  else,  nor  at  any  other  time.  The  apportionment, 
in  accordance  with  the  census  of  1790,  under  which  North 
Carolina  was  entitled  to  ten  members  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, did  not  become  law  until  April  13,  1792.  The 
legislature  was  not  then  in  session,  nor  did  it  meet  again  until 
the  15th  of  November.  The  electors  were  to  meet,  under  the 
law  of  1792,  on  the  oth  of  December.  There  was  not  time  in 
the  interval  to  provide  for  a  popular  election.  Accordingly 
the  legislature  passed  a  law  dividing  the  State  into  four  dis- 


WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED  UNANIMOUSLY        39 

tricts,  and  directing  the  members  of  the  legislature  residing  in 
each  district  to  meet  on  the  25th  of  November  and  choose 
three  electors.  This  was  a  mere  hasty  makeshift,  and  the 
legislature  made  permanent  provision  at  the  same  session  for 
the  choice  of  electors  by  the  people  by  districts. 

In  the  States  where  there  was  a  popular  election  the  vote 
seems  to  have  been  very  light.  The  largest  number  of  votes 
given  for  any  person  as  elector  in  Massachusetts  was  cast  for 
Azor  Orne,  693.  In  Pennsylvania,  where,  two  or  three 
months  before,  forty  thousand  votes  were  cast  for  members 
of  Congress,  less  than  four  thousand  voted  for  electors. 

It  may  be  mentioned,  as  illustrating  the  extreme  jealousy 
of  state  rights  that  prevailed  at  this  time,  that  'Governor 
Hancock  sent  a  special  message  to  the  Massachusetts  legis- 
lature, in  the  nature  of  a  protest  against  the  right  of  Con- 
gress to  require  the  Executives  of  the  several  States  to  certify 
the  lists  required  by  section  3  of  the  act  of  1792.  He  was 
willing  to  perform  the  duty,  but  he  would  not  concede  the 
right  of  Congress  to  direct  him  to  do  it. 

The  election  passed  off  without  excitement  or  serious  con- 
test anywhere.  The  result,  by  States,  is  indicated  by  the 
following  table  :  — 


States. 

i 

! 

< 

I 

5 

§ 
2 
j 

& 

n 

New  Hampshire 

Vermont 

6 
3 

16 
4 
9 

12 
7 

15 
3 
8 

21 

12 
8 
4 
4- 

6 
3 
16 
4 
9 

7 

14 

3 

8 

7 

12 
1 

21 
12 

4 

4 

- 

Massachusetts 

Rhode  Island 

Connecticut 

New  York 

~* 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Maryland 

Virginia 

- 

North  Carolina 

South  Carolina     ....... 

Georgia 

Kentucky 

1 

Total 

132 

77 

50 

4 

1 

40  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  counting  of  the  electoral  vote  was  for  the  first  time 
a  matter  of  previous  agreement  between  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  the  system  pursued  in  1793  was,  with  occa- 
sional slight  but  sometimes  significant  modifications,  that 
which  was  followed  for  a  great  many  years.  The  House  of 
Representatives  proposed,  February  5,  1793,  the  appointment 
of  a  joint  committee  "  to  ascertain  and  report  the  mode  of 
examining  the  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President,  and 
of  notifying  the  persons  who  shall  be  elected  of  their  elec- 
tion, and  to  regulate  the  time,  place,  and  manner  of  admin- 
istering the  oath  of  office  to  the  President."  The  Senate 
agreed,  and  the  committee  reported  to  the  two  Houses,  Feb- 
ruary 11 :  — 

That  the  two  Houses  shall  assemble  in  the  Senate  Chamber  on 
Wednesday  next  at  twelve  o'clock ;  that  one  person  shall  be  ap- 
pointed a  teller  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  (two  on  the  part  of  the 
House),  to  make  a  list  of  the  votes  as  they  shall  be  declared ;  that 
the  result  shall  be  delivered  to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  who 
shall  announce  the  state  of  the  vote,  and  the  persons  elected,  to 
both  Houses,  assembled  as  aforesaid,  which  shall  be  deemed  a  de- 
claration of  the  persons  elected  President  and  Vice-President,  and, 
together  with  a  list  of  the  votes,  be  entered  on  the  Journals  of  the 
two  Houses. 

This  mode  was  observed. 

The  two  Houses  having  accordingly  assembled,  the  certificates 
of  the  electors  of  the  fifteen  States  of  the  Union,  which  came  by 
express,  were,  by  the  Vice-President,  opened,  read,  and  delivered 
to  the  tellers  appointed  for  the  purpose,  who,  having  examined  and 
ascertained  the  votes,  presented  a  list  of  them  to  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, which  list  was  read  to  the  two  Houses,  and  is  as  follows  : 
[Here  follows  the  above  table.] 

Whereupon 

The  Vice-President  declared  George  Washington  unanimously 
elected  President  of  the  United  States  for  the  period  of  four  year? 
to  commence  with  the  4th  of  March  next ;  and 

John  Adams  elected,  by  a  plurality  of  votes,  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States  for  the  same  period,  to  commence  with  the  4th 
of  March  next. 

It  will  be  observed  that  in  this  case  the  Vice-President  both 
opened  and  read  the  certificates,  and  that  the  tellers  did  no  more 
than  verify  and  tabulate  the  returns.  The  exclusive  power 
of  the  Vice-President  to  count  the  votes  was  thus  asserted 
and  exercised  in  a  marked  manner.     On  the  next  occasion, 


WASHINGTON  RE-ELECTED  UNANIMOUSLY        41 

as  we  shall  see,  the  use  of  this  power  might  have  been  a  matter 
of  some  importance. 

The  inauguration  of  Washington  at  the  beginning  of  his" 
second  term  was  almost  scandalously  unceremonious,  yet  not 
so  informal  as  it  came  near  to  being.  The  mad  passion 
against  outward  show,  an  importation  from  France,  led  to 
frequent  criticisms  in  the  Republican  newspapers  of  the 
semi-regal  state  in  which  the  President  was  supposed  to 
live.  Adams,  of  course,  was  not  spared.  He  too  was  de- 
nounced for  the  luxury  of  his  mode  of  life,  and  the  shafts 
aimed  at  him  took  effect.  He  gave  up  his  house  in  Phila- 
delphia, sent  his  wife  home  to  Massachusetts  to  manage  the 
farm,  and  himself  went  to  reside  in  lodgings.  When  the  day 
upon  which  the  oath  of  office  was  to  be  taken  a  second  time  by 
the  President  elect  drew  near,  the  time  and  place  of  the  cere- 
mony became  the  subject  of  discussion  in  the  cabinet.  Jeffer- 
son proposed  that  General  Washington  take  the  oath  privately 
in  his  own  house  and  send  a  certificate  thereof  to  Congress. 
Hamilton  fell  in  with  this  proposition ;  but  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  cabinet  objected,  and  the  plan  was  not  adopted. 
At  noon,  precisely,  on  the  4th  of  March,  Washington  unat- 
tended entered  the  Senate  Chamber,  where  were  gathered 
many  of  the  senators,  some  of  the  representatives  who  lingered 
after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  certain  public  officers,  and 
"  a  number  of  private  citizens."  He  took  the  oath  of  office, 
delivered  his  inaugural  address,  and  then  retired  as  quietly  as 
he  had  come. 


IV 

JOHN  ADAMS 

During  "Washington's  first  administration,  domestic  ques- 
tions occupied  the  government  chiefly  and  gave  rise  to  party 
conflicts :  the  funding  system  and  the  excise  law  before  all 
others.  The  first,  which  reduced  the  chaos  of  national 
finance  to  order,  and  restored  the  credit  of  the  United  States, 
nevertheless  had  necessarily  some  features  which  seemed  a 
justification  of  the  accusation  that  it  was  devised  for  the  re- 
lief of  the  well-to-do.  Accordingly  it  aroused  the  antagonism 
of  the  same  class  which,  in  modern  times,  denounces  measures 
for  the  payment  of  national  obligations  in  good  faith,  in  order 
to  maintain  the  credit  of  the  country,  as  designed  for  the  sole 
benefit  of  the  bondholders.  The  excise  law  was  passed  in 
1791,  after  violent  opposition  in  Congress.  Its  execution 
was  resisted  more  or  less  from  the  beginning ;  but  it  was  not 
until  1794  that  the  situation  became  so  acute  that  a  large 
armed  force  became  necessary  to  quell  what  has  passed  into 
history  as  the  "  Whiskey  Insurrection."  At  that  time  oc- 
curred the  first  serious  collision  between  federal  and  state 
authority.  Governor  Mifflin,  of  Pennsylvania,  a  Republican 
partisan,  refused  to  take  the  initiative,  and  Washington  called 
out  the  militia  on  the  certificate  of  a  federal  judge  that  an 
insurrection  existed.  Little  more  than  a  display  of  force  was 
required  to  put  down  the  insurrection.  The  whole  affair  re- 
sulted, not  a  little  to  the  surprise  of  both  parties,  in  strength- 
ening the  government  and  making  it  popular.  The  people 
realized  for  the  first  time  that  they  had  created  a  power  which 
was  capable  of  making  itself  respected  at  home. 

Meantime  two  most  serious  questions  of  foreign  policy  had 
been  raised,  and  both  of  them  had  an  important  influence 
upon  the  elections  which  determined  who  should  be  the 
second  President.  The  arrival,  reception,  and  conduct  of 
"Citizen'''  Genet,  the  French  minister  sent  over  by  the  Gi- 
rondist government,  excited  the  most  bitter  party  controversy 


JOHN  ADAMS  43 

the  country  had  known.  Although  Jeffer*son  himself,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  wrote  and  signed  the  account  of  Genet's 
diplomatic  impertinences,  and  demanded  his  recall,  yet  his 
political  attitude  toward  the  agitation  and  his  strong  sym- 
pathy for  the  French  rendered  it  impossible  that  he  should 
remain  in  the  cabinet  as  a  loyal  supporter  of  the  administra- 
tion. The  appointment  of  Jay,  the  Chief  Justice,  to  negotiate 
a  treaty  with  England,  aroused  but  little  public  feeling.  The 
treaty  which  he  negotiated  was  ratified  by  the  Senate,  by  ex- 
actly the  constitutional  two-thirds  majority,  before  its  terms 
were  made  public.  But  when  it  was  published  there  arose 
such  a  storm  of  opposition  to  its  promulgation  by  the  Presi- 
dent as  no  Executive  since  Washington  has  had  to  encounter. 
Public  meetings  at  which  the  most  violent  language  was  usedj 
riots,  burning  the  treaty  and  the  effigy  of  Jay,  —  these  were 
every-day  incidents  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  This  is  not 
the  place  to  do  more  than  refer  to  the  events  of  the  time  and 
indicate  their  bearing  upon  the  ensuing  election.  The  details 
must  be  left  to  the  general  historian.  It  is  sufficient  to  say 
that  the  firmness  of  Washington  was  proof  against  the  popular 
clamor,  against  the  personal  abuse  to  which  he  was  subjected, 
even  against  the  determination  of  a  great  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  as  expressed  in  a  resolution  call- 
ing upon  him  for  a  copy  of  the  instructions  to  Jay,  with  a 
view  to  the  impeachment  of  the  ambassador.  He  promul- 
gated the  treaty,  he  remained  calm  and  silent  under  vituper- 
ation, he  returned  a  respectful  but  unflinching  refusal  to  the 
demand  for  Jay's  instructions.  In  the  end,  too,  the  House 
itself,  by  the  narrowest  of  majorities,  agreed  to  pass  the  mea- 
sures necessary  for  carrying  the  treaty  into  effect.  It  is  not 
to  be  supposed  that  the  sentiments  of  the  American  people 
were  expressed  in  the  noisy  outcries  of  the  opposition.  Events 
proved  that  it  was  a  minority  only  that  displayed  such  vio- 
lence of  hostility  toward  measures  which  were  greatly  to  the 
benefit  of  the  United  States  during  the  next  ten  years.  But 
the  apparent  strength  of  the  democratic  societies  not  only  in- 
spired the  opposition  party  with  a  hope  of  capturing  the  gov- 
ernment, but  caused  apprehension  and  anxiety  throughout  the 
ranks  of  the  Federalists. 

It  was  made  known  by  Washington  to  his  closest  intimates, 
early  in  the  year  1796,  that  he  intended  to  decline  a  reelection. 
His  purpose  was  rumored,  but  not  definitely  made  public,  early 


44  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

in  September.  Those  who  had  been  aware  of  his  intention 
had  already  canvassed  the  subject  and  were  agreed  upon  their 
candidates.  Several  names  were  considered  for  the  presidency. 
Hamilton  was  eligible,  and  he  was  the  undoubted  leader  of  his 
party.  But  he  had  made  many  enemies,  and  his  candidacy 
would  surely  have  aroused  intense  antagonism.  There  was  a 
stain  upon  his  private  character ;  and  a  threat  had  been  made 
that  should  he  come  forward  as  a  candidate,  certain  papers 
alleged  to  be  damaging  to  his  integrity  would  be  published. 
There  is  no  evidence  worthy  to  be  regarded  either  that  a  truth- 
ful accusation  against  his  financial  honor  could  have  been 
brought,  or  that  a  fear  of  exposure  deterred  him  from  becom- 
ing a  candidate.  He  was  rather  a  king-maker  than  a  candidate 
for  the  throne. 

If  Hamilton  were  not  to  seek  the  office,  the  two  most  promi- 
nent candidates  were  Adams  and  Jay.  It  seems  to  have  been 
universally  felt  that  although  Jay's  talents  fitted  him  for  the 
office,  his  negotiation  of  the  treaty  with  England  would  cost 
him  enough  votes  to  endanger  his  election.  Adams  was  di- 
rectly in  the  line  of  promotion ;  his  services  to  the  country 
during  a  long  public  life  had  given  him  as  good  title  as  any 
statesman  had  to  the  gratitude  of  his  country  ;  and  his  con- 
duct in  the  Vice-President's  chair  had  been  fully  acceptable  to 
the  Federal  party.  Accordingly  it  was  agreed  at  a  conference 
of  Federalist  members  of  Congress  that  Mr.  Adams  should  be 
the  candidate  for  President ;  and  Thomas  Pinckney  of  South 
Carolina  was  chosen  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  The 
date  of  the  nominations  is  not  known.  The  time  is  fixed 
vaguely  in  a  letter  from  Oliver  Wolcott  to  Henry  W.  Edwards, 
quoted  by  Gibbs  (vol.  ii.  p.  488),  as  the  summer  of  1796. 

At  about  the  same  time,  as  we  learn  from  the  same  author- 
ity, Jefferson  and  Burr  were  agreed  upon  by  a  conference  of 
Republican  members  of  Congress,  as  the  candidates  of  their 
party.  The  Republicans  seem  to  have  arrived  at  a  tacit  under- 
standing that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  to  be  their  candidate,  before 
the  conference  was  held.  Jefferson  had  been  the  leader  and 
organizer  of  the  party  while  still  in  Washington's  cabinet. 
From  his  retirement  at  Monticello  he  had  conducted  a  copious 
correspondence  with  the  chief  men  of  the  party,  full  of  com 
ment  on  passing  events  and  of  advice  as  to  their  course  oT 
action.  He  was  now  the  natural,  and,  indeed,  the  inevitable 
candidate.     Republican  opinion,  in   the  North  at  all  events, 


JOHN  ADAMS  45 

accepted  Aaron  Burr  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  Burr 
had,  by  his  political  adroitness  and  activity,  displaced  George 
Clinton  as  the  leader  in  New  York  of  the  Republican  party. 
The  second  position  was  already  regarded  as  one  of  importance 
vastly  inferior  to  that  of  the  first.  Neither  Mr.  Pinckney  nor 
Mr.  Burr  would  have  been  generally  regarded  as  possessing 
strong  claims  to  the  presidency.  The  names  of  the  candidates 
for  the  vice-presidency  were  not  usually  coupled  with  those  of 
the  leaders.  "  It  requires  no  talent  at  divination,"  said  a 
writer  in  the  "  Boston  Gazette,"  a  Republican  paper,  in  Sep- 
tember, 1796,  "  to  decide  who  will  be  candidates  for  the  chair. 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  John  Adams  will  be  the  men,  and 
whether  we  shall  have  at  the  head  of  our  executive  a  steadfast 
friend  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  or  an  advocate  for  hereditary 
power  and  distinction,  the  people  of  the  United  States  are 
soon  to  decide."  An  unsigned  letter  from  Virginia,  dated 
September  24,  published  in  all  the  papers,  stated:  "I  have 
been  informed  that  Mr.  Edmund  Randolph,  who  has  lately  vis- 
ited Mr.  Jefferson,  says  that  Mr.  Jefferson  will  serve  in  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  if  elected." 

The  canvass  began  tamely  enough.  For  two  or  three  weeks 
after  the  appearance  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  which 
was  dated  September  17,  1796,  the  subject  of  the  coming  elec- 
tion was  rarely  even  mentioned  in  the  newspapers.  But  the 
contest  soon  became  earnest  and  bitter.  For  the  most  part  it 
took  the  form  of  an  intensely  partisan  comparison  of  the  re- 
cords and  views  of  the  two  candidates.  The  leading  disputant 
on  the  Federal  side  wrote,  over  the  signature  "  Phocion,"  a 
series  of  nearly  thirty  articles.1  Although  the  papers  consisted 
largely  of  attacks  upon  Jefferson,  two  or  three  of  them  were 
devoted  to  a  strong  defence  of  Adams.  The  stoutest  opponent 
of  the  Vice-President  adopted  the  signature  "  A  Federalist." 
His  position  and  arguments  were  anything  but  Federalist. 
Adams's  record  was  assailed  most  virulently,  and  Jefferson  was 
warmly  praised.  It  must  be  said  that  the  debate  on  both 
sides  was  disingenuous.  Jefferson  was  not  only  berated  for 
acts  which  in  the  minds  of  his  opponents  constituted  real 
offences,  but  was  accused  of  many  things  which  it  was  easy  to 

1  The  authorship  of  the  letters  is  not  known.  They  are  attributed  by  some 
historians  to  Hamilton  ;  but  they  are  not  included  by  J.  C.  Hamilton  in  a 
Hst  of  his  father's  works,  and  Lodge,  when  preparing  the  memoir  of  Hamilton, 
sould  tind  no  evidence  that  the}'  were  written  by  him. 


46  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

show  he  had  not  done.  But  if  he  had  reason  to  complain  of  a 
certain  degree  of  unfairness  on  the  part  of  his  enemies,  the 
misrepresentation  of  Adams's  political  opinions  and  public 
writings  was  shameful  and  scandalous.  His  expressions  were 
garbled  and  deliberately  misquoted.  Perhaps  no  American 
public  man  has  ever  been  treated  more  foully  in  this  respect 
than  was  he.  Bache's  "  Aurora  "  was  a  prototype  of  many  a 
party  newspaper  edited  with  a  conscienceless  purpose  to  win 
political  battles  at  any  expense  to  the  truth ;  but  none  of  its 
successors  have  gone  beyond  it  in  malignity  and  unveracity. 

There  were  some  unconscious  humors  of  the  canvass,  — 
among  which  may  be  classed  the  appeal  to  the  voters  of  the 
country  to  support  a  "  Christian  President,"  —  an  attempt  to 
rally  the  religious  sentiment  of  the  country  against  Jefferson. 
On  the  other  hand  nothing  could  have  been  more  audacious, 
and  nothing  less  convincing  to  men  who  knew  anything  of  pol- 
itics, than  this  warning,  published  in  the  Philadelphia  papers 
shortly  before  the  election  :  — 

Freemen  of  Pennsylvania !  Take  caution  !  The  aristocrats  of 
our  country  are  endeavoring  to  deceive  you  with  the  name  of 
Washington.  They  presume  to  call  theirs  [the]  "  Washington 
ticket."  Beware,  fellow  citizens,  of  the  Washington  ticket.  It  is 
intended  to  support  the  electors  of  the  monarchist  Adams,  and 
begins  with  the  name  of  Israel  Whelen. 

Our  Republican  ticket  begins  with  the  name  of  Thomas  McKean, 
and  is  intended  to  support  the  election  of  the  Republican  Jeffer- 
son. Believe  us,  fellow  citizens,  that  your  President  Washington 
loves  a  Republican  and  hates  a  monarchist.  He  therefore  wishes 
that  the  Republican  Jefferson  may  be  his  successor. 

Shortly  before  the  election  a  "  bombshell "  was  thrown  by 
the  minister  of  France,  "Citizen"  Adet.  He  addressed  a 
note  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  and  also  caused  it  to  be  pub- 
lished in  all  the  newspapers  which  wTould  print  it,  reproaching 
the  administration  with  having  violated  its  treaties  with  France, 
and  with  conducting  itself  in  a  most  ungrateful  manner  toward 
a  country  which  had  rendered  important  assistance  in  the  Re- 
volutionary struggle.  He  also  announced  that  he  was  directed 
by  his  government  to  suspend  his  diplomatic  duties.  The 
interruption  of  relations  was,  however,  not  to  be  interpreted 
"  as  a  rupture  between  France  and  the  United  States,  but  as  •<% 
mark  of  just  discontent,  which  was  to  last  until  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  returned  to  sentiments  and  to  mea- 


JOHN  ADAMS  47 

sures  more  conformable  to  the  interests  of  the  alliance,  and  to 
the  sworn  friendship  between  the  two  nations." 

What  effect  this  manifesto  had  upon  voters  cannot  be  stated. 
Certainly  it  did  not  change  the  result,  so  far  as  Mr.  Adams 
was  concerned ;  but,  considering  the  closeness  of  the  vote  in 
Pennsylvania,  it  is  more  than  possible,  indeed  it  is  quite  prob- 
able, that  it  contributed  the  electoral  votes  which  made  Jeffer- 
son Vice-President. 

Some  light  is  thrown  upon  the  political  machinery  of  the 
time  by  certain  notices  which  appear  in  the  newspapers.  In 
Pennsylvania,  on  the  day  before  the  adjournment  of  the  legis- 
lature, a  conference  of  Republican  members,  together  with  cit- 
izens from  different  counties  of  the  State,  met  and  agreed  upon 
a  list  of  electors.  This  is  the  "ticket"  just  mentioned 
"  which  begins  with  the  name  of  Thomas  McKean."  On  the 
following  day  a  similar  meeting  of  Federalists  made  up  a  list 
of  electors  supposed  to  be  favorable  to  Adams.  Meetings  of 
members  of  the  two  parties  were  afterward  held  at  the  county 
seats,  and  the  tickets  were  ratified.  In  Virginia  the  practice 
of  self-nomination,  then  and  for  a  long  time  afterward  followed 
with  respect  to  seats  in  Congress,  was  in  operation.  Charles 
Sims  offered  himself  as  a  candidate  for  elector  in  the  Alexan- 
dria district,  and  announced  that,  if  chosen,  he  should  vote  for 
Patrick  Henry  and  John  Adams.  Ralph  Wormeley,  in  another 
district,  offered  himself ;  and  said  that  he  preferred  Washing- 
ton for  President,  but  that  if  he  refused  to  stand,  "it  would  be 
my  part  most  diligently  to  search  out  for  his  successor  a  char- 
acter the  most  resembling  his  in  political  principles,  in  sound 
judgment,  in  unexampled  prudence,  and  in  unshaken  firm- 
ness." As  this  statement  of  his  purpose  seemed  to  be  too 
vague,  and  he  was  asked  for  whom  he  would  vote,  he  sent 
another  communication  to  a  Richmond  newspaper,  in  which 
he  discussed,  and  answered  in  the  negative,  the  question 
whether  an  elector  should  disclose  his  intention.  It  did  not 
become  necessary  for  him  to  disclose  it.      He  was  not  elected. 

The  appointment  of  electors  was  made,  on  various  days, 
during  the  month  of  November,  1796.  Sixteen  States  took 
part  in  the  election,  Tennessee  having  been  admitted  to  the 
Union  on  June  1,  1796.  The  electors  for  that  State  were 
chosen  by  the  legislature.  Those  for  North  Carolina  were 
elected  by  the  people.  No  other  State  changed  its  system, 
and  there  were,  therefore,  six  States  where  there  was  a  pop- 


48  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

ular  election,  while  in  the  other  ten  the  choice  was  made  by 
the  legislature.  The  Federalists  carried  all  the  States  north 
of  Pennsylvania  ;  the  Republicans  all  the  States  from  Virginia 
southward.  Pennsylvania  was  unexpectedly  lost  by  the  Fed- 
eralists, who  were  nevertheless  successful  in  Delaware,  and  in 
six  of  the  ten  districts  of  Maryland  —  one  of  which  they  car- 
ried by  a  majority  of  only  four  votes. 

It  is  impossible  to  make  a  reasonably  complete  statement 
of  the  popular  vote,  even  in  the  States  where  the  people  made 
the  choice.  But  it  is  interesting  to  note  how  easily  the  result 
might  have  been  different  from  what  it  was.  In  Pennsylvania 
the  vote  was  extremely  close.  There  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
two  tickets,  each  bearing  fifteen  names.  The  highest  number 
polled  by  any  candidate  for  elector  was  12,306 ;  the  lowest 
of  the  thirty  had  12,071.  Thus  235  votes  only  represented 
the  greatest  difference ;  and  two  of  the  Federalist  electors 
were  chosen.  The  fact  that,  nevertheless,  Adams  received  but 
one  electoral  vote  in  the  'State  will  be  explained  presently. 
It  is  necessary  now  merely  to  observe  that  a  change  of  less 
than  a  hundred  votes  in  Pennsylvania  would  have  resulted  in 
the  election  of  Thomas  Pinckney,  instead  of  Thomas  Jefferson, 
as  Vice-President.  It  is  even  open  to  the  student  of  history 
to  maintain,  basing  an  argument  upon  the  events  which  in- 
tervened between  the  appointment  of  electors  and  the  dis- 
charge of  their  duty,  that  the  change  might  possibly  have 
made  Pinckney  President  and  Adams  Vice-President.  Had 
Governor  Mifflin  complied  strictly  with  the  law  requiring  re- 
turns of  the  election  to  be  made  within  fourteen  days,  when 
the  governor  was  to  proclaim  the  result,  Jefferson  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  defeated. 

The  contest  in  Massachusetts  was  fierce,  and  the  Republi- 
cans showed  unexpected  strength.  Governor  Samuel  Adams 
was  a  candidate  for  elector  in  the  Boston  district,. but  was  de- 
feated. The  legislature  chose  electors  for  .  the  districts  in 
which  no  choice  had  been  made  by  the  people,  in  accordance 
with  the  system  that  had  been  in  operation  at  the  two  previous 
elections.  Among  those  thus  appointed  was  Elbridge  Gerry, 
who  was  inclined  to  support  the  Republicans.  He  voted, 
nevertheless,  for  Adams  and  Pinckney.  The  General  Court 
passed  a  resolution  authorizing  the  electoral  college  to  fill  any 
vacancies  that  might  occur.  Governor  Adams  signed  the 
resolution ;  but  the  next  day,  having,  no  doubt,  perceived  that 


JOHN  ADAMS  49 

every  vacancy  would  subtract  a  vote  from  John  Adams,  he 
went  to  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  erased  his  name 
from  the  resolution,  and  sent  a  message  to  the  General  Court 
communicating  his  reasons  for  so  doing.  Second  thoughts  are 
best,  no  doubt ;  but  the  right  of  the  governor  to  act  upon  them 
was  not,  in  this  case,  admitted. 

The  canvass  did  not  end  with  the  appointment  of  the  elect- 
ors. "  Phocion  "  still  continued  to  give  reasons  why  Jeffer- 
son should  not  be  chosen  ;  but  the  articles  made  no  impression 
upon  the  electors.  The  Republican  candidate  was  sure  of  every 
opposition  vote.  The  situation  was  far  from  clear  on  the  Fed- 
eralist side.  Hamilton  had,  from  the  beginning,  urged  an 
equal  support  by  the  electors  of  Adams  and  Pinckney.  He 
gave  frankly  his  reason  for  the  advice,  "All  personal  and 
partial  considerations  must  be  discarded,  and  everything  must 
give  way  to  the  great  object  of  excluding  Jefferson."  New 
York  wculd  be  unanimous  for  both  the  Federal  candidates. 
"  T  hope  New  England  will  be  so  too.  Yet  I  have  some  ap- 
prehensions on  this  point,  lest  the  fear  that  he  may  outrun 
Mr.  Adams  should  withhold  votes  from  Pinckney.  Should 
this  happen,  it  will  be  in  my  opinion  a  most  unfortunate  policy. 
It  will  be  to  take  one  only  instead  of  two  chances  against  Mr. 
Jefferson  ;  and  well  weighed,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
exclusion  of  Mr.  Jefferson  is  far  more  important  than  any  dif- 
ference between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Pinckney." 

This  is  not  the  place  to  review  in  detail  the  points  raised 
by  the  grandson  of  Mr.  Adams  and  the  son  of  Mr.  Hamilton 
in  the  endeavor  of  each  to  cast  upon  the  ancestor  of  the 
other  the  blame  of  a  controversy  which  was  fraught  with  dis- 
aster to  the  Federalist  party.  Mr.  Adams  himself  did  not 
think,  after  the  election  was  over,  that  Hamilton  had  plotted 
his  overthrow.  In  February,  1797,  he  wrote,  "  I  believe  they," 
including  Hamilton,  "  honestly  meant  to  bring  in  me,  but 
they  were  frightened  with  a  belief  that  I  should  fail,  and  they 
in  their  agony  thought  it  better  to  bring  in  Pinckney  than 
Jefferson."  Mr.  Adams  changed  his  opinion  on  this  point 
afterward  ;  and  it  should  be  remembered,  lest  the  change  should 
be  counted  against  him",  that  when  he  wrote  what  has  just 
been  quoted  he  had  no  evidence  on  either  side  of  the  question. 
Hamilton  himself  supplied  that  evidence  when  his  famous  letter 
on  John  Adams  tras  published  four  years  later.  "  It  is  true," 
ho  wrote,  "  that  a  faithful  execution  of  this  plan  "  —  an  equal 


50  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

vote  for  the  two  candidates  in  the  Northern  States  —  "  woti'ia 
have  given  Mr.  Pinckney  a  somewhat  better  chance  than  Mr. 
Adams ;  nor  shall  it  be  concealed  that  an  issue  favorable  to 
the  former  would  not  have  been  disagreeable  to  me ;  as  indeed 
I  declared  at  the  time  in  the  circle  of  my  confidential  friends. 
My  position  was  that  if  chance  should  decide  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Pinckney,  it  probably  would  not  be  a  misfortune  ;  since  he  to 
every  essential  qualification  for  the  office  added  a  temper  far 
more  discreet  and  conciliatory  than  that  of  Mr.  Adams." 

It  is  only  natural  that  Hamilton's  cool  disregard  of  Adams's 
sensibilities ;  his  studied  though  veiled  denial  of  Adams's 
superior  merits ;  and  his  evident  attempt  to  use  Adams's  own 
friends  to  carry  out  a  policy  which  would  have  humiliated  the 
Vice-President ;  —  that  all  these  things  were  resented  at  the 
time,  and  that  they  have  been  made  the  basis  of  serious  accu- 
sations against  Hamilton's  good  faith.  But  while,  on  the  one 
hand,  he  cannot  be  exonerated  from  the  charge  that  he  was  not 
straightforward  and  that  he  concealed  one  of  the  chief  reasons 
of  his  action,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  not  just  to  suppose  that 
his  motives  were  unworthy.  They  were  not  selfish.  He 
sought  no  preferment  for  himself.  In  the  circumstances  of  the 
selection  of  the  two  candidates  his  motives  were  not  disloyal 
to  the  party.  Moreover  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he 
had  recurred,  at  this  time,  to  his  former  unfavorable  opinion 
of  Adams,  toward  whom  he  cherished  no  personal  animosity. 
Nevertheless,  his  course  brought  present  disaster  to  the  party  ; 
and  it  laid  the  foundation  of  the  estrangement,  the  mutual  dis- 
trust, and  the  bitter  hatred  between  two  men  capable  of  large 
and  long  continued  service  to  the  country,  which  led  to  the 
ultimate  ruin  of  the  party. 

Hamilton's  plan  failed.  No  less  than  eighteen  electors  in 
New  England  resolved  that  Pinckney's  vote  should  not  exceed 
Adams's,  withheld  their  votes  from  the  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  and  scattered  them  upon  others.  Three  Maryland 
electors  did  the  same  thing.  Pinckney  received,  with  Jeffer- 
son, the  eight  votes  of  South  Carolina,  and  one  vote  more  than 
Adams  in  Pennsylvania.  He  had  therefore  twelve  votes  less 
than  Adams.  Having  also  nine  vote*s  less  than  Jefferson,  he 
failed  of  an  election.  One  vote  for  Jefferson  in  Pennsylvania 
deserves  notice,  since  it  is  believed  to  have  been  given  by  the 
only  elector  in  the  history  of  the  country  who  has  ever  be- 
trayed the  trust  reposed  in  him  by  those  who  supported  him 


JOHN  ADAMS 


51 


The  closeness  of  the  vote  in  Pennsylvania  already  has  been 
recorded,  and  the  fact  that  two  Federalist  electors  slipped  in. 
One  of  the  two  voted  for  Jefferson  and  Pinckney.  The  treach- 
ery of  this  elector  was  the  subject  of  an  exceedingly  plain- 
spoken  communication  in  the  "  United  States  Gazette  "  from 
an  exasperated  Federalist.  "  What !  "  he  exclaimed.  "  Do  I 
chuse  Samuel  Miles  to  determine  for  me  whether  John  Adams 
or  Thomas  Jefferson  shall  be  President  ?  No  !  I  chuse  him  to 
act,  not  to  think." 

Not  until  a  week  or  two  after  the  electors  had  voted  was 
the  result  definitely  known,  namely,  that  John  Adams  had  one 
vote  more  than  the  number  necessary  to  elect  him ;  and  that 
Jefferson,  having  the  next  highest  number,  only  two  less 
than  a  majority,  was  chosen  Vice-President.  The  electoral 
votes  were,  by  States,  as  follows :  — 


States, 

n 

«" 
I 

■8 

< 
a 
A 
o 
*■» 

i 

i 

£ 

SB 
<o 

<-» 

i 

i 

6 

CO 

J 

w 

a 

a 

s 

o 

i 

Pi 

m 

a 

§ 
9 
-< 

1 

S 

1 

a 

§ 

i 

73 

W 
h 

5 
> 

O 

1 

5 

® 

i 

s 

s 

© 
•-s 

d 

to 

« 

V 

ce 

E 

1 

§ 
-& 

a 
12 

a 

a> 

Q 

to 

a" 
8 

a 

1 

1 

a 

73 

§ 

W 
a 
■§ 

»"9 

d 

ad 

a 
a 

1 

d 

M 
V 

o 

New  Hampshire 
Vermont    .     . 
Massachusetts 
Rhode  Island . 
Connecticut    . 
New  York  .    . 
New  Jersey    . 
Pennsylvania . 
Delaware   .    . 
Maryland  .    . 
Virginia     .     . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia      .     . 
Kentucky  .     . 
Tennessee  .    . 

Total.    .    . 

•     • 

6 
4 

16 
4 
9 

12 
7 
1 
3 
7 
1 
1 

71 

14 

4 
20 
11 
8 
4 
4 
3 

68 

4 
13 

4 
12 
7 
2 
3 
4 
1 

8 
59 

13 

3 

1 
6 

4 
3 

30 

15 
15 

6 

4 

11 

3 

4 

7 

5 
5 

3 
3 

l 

2 

2 
2 

2 
2 

1 
1 

The  proceedings  in  preparation  for  the  count  of  the  elect- 
oral votes  were  in  all  respects  similar  to  those  of  four  years 
previous,  except  that  the  proposition  for  a  joint  committee 
originated  this  time  in  the  Senate.     The  count  itself  is  in- 


52  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

teresting  on  account  of  the  fact  that  Mr.  Adams  himself  pre- 
sided, opened,  and  read  the  certificates,  and  declared  himself 
elected,  when  the  rejection  of  four  votes  which  had  been 
called  in  question  would  have  defeated  him  and  elected  his 
opponent.  The  legislature  of  Vermont  had  appointed  elect- 
ors, but  had  not  previously  passed  a  law  directing  how  they 
should  be  appointed.  It  was  contended  privately,  by  some 
persons,  that  the  appointment  was  invalid.  But  the  ques- 
tion was  not  raised  in  Congress,  or  at  the  joint  meeting  for 
the  count  of  the  votes.  Mr.  Adams's  opponents  did  not  feel 
sure  of  their  ground,  and  probably  did  not  know  how  to  pro- 
ceed to  make  their  objections  effective.  Mr.  Madison  wrote 
to  Jefferson,  January  8,  1797,  "  If  the  Vermont  votes  be  valid, 
as  is  now  generally  supposed,  Mr.  Adams  will  have  seventy- 
one  and  you  sixty-eight,  Pinckney  being  in  the  rear  of  both." 
Mr.  Adams  himself  could  certainly  not  raise  the  question 
of  the  validity  of  the  Vermont  votes ;  but  he  seems  to  have 
given  an  opportunity  for  objections  if  anyone  should  see  fit 
to  raise  them.  The  record  shows  this.  When  the  tellers 
had  reported  the  result,  Mr.  Adams  thus  addressed  the  as- 
sembled senators  and  representatives  :  — 

Gentlemen  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  —  By  the 
report  which  has  been  made  to  me  by  the  tellers  appointed  by 
the  two  Houses  to  examine  the  votes,  there  are  71  votes  for  John 
Adams,  68  for  Thomas  Jefferson  [and  so  on  to  the  end  of  the 
list].  The  whole  number  of  votes  are  138 ;  70  therefore  make  a 
majority ;  so  that  the  person  who  has  71  votes,  which  is  the  highest 
number,  is  elected  President,  and  the  person  who  has  68  votes, 
which  is  the  next  highest  number,  is  elected  Vice-President. 

At  this  point  Mr.  Adams  sat  down  for  a  moment.  After 
an  interval  of  silence,  he  arose  again  and  said :  — 

In  obedience  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  the  commands  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  expressed  In 
their  resolution  passed  in  the  present  session,  I  declare  that  John 
Adams  is  elected  President  of  the  United  States  for  four  years,  to 
commence  with  the  fourth  day  of  March  next ;  and  that  Thomas 
Jefferson  is  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for  four 
years,  to  commence  on  the  fourth  day  of  March  next. 

And  may  the  Sovereign  of  the  Universe,  the  Ordainer  of  civil 
government  on  earth,  for  the  preservation  of  liberty,  justice  and 
peace  among  men,  enable  both  to  discharge  the  duties  of  these 
offices  conformably  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with 
conscientious  diligence,  punctuality,  and  perseverance. 


JOHN  ADAMS  53 

The  inauguration  took  place  in  the  chamber  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  which  was  crowded  to  its  utmost  capacity. 
The  oath  was  administered  by  Chief  Justice  Ellsworth. 
General  Washington  was  present,  with  a  "  countenance  as 
serene  and  unclouded  as  the  day,"  so  Adams  reports  in  a  let- 
ter to  his  wife,  descriptive  of  the  ceremony,  which  he  closes 
by  saying,  "  All  agree  that,  taken  altogether,  it  was  the  sub- 
limest  thing  ever  exhibited  in  America." 


V 

THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST 

The  administration  of  John  Adams  witnessed  the  total 
wreck  of  the  Federalist  party,  a  result  of  divided  leadership. 
Although  Mr.  Adams  had  become  President  by  an  extremely 
narrow  majority  of  votes,  yet  his  party  was  stronger  in  both 
branches  of  Congress  than  it  had  been  during  Washington's 
second  administration.  Of  the  sixth  Congress,  during  the 
latter  half  of  Adams's  term,  the  Republicans  formed  but  a 
small  minority.  The  strength  which  the  dominant  party 
might  wisely  have  used  in  consolidating  its  own  power, 
through  the  adoption  of  a  policy  in  harmony  with  its  prin- 
ciples, was  wasted  in  internal  conflict.  The  blame,  in  a 
political  sense,  rested  upon  both  the  Federalist  factions. 
Hamilton  had  become  accustomed  to  exert  a  great,  almost  a 
controlling  influence  over  Washington.  .  He  was  consulted 
by  the  general  quite  as  freely  after  his  retirement  from  the 
cabinet  as  before.  He  was  the  leader  of  his  own  party  in 
the  same  sense  that  Jefferson  was  the  leader  of  the  Republi- 
cans. That  is  to  say,  the  chief  men  of  the  party  sought  his 
advice ;  he  frequently  volunteered  counsel  to  them,  upon  the 
public  questions  that  arose ;  and  his  opinion  was  usually  fol- 
lowed. Mr.  Adams  was  not  one  of  Hamilton's  coterie,  nor 
was  he  a  man  either  to  seek  advice  as  to  his  course  of  action, 
or  to  accept  it  with  equanimity.  From  this  situation  arose 
all  the  bad  feeling  and  secret  intrigue  that  make  this  admin- 
istration a  period  of  political  scandal. 

Adams  continued  in  office  all  the  members  of  Washington's 
cabinet ;  Pickering,  Secretary  of  State ;  Wolcott,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  McHenry,  Secretary  of  War ;  and  Lee,  At- 
torney-General. These  men  were  in  frequent  correspondence 
with  Hamilton.  Before  the  first  month  of  Adams's  admin- 
istration had  closed,  Hamilton  wrote  to  Wolcott  advocating 
strongly  the  sending  of  three  ministers  to  France.  Wolcott 
replied  the  next  day ;  and  in  his  letter  revealed  to  Hamilton, 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  55 

"  in  the  most  perfect  confidence, "  the  fact  that  the  President 
had  already  proposed  to  him  the  formation  of  such  a  com- 
mission to  negotiate  with  France.  In  this  incident  is  to  be 
found  the  key  of  the  whole  situation  within  the  administra- 
tion during  the  ensuing  four  years.  Hamilton  could  not,  or 
would  not,  —  at  any  rate,  did  not,  —  throw  off  the  habit  of 
advising  the  government  and  endeavoring  to  control  its  ac- 
tion. Since  he  had  not .  the  same  influence  over  Adams  as 
he  had  exercised  over  Washington,  he  operated  through  the 
secretaries  who  were  already  accustomed  to  receive  and  act 
upon  his  counsel.  The  secretaries,  habituated  to  this  influ- 
ence, which  had  been  so  potent  over  the  first  President,  whom 
they  revered  more  than  they  did  the  second,  dropped  insen- 
sibly into  the  way  of  listening  to  Hamilton  rather  than  to 
their  chief,  and  —  what  wrought  all  the  mischief  —  of  mea- 
suring the  intelligence  and  political  sagacity  of  the  President 
by  the  degree  of  deference  he  paid  to  Hamilton's  judgment. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  hold  them  base  or  even  treacherous  on 
this  account,  as  does  John  Adams's  grandson  and  biographer, 
and  as  all  the  anti-Federalist  historians  do.  But  the  situation 
created  was  intolerable ;  and  a  much  more  even-tempered  man 
than  Mr.  Adams  might  well  be  excused  for  losing  control  over 
himself  when  he  discovered  that  his  own  subordinates  were 
executing  not  his  will,  but  that  of  another.  In  the  very  case 
under  consideration,  Mr.  Wolcott  had  been  approached  by 
the  President  on  the  subject  of  a  mission  to  France,  and  had 
shown  a  decided  opposition  to  the  measure.  But  in  replying 
to  Hamilton  he  wrote :  "  You  know  that  I  am  accustomed  to 
respect  your  opinions ;  and  at  any  rate  I  am  not  so  ignorant 
of  the  extent  of  your  influence  with  the  friends  of  government 
as  not  to  be  sensible  that  if  you  are  known  to  favor  the  send- 
ing a  commission,  either  nothing  will  be  done  or  your  opinion 
will  prevail."  Mr.  Wolcott  did  not  quite  give  up  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  mission,  but  he  was  less  strenuous  after  learning 
what  Hamilton  thought. 

As  time  went  on,  the  secretaries,  particularly  Pickering  and 
Wolcott,  besprinkled  their  correspondence  with  phrases  indi- 
cating their  contempt  for  their  chief.  That  he  was  vain,  in- 
discreet, opinionated,  jealous,  distrustful  of  many  prominent 
men  in  his  own  party,  yet  guilelessly  trustful  toward  some  of 
the  most  artful  of  his  political  opponents,  —  all  this  must  be 
admitted.     Yet  it  might  have  been  prevented  from  causing  the 


56  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

confusion  and  disaster  that  followed,  had  the  members  of  the 
cabinet  themselves  been  discreet  and  wise  politicians.  When 
they  found  that  they  were  unable  to  bend  the  President  to 
Hamilton's  will,  because  he  was  headstrong  and  they  were  his 
intellectual  inferiors,  they  should  have  become  the  agents  of 
the  President's  will,  or  retired  from  office. 

The  foregoing  review  of  the  situation  is  necessary,  because 
in  the  relations  between  the  President  and  the  prominent  men 
of  the  Federalist  party  is  to  be  found  the  sole  immediate  cause 
of  the  political  overturn  in  the  year  1800.  Adams's  inaugural 
address  was  well  received,  even  by  those  who  had  opposed  his 
election.  The  popularity  which  he  thus  achieved  increased 
and  continued  during  the  greater  part  of  his  term ;  although 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  politicians  of  his  own  party  grew  more 
intense  as  the  prejudice  against  him  on  the  part  of  the  people 
at  large  vanished.  There  was,  all  the  time,  an  alert  opposi- 
tion, presided  over  by  its  ablest  leader,  whom  circumstances 
had  placed  in  the  most  favorable  position  for  observation  and 
for  taking  advantage  of  every  mistake  of  the  administration, 
and  yet  relieved  of  all  responsibility  for  the  course  of  public 
affairs. 

The  question  which  overshadowed  all  others  during  the 
administration  was  the  relations  with  France.  The  insulting 
rejection  of  Gen.  C.  C.  Pinckney  as  minister,  and  his  expul- 
sion from  French  territory,  became  known  officially  to  the 
government  on  the  21st  of  March,  1797,  before  the  administra- 
tion had  been  three  weeks  in  office.  The  appointment  of 
Elbridge  Gerry,  John  Marshall,  and  General  Pinckney  as  a 
special  embassy ;  the  contemptuous  treatment  they  received 
from  the  French  directory  ;  the  corrupt  proposals  made  to 
,  them  by  Talleyrand,  acting  through  an  agent ;  the  X.  Y.  Z. 
J  letters ;  Adams's  manly  refusal  to  send  another  minister  until 
'  assurance  should  be  given  that  he  would  be  received;  his 
nomination  of  Murray  as  minister  on  the  receipt  of  a  vague  in- 
timation indirectly  conveyed,  that  a  minister  would  be  received, 
without  consultation  with  any  member  of  the  cabinet ;  the 
substitution  of  a  commission  for  a  single  minister ;  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  secretaries  to  the  step,  and  Pickering's  studied 
delay  in  making  ready  for  the  departure  of  the  envoys ;  and 
Adams's  petulant  order  that  they  should  sail  before  a  specified 
day ;  this  is  a  mere  catalogue  of  the  chief  events  in  the  history 
of  the  French  negotiation.     There  were  many  echoes  of  the 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  57 

affair  in  home  politics  :  the  resolution  to  organize  an  army,  and 
the  ensuing  difficulty  relating  to  Hamilton's  rank  as  a  general 
officer,  ending  with  a  victory  for  Hamilton,  through  the  help 
of  Washington ;  the  establishment  of  a  navy,  a  measure  most 
strenuously  opposed  by  the  whole  Republican  party,  but  heart- 
ily supported  by  Federalists  of  both  factions ;  the  Alien  laws 
and  the  Sedition  act ;  and  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolu- 
tions of  1798  and  1799. 

Of  all  these  matters,  as  political  issues  between  parties,  the 
last  mentioned  only  survived  the  administration.  An  exami- 
nation of  other  pages  in  this  book  will  show  that  the  Demo- 
cratic national  platforms  of  1848, 1852,  and  1856  declared  that 
"  every  attempt  .  .  .  ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same  spirit 
which  swept  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  from  our  statute- 
book."  The  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799  also  appear  in  the 
Democratic  platforms  of  1848  and  1852  as  embodying  princi- 
ples to  which  the  party  still  adhered.  There  were  two  "  Alien  " 
laws.  One  of  them  authorized  the  President  to  "  order  such 
aliens  as  he  should  judge  dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of 
the  United  States,  or  should  have  reasonable  grounds  to  sus- 
pect were  concerned  in  any  treasonable  or  secret  machinations 
against  the  government  thereof,  to  depart  out  of  the  territory 
of  the  United  States."  The  other  act  empowered  the  Presi- 
dent, upon  a  declaration  of  war,  to  cause  the  subjects  of  the 
hostile  government  "  to  be  apprehended,  restrained,  secured, 
and  removed,  as  alien  enemies. "  The  Sedition  act  declared  it 
an  offence,  and  prescribed  the  punishment  and  its  mode,  to 
combine  or  conspire,  with  intent  to  oppose  the  government, 
when  directed  by  the  proper  authority,  to  intimidate  an  officer 
from  the  performance  of  his  duty,  to  incite  riots  or  insurrec- 
tions against  the  laws  of  Congress,  or  to  publish  false,  scandal- 
ous, and  malicious  writings  against  the  government,  either 
House  of  Congress,  or  the  President,  with  intent  to  bring  them 
into  contempt,  to  stir  up  sedition,  or  to  aid  or  abet  a  foreign 
nation  in  hostile  designs  against  the  United  States.  Inasmuch 
as  the  Sedition  act  and  the  first  of  the  Alien  laws  expired  by 
self-limitation  before  Jefferson  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  since 
the  second  Alien  law  was  never  repealed,  but  stands  to-day 
substantially  unchanged,  a  commendation  of  the  "  spirit  which 
swept "  them  from  the  statute-book  involves  a  historical  blun- 
der. The  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799  were  the  first  expres- 
sions of  the  doctrine  which  subsequently  became  known  as 
nullification. 


58  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  canvass  of  1800  opened  early.  The  first  step,  perhaps, 
was  an  attempt  to  draw  General  Washington  from  his  retire- 
ment and  induce  him  to  stand  again  for  the  presidency.  A 
suggestion  to  that  effect  was  made,  probably  after  a  consulta- 
tion among  the  Hamiltonians ;  but  Washington  refused  to  com- 
ply. Later,  Gouverneur  Morris  wrote  to  him,  December  9, 
1799  :  "  During  a  late  visit  to  New  York  I  learnt  that  the 
leading  characters,  even  in  Massachusetts,  consider  Mr.  Adams 
as  unfit  for  the  office  he  now  holds ;  "  and  he  proceeded  to 
urge  him  to  become  a  candidate.  It  is  probable  that  Wash- 
ington never  read  the  letter.  He  was  taken  ill  on  the  13th  of 
December  and  died  on  the  14th.  The  scheme  failed,  and  the 
leaders,  seeing  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  supplant  Mr. 
Adams  with  any  candidate  of  less  authority  than  Washington, 
resigned  themselves  to  the  inevitable. 

Early  in  March  articles  began  to  appear  in  the  Republican 
papers,  giving  "  dispassionate  "  reasons  why  Mr.  Adams  should 
not  be  elected.  The  articles  were  answered  at  length  by  cor- 
respondents of  the  Federalist  newspapers.  The  discussion  was 
extremely  bitter,  and  unfounded  charges  were  made  on  both 
sides.  Probably  the  Federal  ticket  had  been  agreed  upon  at 
that  time,  although  it  was  not  authoritatively  announced  until 
June.  General  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  a  brother  of 
Thomas  Pinckney,  who  had  been  the  candidate  most  voted  for 
with  Mr.  Adams  in  1796,  was  associated  with  Adams  on  the 
Federal  ticket.  The  manner  in  which  the  ticket  was  formed 
is  involved  in  much  obscurity.  Mr.  Hezekiah  Niles,  whose 
"  Weekly  Register"  is  a  treasury  of  facts  for  students  of  our 
early  political  history,  tried  to  clear  it  up,  but  acknowledged 
his  failure.  Early  in  the  year  1800  a  meeting  of  a  few  Feder- 
alist members  of  Congress,  for  the  purpose,  as  was  said  at  the 
time,  of  influencing  the  Presidential  election,  was  held  in  the 
Senate  Chamber.  So  far  as  is  known,  no  account  of  its  pro- 
ceedings was  ever  printed,  but  it  was  probably  called  for  the 
purpose  of  strengthening  Mr.  Adams's  cause ;  for  Mr.  Niles 
says  in  another  place  ("  Register,"  Vol.  24,  p.  277)  that  "  it 
was  well  understood  that  many  of  the  Federalists  were  opposed 
to  the  taking  up  of  Mr.  Adams  for  the  presidency,  —  that 
they  had  nearly  fixed  on  another  person."  Perhaps  the  nam- 
ing a  candidate  for  Vice-President  may  also  have  been  one 
of  the  objects  of  the  meeting.  But  it  is  all  a  matter  of  conjec- 
ture and  uncertainty.     Whatever  may  have  been  the  purposes 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  59 

in  view,  the  meeting  excited  the  wrath  of  the  Republicans, 
and  was  denounced  in  the  Philadelphia  "Aurora"  as  a  "Jaco- 
binical conclave,"  —  for  which  and  other  insulting  remarks 
the  editor  of  the  paper  was  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  the  Senate. 

The  Republican  members  themselves  held  a  caucus  some- 
what later,  —  probably  in  February  or  March,  1800.  It  also 
was  a  secret  meeting.  It  was  attended  by  a  small  number  of 
members  only.  It  was  called  not  so  much  for  the  purpose  of 
nominating  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  was  designated  by  the  unani- 
mous voice  of  his  party  as  the  natural  candidate,  as  with  the 
idea  of  causing  a  union  upon  Burr,  as  well  as  upon  Jefferson. 
The  situation  and  the  course  of  events  are  explained  in  a  let- 
ter, already  cited  in  the  preceding  chapter,  from  Oliver  Wolcott 
to  Henry  W.  Edwards,  printed  in  Gibbs's  History,  based  on 
Wolcott's  correspondence  (Vol.  ii.,  p.  488).  Wolcott  wrote 
that  the  division  of  the  votes  of  Virginia  in  1796  "  gave  great 
offence  to  Mr.  Burr,  who  complained  of  bad  faith.  At  the 
next  conference,  or  caucus,  of  the  Republican  members  of 
Congress,  Mr.  Burr  required  as  a  condition  of  his  consent  to 
be  their  candidate,  that  highly  respectable  members  of  the 
Republican  party  should  write  letters,  stating  that  their  honor 
was  pledged  to  endeavor  to  procure  for  him  an  equal  vote  with 
Mr.  Jefferson.  I  have  no  doubt,  from  information  which  I 
received  (though  I  have  never  seen  a  letter  to  that  effect),  that 
this  condition  was  complied  with  ;  at  any  rate,  an  equal  vote 
for  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Colonel  Burr  was  in  fact  obtained." 

Both  parties  entered  upon  the  canvass  with  full  confidence  ; 
but  the  Federalists  soon  suffered  a  severe  rebuff,  when  the 
New  York  election  took  place  in  May.  Later  their  hopes 
revived  and  the  Republicans  became  anxious.  So  well  as- 
sured were  the  Federalists  of  success  that  the  "  Columbian  Cen- 
tinel,"  of  Boston,  on  December  13,  after  the  electors  had 
actually  voted,  asserted  that  "  there  cannot  be  a  doubt  "  of  the 
election  of  Adams  and  Pinckney.  One  week  later  the  "  Cen- 
tinel  "  was  forced  to  "  concede  "  the  "  bad  news  "  that  Jefferson 
and  Burr  were  chosen.  The  result  had  finally  been  determined 
by  the  vote  of  South  Carolina,  on  which  the  Federalists  had 
counted  as  safe  for  their  candidates. 

In  New  York,  the  Republican  assemblymen  were  successful 
in  New  York  city.  In  a  fit  of  faintheartedness  the  Phila- 
delphia "  Gazette "  declared  that  the  result  "  ascertains  the 
election  of  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  presidency,"  using  the  verb  in 


60  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

a  sense  now  obsolete.  The  suggestion  filled  other  Federalists 
with  indignant  horror.  "  I  trust,"  wrote  one  of  them,  "  this 
country  is  not  yet  so  abandoned  of  God."  The  disaster  led 
Hamilton  to  write  to  Governor  Jay,  requesting  him  to  call 
together  the  old  legislature,  which  was  Federalist,  to  pass  a 
law  giving  the  choice  of  electors  to  the  people,  by  districts. 
Another  letter,  evidently  inspired  by  Hamilton,  was  also  sent 
to  Jay  urging  the  same  step.  The  Governor  replied  to  nei- 
ther letter.  He  endorsed  one  of  them,  "  proposing  a  measure 
for  party  purposes  which  I  think  it  would  not  become  me  to 
adopt." 

The  politicians  in  other  States  were  not  so  rigid  in  their 
morality  as  he.  Virginia,  where  the  district  system  of  popular 
election  had  previously  prevailed,  and  where  the  Federalists 
had  made  some  inroads  since  1796,  amended  its  law  and 
instituted  the  practice  of  election  on  a  general  ticket,  thus 
ensuring  its  twenty-one  votes  for  Jefferson.  In  Massachusetts 
a  situation  the  reverse  of  that  in  Virginia  existed.  Several  of 
its  members  of  Congress  were  Republicans ;  a  bye-election  of 
a  congressman  in  the  spring  of  1800  resulted  in  a  Jeffersonian 
success ;  and  when  the  State  election  took  place,  two  or  three 
weeks  afterward,  Governor  Strong  had  a  clear  majority  of 
only  two  hundred,  and  a  plurality  over  Gerry  of  but  2611. 
In  order  to  save  the  whole  vote  of  the  Commonwealth  for 
Adams  and  Pinckney,  it  was  necessary  for  the  General  Court 
to  assume  to  itself  the  appointment  of  the  electors.  A  special 
session  was  summoned,  and  a  resolution  changing  the  system 
was  passed. 

The  situation  in  Pennsylvania  was  peculiar.  It  had  been 
the  practice  in  that  State  to  pass  a  law  regulating  the  mode  of 
appointing  electors  just  before  each  election,  to  be  operative 
for  that  election  only.  At  each  prior  election  the  people  had 
enjoyed  the  privilege  of  choosing  the  electors  by  popular  vote. 
In  the  year  1796,  fourteen  Jefferson  electors  had  been  chosen, 
and  one  Adams  man.  But  in  the  time  of  Mr.  Adams's  popular- 
ity the  Federalists  had  carried  the  State  once  or  twice  ;  and,  as 
the  senators  were  elected  by  classes,  for  four  years,  it  happened 
that,  in  the  year  1800,  although  the  Governor  and  the  House  of 
Representatives  were  strongly  Republican,  the  Senate  was  still 
^federalist  by  13  to  11.  As  no  law  had  been  passed  providing 
j'or  a  popular  election  in  time  to  enable  the  people  to  make  a 
choice,  it  became  the  duty  of  the  legislature  itself  to  choose 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  61 

the  electors.  The  House  passed  a  law  providing  for  an  elec- 
tion by  joint  ballot,  the  only  way  in  which  the  legislature  of 
that  State  ever  elected  officers.  The  Senate  rejected  the  bill 
and  proposed,  instead,  an  election  by  concurrent  vote.  The 
House  refused  to  adopt  that  method.  At  last  the  Senate  pro- 
posed that  each  House  should  name  eight  electors,  and  that 
the  two  Houses  should  vote  together  for  the  combined  list,  or 
for  fifteen  of  the  sixteen.  The  House  was  forced  to  yield,  and 
I  the  result  was  that  eight  Jefferson  and  seven  Adams  electors 
were  chosen.  The  Federal  senators  —  "  the  Federal  thirteen," 
as  they  were  proudly  termed  by  their  admirers  —  were  loudly 
praised  for  this  act  by  the  party  organs.  The  editor  of  the 
"  United  States  Gazette,"  of  Philadelphia,  wrote  on  Decem- 
ber 3,  1800,  to  his  paper  :  — 

The  Federal  thirteen  deserve  the  praises  and  the  blessings  of  all 
America.  They  have  checked  the  mad  enthusiasm  of  a  deluded 
populace  and  the  wicked  speculation  of  designing  demagogues. 
On  reviewing  the  recent  aspect  of  our  political  affairs,  it  may  be 
figuratively  said,  They  have  saved  a  falling  world  I 

It  will  be  seen,  from  a  consideration  of  what  has  been  pre- 
sented, that  the  Federalists  had  good  reason  to  anticipate  suc- 
cess. There  were  to  be  139  electoral  votes,  of  which  70  were 
necessary  for  a  choice.  The  solid  vote  of  New  England, 
together  with  that  of  New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  gave  them 
49  votes ;  Maryland,  Pennsylvania,  and  North  Carolina  con- 
tributed 16  more ;  and  the  eight  votes  of  South  Carolina, 
which  the  people  of  that  State  promised  to  them,  again  and 
again,  would  make  up  the  majority.  Reserving  until  a  little 
later  the  story  of  the  loss  of  those  votes,  let  us  say  that  it  was 
only  political  chicanery,  —  or  if  that  is  too  strong  a  word, 
exceedingly  good  play  of  the  game  of  politics,  that  brought 
them  so  near  to  victory.  New  York  told  the  story  of  the 
popular  sentiment.  Votes  were  saved  to  Adams  in  Pennsyl- 
vania and  Massachusetts  by  taking  advantage  of  earlier  elec- 
tions. On  the  other  hand,  not  more  than  two  or  three  votes 
were  gained  by  the  Republicans  in  Virginia  by  the  adoption 
of  the  district  system.  On  the  surface  it  appears  as  if  the 
Federalists  were  almost  as  strong  as  ever.  In  reality  they 
were  saved  from  a  much  more  crushing  defeat  than  they  expe- 
rienced by  measures  which  the  political  morality  of  our  time 
would  condemn. 

The  progress  of  the  canvass  developed  the  usual  number  of 


62  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

"  campaign  lies  "  and  misrepresentations.  When  the  overturn 
in  Adams's  cabinet  occurred,  the  Trenton  "  Federalist "  asserted 
its  knowledge  that  the  step  was  the  outcome  of  an  agreement 
between  Adams  and  Jefferson.  Adams  was  to  be  re-elected, 
and  so  was  Jefferson  ;  the  President  was  to  arrange  the  offices 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Vice-President,  who  was  to  give  his 
firm  support  to  the  measures  of  the  administration.  The 
statement  was  absurd,  and  might  have  been  taken  as  a  joke, 
had  not  the  New  Jersey  paper  been  a  serious  organ  of  the 
party.  Of  the  same  category  was  the  report  circulated  by  the 
Federalist  papers  that  Jefferson  had  discarded  the  Sabbath, 
together  with  the  Christian  division  of  time  into  weeks,  and 
adopted  in  his  household  the  French  decade. 

In  May  the  Federalists  expected  to  win  by  seventy-two 
votes  against  sixty -six.  They  counted  on  five  votes  in  North 
Carolina,  six  in  Pennsylvania,  and  four  in  Maryland,  beside 
the  eight  of  South  Carolina.  In  June  they  claimed  seventy- 
nine  to  fifty-nine.  At  about  this  time  began  to  appear  argu- 
ments to  show  that  it  was  most  necessary  for  all  Federalist 
electors  to  give  an  equal  vote  to  both  candidates.  For  the 
most  part  the  internal  discussions  of  the  Federalists  were  kept 
out  of  the  newspapers.  But  occasionally  something  of  the  dis- 
trust between  Adams's  friends  and  the  adherents  of  Hamilton 
appeared  on  the  surface.  It  was  not  denied,  because  it  was 
evident  to  the  dullest  apprehension  that  only  by  the  most  loyal 
adherence  to  the  party  programme  could  Jefferson  be  defeated. 
Yet  when  Hamilton  made  a  tour  of  New  England,  extended 
as  far  as  Maine,  urging  the  equal  support  of  both  candidates, 
there  was  some  criticism  of  his  action  in  the  Boston  newspaper 
most  devoted  to  Adams's  fortunes.  The  Federalists  of  South 
Carolina,  the  State  which  had  given  its  votes  for  Jefferson  and 
Thomas  Pinckney  in  1796,  now  promised  loyal  support  of 
Adams  and  C.  C.  Pinckney.  Toward  the  close  of  the  canvass 
a  distinct  offer  was  made  to  them  to  repeat  the  division  of  votes 
they  had  made  at  the  former  election,  that  is,  to  give  an  equal 
vote  to  Pinckney  and  Jefferson.  General  Pinckney  refused  to 
sanction  the  coalition,  and  gave  it  to  be  understood  that  he 
wished  for  no  votes  that  were  not  given  also  to  Adams.  The 
expectation  was  that  Adams  and  Pinckney,  under  the  bonds  of 
the  agreement,  would  receive  the  same  number  of  votes  ;  where- 
upon the  House  of  Representatives  would  elect  Adams.  It 
was  in  the  warmest  period  of  the  canvass  that  Aaron  Burr,  in 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST 


63 


some  way  unknown,  obtained  possession  of  a  part  of  Hamilton's 
letter  on  the  character  of  John  Adams,  and  gave  it  to  the  press. 
Hamilton  then  published  the  letter  in  full.  An  extract  from 
it  has  been  given  already,  in  the  account  of  the  election  of 
1796.  Two  sentences  only  will  be  quoted  here.  They  fol- 
low Hamilton's  severe  arraignment  of  the  President  :  "  Yet, 
with  this  opinion  of  Mr.  Adams,  I  have  finally  resolved  not  to 
advise  the  withholding  from  him  a  single  vote.  The  body  of 
Federalists,  for  want  of  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  facts,  are  not 
convinced  of  the  expediency  of  relinquishing  him." 

As  had  been  the  case  in  1796,  sixteen  States  took  part  in 
the  election.  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  and  Pennsyl- 
vania took  away  from  the  people  the  appointment  of  electors.. 
Rhode  Island  conferred  the  right  upon  them.  There  were, 
therefore,  four  States  only  in  which  electors  were  chosen  by 
popular  vote  :  Rhode  Island,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  North 
Carolina.  The  electors  of  both  parties,  with  a  single  excep- 
tion, voted  equally  for  both  candidates.  One  Rhode  Island 
elector  withheld  his  vote  from  Pinckney,  and  gave  it  to  Jay. 
The  result,  by  States,  was  as  follows  :  — 


States. 


New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  . 
Massachusetts . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  * .  . 
Virginia .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee    .     . 

Total  .    .    . 


H 

d 

I 

CO 

1 

02 

1 

B 

to 

a 

1 

a 

3 

m 

.3 

I 

\ 

1 

d 

1 

< 

O 
»-9 

d 

6 

6 

_ 

- 

4 

4 

_ 

- 

16 

16 

_ 

- 

4 

3 

_ 

- 

9 

9 

12 

12 

_ 

- 

_ 

_ 

7 

7 

8 

8 

7 

7 

_ 

_ 

3 

3 

5 

5 

5 

5 

21 

21 

- 

- 

8 

8 

4 

4 

8 

8 

- 

- 

4 

4 

- 

— 

4 

4 

- 

- 

3 

3 

- 

- 

73 

73 

65 

64 

*  One  Maryland  elector  did  not  attend. 


64  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Before  entering  upon  a  narrative  of  the  exciting  events  that 
arose  out  of  the  equal  vote  for  Jefferson  and  Burr,  we  must 
record  a  most  promising  attempt  to  remedy  by  law  the  defi- 
ciencies of  the  Constitution  in  the  matter  of  the  electoral  count. 
Inasmuch  as  the  legislation  then  proposed  subsequently  formed 
the  basis  of  the  "  twenty-second  joint  rule,"  so  famous  in  the 
counts  of  1869  and  1873,  and  of  the  electoral  commission  law 
of  1877,  it  will  be  well  to  notice  the  proceedings  at  some 
:.  length.  A  resolution  introduced  in  the  Senate  January  23, 
1800,  by  Mr.  Ross  of  Pennsylvania,  directed  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  "  to  consider  whether  any,  and  what,  provisions 
.  ought  to  be  made  by  law  for  deciding  disputed  elections  of 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  for 
determining  the  legality  or  the  illegality  of  the  votes  given 
for  those  officers  in  the  different  States."  The  committee 
reported  a  bill,  February  14,  of  which  the  provisions  were,  in 
brief,  as  follows  :  — 

On  the  day  before  the  second  Wednesday  in  February  of 
any  year  when  there  was  to  be  a  count  of  electoral  votes,  each 
House  of  Congress  was  to  choose  by  ballot  six  of  its  own 
members,  who,  with  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  United  States, 
or,  in  case  of  his  disability  from  any  cause,  the  next  senior 
justice,  would  form  a  "  grand  committee,"  with  "  power  to 
examine,  and  finally  to  decide,  all  disputes  relating  to  the 
election." 

Each  House  was  next  to  elect  two  tellers,  to  whom  the  cer- 
tificates of  the  electors,  after  they  had  been  opened  and  read, 
were  to  be  delivered ;  and  the  tellers  were  to  note  the  dates  of 
the  certificates,  the  names  of  the  electors,  the  time  and  place 
of  their  meeting,  and  the  governors'  certificates  accompanying, 
—  these  minutes  to  be  read  to  the  two  Houses  and  entered  on 
the  two  Journals. 

After  the  certificates  had  been  opened,  read,  and  minuted, 
the  President  of  the  Senate  was  to  administer  to  the  members 
of  the  grand  committee  an  oath  to  examine  the  certificates  im- 
partially, "  together  with  the  exceptions  and  petitions  against 
them,  and  a  true  judgment  give  thereon,  according  to  the  evi- 
dence." All  the  certificates,  papers,  petitions,  and  testimony 
were  then  to  be  delivered  to  the  chairman  of  the  grand  com- 
mittee, which  was  to  meet  every  day,  sit  with  closed  doors, 
have  ample  power  to  send  for  persons  and  papers,  compel  at- 
tendance of  witnesses,  and  punish  contempts.  The  powers  of 
the  grand  committee  were  stated  in  the  following  section :  — 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  65 

Sec.  8.  That  the  grand  committee  shall  have  power  to  inquire, 
examine,  decide,  and  report  upon  the  constitutional  qualifications 
of  the  persons  voted  for  as  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  ;  upon  the  constitutional  qualifications  of  the  electors 
appointed  by  the  different  States,  and  whether  their  appointment 
was  authorized  by  the  state  legislature  or  not ;  upon  all  petitions 
and  exceptions  against  corrupt,  illegal  conduct  of  the  electors,  or 
force,  menaces,  or  improper  means  used  to  influence  their  votes ; 
or  against  the  truth  of  their  returns,  or  the  time,  place,  or  manner 
of  giving  their  votes  :  Provided  always,  that  no  petition  or  ex- 
ception shall  be  granted,  allowed,  or  considered  by  the  sitting  grand 
committee,  which  has  for  its  object  to  dispute,  draw  into  question 
the  number  of  votes  given  for  an  elector,  or  the  fact  whether  an  I 
elector  was  chosen  by  a  majority  of  the  votes  in  his  State  or  dis- 
trict. 

The  committee  was  to  make  a  final  report  on  the  1st  of 
March,  stating  the  number  of  legal  votes  for  each  person,  the 
number  rejected,  and  the  reason  for  rejection  ;  such  reasons 
to  be  signed  by  those  who  agreed  to  them.  A  majority  of 
the  committee  was  to  decide  finally  all  questions  submitted, 
and  on  the  day  after  the  report  was  made  the  two  Houses 
were  to  meet  again  in  joint  convention,  when  the  result  was  to 
be  declared,  and,  if  no  person  had  been  chosen  President,  the 
House  was  to  proceed  immediately  to  make  a  choice  according 
to  the  Constitution. 

When  the  bill  came  under  discussion,  a  motion  was  made  to 
strike  from  it  the  first  ten  sections,  —  being  all  which  contained 
any  reference  to  a  grand  committee,  —  and  to  insert  instead  of 
them  a  single  section,  providing  that  when  the  two  Houses 
should  be  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  having  the  certificates 
of  electors  opened  and  counted,  the  names  of  the  States  should 
be  drawn  in  order  by  lot ;  that  all  petitions  and  exceptions 
should  be  read  as  well  as  the  certificates  themselves ;  that,  if 
no  objection  should  be  made,  the  votes  should  be  counted ;  but 
that  "  if  the  votes,  or  any  of  them,  shall  be  objected  to,  the 
members  present  shall  on  the  question  propounded  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate  decide,  without  debate,  by  yea  or  nay, 
whether  such  votes  are  constitutional  or  not ; "  and  so  on,  each 
question  being  decided  before  the  name  of  another  State  was 
drawn.  This  proposition  was  rejected.  Various  other  amend- 
ments were  offered,  some  of  which  were  adopted,  and  the  bill 
was  passed  substantially  as  it  was  reported,  except  that  the 
constitution  of  the  grand  committee  was  changed  so  as  to  relieve 


66  A   HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  Supreme  Court  from  duty  in  connection  with  the  electoral 
count.  Each  House  of  Congress  was  to  choose  six  of  its  mem- 
bers for  this  service,  and  the  Senate  was  also  to  select  three 
others  of  its  members,  of  whom  the  House  was  to  choose  one  bv 
ballot  as  the  thirteenth  member  of  the  grand  committee. 

The  whole  subject  was  considered  with  extreme  care  by  the 
House  of  Representatives.  After  much  debate  upon  it  in  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  the  bill  was  referred  to  a  select  committee, 
of  which  John  Marshall,  afterwards  Chief  Justice,  was  chair- 
man. The  committee  reported  back  the  bill,  in  a  wholly  new 
draft,  on  the  25th  of  April.  It  provided  for  a  joint  committee 
of  four  members  from  each  House,  with  "  power  to  examine 
into  all  disputes  relative  to  the  election  of  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  other  than  such  as  might  relate 
to  the  number  of  votes  by  which  the  electors  may  have  been 
appointed.''  To  this  committee  all  petitions,  exceptions,  and 
memorials  against  either  the  electors  or  the  persons  for  whom 
they  had  voted,  were  to  be  delivered.  The  committee  was  to 
meet  daily  from  the  time  of  its  appointment  until  it  should  make 
its  report ;  it  was  to  have  the  powers  for  reaching  witnesses 
and  compelling  the  production  of  papers  which  the  Senate  had 
given  to  the  grand  committee.  The  report  of  the  committee 
was  to  contain  all  the  facts  ascertained  in  the  investigation, 
but  no  opinion.  The  count  was  to  be  made  in  presence  of  the 
two  Houses  immediately  after  this  report  was  made  —  tellers 
having  been  previously  appointed  in  the  manner  already  estab- 
lished by  precedent  —  in  the  following  method  :  — 

The  names  of  the  several  States  shall  then  be  written  under  the 
inspection  of  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  on 
separate  and  similar  pieces  of  paper,  and  folded  up  as  nearly  alike 
as  may  be,  and  put  into  a  ballot-box,  and  taken  by  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  to  be  named  by  the  Speaker  thereof ;  out 
of  which  box  shall  be  drawn  the  paper  on  which  the  names  of  the 
States  are  written,  one  at  a  time,  by  a  member  of  the  Senate,  to  be 
named  by  the  President  thereof,  and  so  soon  as  one  is  drawn  the 
packet  containing  the  certificates  from  the  electors  of  that  State 
shall  be  opened  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  then  shall  be 
read  also  the  petitions,  depositions,  and  other  papers  concerning 
the  same,  and  if  no  exceptions  are  taken  thereto,  all  the  votes  con- 
tained in  such  certificates  shall  be  counted  ;  but  if  any  exception  be 
taken,  the  person  taking  the  same  shall  state  it  directly  and  not 
argumentatively,  and  sign  his  name  thereto  ;  and,  if  it  be  founded 
on  any  circumstance  appearing  in  the  report  of  the  joint  commit- 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  67 

tee,  and  the  exception  be  seconded  by  one  member  from  the  Senate 
and  one  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  each  of  whom  shall 
sign  the  said  exception  as  having  seconded  the  same,  then  each 
House  shall  immediately  retire,  without  question  or  debate,  to 
its  own  apartment,  and  shall  take  the  question  of  the  excep- 
tion, without  debate,  by  ayes  and  noes.  So  soon  as  the  question 
shall  be  taken  in  either  House,  a  message  shall  be  sent  to  the 
other,  informing  them  that  the  House  sending  the  message  is 
prepared  to  resume  the  count,  and  when  such  message  shall  have 
been  received  by  both  Houses,  they  shall  again  assemble  in  the  same 
apartment  as  before,  and  the  count  shall  be  resumed.  And  if  the 
two  Houses  have  concurred  in  rejecting  the  vote  or  votes  objected 
to,  such  vote  or  votes  shall  not  be  counted ;  but,  unless  both  Houses 
concur,  such  vote  or  votes  shall  be  counted.  If  the  objection 
taken  as  aforementioned  shall  arise  on  the  face  of  the  papers  opened 
by  the  President  of  the  Senate  in  presence  of  both  Houses,  and  shall 
not  have  been  noticed  in  the  report  of  the  joint  committee,  such 
objections  may  be  referred  to  the  joint  committee  to  be  examined 
and  reported  on  by  them  in  the  same  manner  and  on  the  same 
principles  as  their  first  report  was  made ;  but  if  both  Houses  do 
not  concur  in  referring  the  same  to  the  committee,  then  such  ob- 
jections shall  be  decided  on  in  like  manner  as  if  it  had  been 
founded  on  any  circumstance  appearing  in  the  report  of  the  com- 
mittee. The  vote  of  one  State  being  thus  counted,  another  ticket 
shall  be  drawn  from  the  ballot-box,  "and  the  certificate  and  the 
votes  of  the  State  thus  drawn  shall  be  proceeded  on  as  is  herein- 
before directed,  and  so  on,  one  after  another,  until  the  whole  of 
the  votes  shall  be  counted. 

The  bill  was  carefully  considered,  and  various  amendments 
were  proposed  and  negatived.  It  was  passed  on  the  2d  of 
May  by  a  vote  of  52  to  37.  On  being  returned  to  the  Senate, 
the  bill  was  referred  to  a  committee  which  reported  several 
amendments,  of  which  only  one  was  adopted,  but  that  was 
one  of  the  greatest  importance.  The  word  "  admitting  "  was 
substituted  for  "  rejecting,"  in  the  passage  quoted  above,  and 
the  phraseology  of  the  rest  of  the  clause  was  changed  to  con- 
form to  the  amendment ;  thus  providing  that,  unless  the  two 
Houses  concurred  in  admitting  any  disputed  vote,  it  should 
not  be  counted.  This  was  precisely  the  principle  of  the  twenty- 
second  joint  rule  of  1865,  and  the  Senate  adopted  it  in  1800 
by  a  vote  of  16  to  11.  The  House  non-concurred,  and  a  vote 
in  each  branch  to  adheje  to  the  disagreement  defeated  the  bill. 

The  proceedings  preliminary  to  the  count,  and  the  count 
itself,  were  in  all  respects  similar  to  those  in  former  years 


68  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

up  to   the   declaration  of   the   result,    which   was   in   these 
words :  — 

That  the  whole  number  of  electors  who  had  voted  was  one 
hundred  and  thirty-eight,  of  which  number  Thomas  Jefferson  and 
Aaron  Burr  had  a  majority ;  but,  the  number  of  those  voting  for 
them  being  equal,  no  choice  was  made  by  the  people ;  and  that, 
consequently,  the  remaining  duties  devolve  upon  the  House  of 
Representatives. 

Already  a  committee  had  been  appointed  to  prepare  a  set  of 
rules  for  the  House,  in  case  the  count  should  show  that  it  was 
the  duty  of  the  House  to  elect  a  President ;  and  the  rules, 
having  been  discussed  in  committee  of  the  whole,  were  adopted 
as  follows :  — 

First.  In  the  event  of  its  appearing,  upon  the  counting  and 
ascertaining  of  the  votes  given  for  President  and  Vice-President, 
according  to  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  that  no  per- 
son has  a  constitutional  majority,  and  the  same  shall  have  been 
duly  declared  and  entered  on  the  Journals  of  this  House,  the 
Speaker,  accompanied  by  the  members  of  the  House,  shall  return 
to  their  Chamber. 

Second.  Seats  shall  be  provided  in  this  House  for  the  President 
and  members  of  the  Senate,  and  notification  of  the  same  shall  be 
made  to  the  Senate. 

Third.  The  House,  on  their  return  from  the  Senate  Chamber, 
it  being  ascertained  that  the  constitutional  number  of  States  are 
present,  shall  immediately  proceed  to  choose  one  of  the  persons 
from  whom  the  choice  is  to  be  made  for  President ;  and  in  case 
upon  the  first  ballot  there  shall  not  appear  to  be  a  majority  of  the 
States  in  favor  of  one  of  them,  in  such  case  the  House  shall  con- 
tinue to  ballot  for  a  President,  without  interruption  by  other  busi- 
ness, until  it  shall  appear  that  a  President  is  duly  chosen. 

Fourth.  After  commencing  the  balloting  for  President,  the 
House  shall  not  adjourn  until  a  choice  is  made. 

Fifth.  The  doors  of  the  House  shall  be  closed  during  the  bal- 
loting, except  against  the  officers  of  the  House. 

Sixth.  In  balloting  the  following  mode  shall  be  observed,  to  wit : 
The  representatives  of  the  respective  States  shall  be  so  seated  that 
the  delegation  of  each  State  shall  be  together.  The  representatives 
of  each  State  shall,  in  the  first  instance,  ballot  among  themselves, 
in  order  to  ascertain  the  vote  of  that  State ;  and  it  shall  be  allowed, 
where  deemed  necessary  by  the  delegation,  to  name  one  or  more 
persons  of  the  representation  to  be  tellers  of  the  ballots.  After 
the  vote  of  each  State  is  ascertained,  duplicates  thereof  shall  be 
made ;  and  in  case  the  vote  of  the  State  be  for  one  person,  then 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  69 

the  name  of  that  person  shall  be  written  on  each  of  the  dupli- 
cates; and  in  case  the  ballots  of  the  State  be  equally  divided, 
then  the  word  "  divided  "  shall  be  written  on  each  duplicate,  and 
the  said  duplicates  shall  be  deposited,  in  manner  hereafter  pre- 
scribed, in  boxes  to  be  provided.  That  for  the  conveniently  tak- 
ing the  ballots  of  the  several  representatives  of  the  respective 
States,  there  be  sixteen  ballot-boxes  provided  ;  and  that  there  be, 
additionally,  two  boxes  provided  for  receiving  the  votes  of  the 
States ;  that  after  the  delegation  of  each  State  shall  have  ascer- 
tained the  vote  of  the  State,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  shall  carry  to 
the  respective  delegations  the  two  ballot-boxes,  and  the  delegation 
of  each  State,  in  the  presence  and  subject  to  the  examination  of 
all  the  members  of  the  delegation,  shall  deposit  a  duplicate  of  the 
vote  of  the  State  in  each  ballot-box ;  and  where  there  is  more  than 
one  representative  of  a  State,  the  duplicates  shall  not  both  be  de- 
posited by  the  same  person.  When  the  votes  of  the  States  are  all 
thus  taken  in,  the  Sergeant-at-Arms  shall  carry  one  of  the  general 
ballot-boxes  to  one  table,  and  the  other  to  a  second  and  separate 
table.  Sixteen  members  shall  then  be  appointed  as  tellers  of  the 
ballots,  one  of  whom  shall  be  taken  from  each  State,  and  be 
nominated  by  the  delegation  of  the  State  from  which  he  was 
taken.  The  said  tellers  shall  be  divided  into  two  equal  sets  ac- 
cording to  such  agreements  as  shall  be  made  among  themselves, 
and  one  of  the  said  sets  of  tellers  shall  proceed  to  count  the  votes 
in  one  of  the  said  boxes,  and  the  other  set  the  votes  in  the  other 
box ;  and  in  the  event  of  no  appointment  of  teller  by  any  dele- 
gation, the  Speaker  shall  in  such  case  appoint.  When  the  votes 
of  the  States  are  counted  by  the  respective  sets  of  tellers,  the  re- 
sult shall  be  reported  to  the  House ;  and  if  the  reports  agree,  the 
same  shall  be  accepted  as  the  true  votes  of  the  States ;  but  if  the 
reports  disagree,  the  States  shall  immediately  proceed  to  a  new 
ballot,  in  manner  aforesaid. 

Seventh.  If  either  of  the  persons  voted  for  shall  have  a  major- 
ity of  the  votes  of  all  the  States,  the  Speaker  shall  declare  the 
same;  and  official  notice  thereof  shall  be  immediately  given  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  to  the  Senate. 

Eighth.  All  questions  which  shall  arise  after  the  balloting  com- 
mences, and  which  shall  be  decided  by  the  House  voting  per  capita 
to  be  incidental  to  the  power  of  choosing  the  President,  and  which 
shall  require  the  decision  of  the  House,  shall  be  decided  by  States, 
and  without  debate ;  and  in  case  of  an  equal  division  of  the  votes 
of  States,  the  question  shall  be  lost. 

An  active  intrigue  had  been  in  progress  among  the  Fed- 
eralists, dating  back  almost  to  the  day  when  they  learned  of 
their  defeat,  which  had  for  its  purpose  the  prevention  of  the 


JO  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

election  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  first  plan  which  occurred  to 
them  was  that  the  House  of  Representatives  should  ballot 
fruitlessly  for  a  President  until  the  fourth  of  March  had 
passed,  when  both  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President 
would  become  vacant.  Then  the  law  already  passed  by  Con- 
gress in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  1  would 
become  operative,  and  a  new  election  would  be  held.  This 
scheme  was  outlined  in  the  "  Columbian  Centinel  "  in  December, 
1800.  Some  of  the  Federalist  writers  have  denied  that  such 
a  purpose  as  this  was  ever  entertained ;  but  the  proof  is  too 
strong  for  denial  that  it  was  the  first  move  made  in  the  most 
indefensible  and  scandalous  act  in  the  history  of  the  Federalist 
party.  It  was,  nevertheless,  soon  abandoned ;  and  another 
plan  was  adopted  by  preference.  The  plan  was  the  support 
of  Burr,  and  his  election  over  Jefferson.  The  Federalists  seem 
to  have  come  slowly  and  reluctantly  to  the  resolution  to  give 
Burr  their  votes.  They  did  so  in  opposition  to  the  most 
earnest  remonstrances  of  Hamilton,  who  carried  on  an  active 
correspondence  with  many  public  men.  He  argued  directly 
with  influential  members  of  Congress,  and  endeavored  to  enlist 
the  help  of  other  prominent  Federalists  in  dissuading  the 
party  from  disgracing  itself.  No  act  of  Hamilton's  public 
life  shows  more  conspicuously  his  high-mindedness  and  his 
political  sagacity.  His  position  is  epitomized  in  a  brief  pas- 
sage from  a  letter  to  Gouverneur  Morris :  "  I  trust  the  Fed- 
eralists will  not  finally  be  so  mad  as  to  vote  for  Burr.  I 
speak  with  an  intimate  and  accurate  knowledge  of  character. 
His  elevation  can  only  promote  the  purposes  of  the  desperate 
and  profligate.  If  there  be  a  man  in  the  world  I  ought  to 
hate,  it  is  Jefferson.  With  Burr  I  have  always  been  person- 
ally well.  But  the  public  good  must  be  paramount  to  every 
private  consideration."  The  repugnance  of  the  Federalists 
who  persuaded  themselves  to  support  Burr  is  well  expressed 
in  a  letter  from  Theodore  Sedgwick,  of  Massachusetts,  the 
Speaker  of  the  House :  "  By  a  mode  of  election  which  was 
intended  to  secure  to  preeminent  talent  and  virtues  the  first 
honors  of  our  country,  and  forever  to  disgrace  the  barbarous 
institutions  by  which  executive  power  is  to  be  transmitted 
through  the  organs  of  generation,  we  have,  at  one  election, 
placed  at  the  head  of  our  government  a  semi-maniac,  and  who 
in  his  soberest  senses  is  the  greatest  marplot  in  nature  ;  and 
i  Sec.  10.    See  p.  37. 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  71 

at  the  next  a  feeble  and  false,  enthusiastic  theorist,  and  a 
profligate  without  character  and  without  property,  bankrupt 
in  both." 

Hamilton's  most  powerful  efforts  to  detach  the  Federalists 
from  Burr  were  exerted  upon  the  one  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  from  Delaware,  Mr.  James  A.  Bayard.  Mr. 
Bayard  agreed  with  Hamilton  in  opinion  ;  but  as  he  wrote  to 
that  gentleman,  two  or  three  weeks  after  the  election  :  "  I  was 
obliged  to  yield  to  a  torrent  which  I  perceived  might  be 
diverted,  but  could  not  be  opposed."  He  "  contrived  to  lay 
hold  of  all  the  doubtful  votes  in  the  House,  which  enabled 
me,  according  to  views  which  presented  themselves,  to  protract 
or  terminate*  the  controversy."  The  fact  was  that  the  Federal- 
ists made  strenuous  efforts  to  obtain  assurances  from  Burr  that 
he  would,  if  elected,  administer  the  government  as  a  Federal- 
ist. Burr  could  have  been  elected  if  he  had  committed  him- 
self to  them.  His  character  was  such  that  his  unwillingness 
to<do  so  must  be  attributed  to  doubts  of  success  rather  than  to 
principle.  Letters  written  by  him  after  his  equality  with 
Jefferson  in  the  race  was  ascertained,  showed  that  he  under- 
stood and  acquiesced  in  the  agreement  that  Jefferson  was  to  be 
President.  Yet  he  carried  on  an  intrigue  with  the  Federalists, 
without  ever  going  so  far  as  to  leave  open  no  way  back  into 
the  confidence  of  the  Republican  party.  His  adroitness  over- 
reached itself.  When  Mr.  Bayard  had  satisfied  himself  that 
Burr  would  not  commit  himself,  he  took  a  decided  step  which 
resulted  in  the  election  of  Jefferson. 

When  the  House  of  Representatives  retired  to  its  own  hall, 
balloting  for  a  President  began  immediately.  Every  member, 
with  two  exceptions,  was  present,  and  one  of  the  two,  too  ill  to 
attend,  was  in  a  committee-room  adjoining  the  hall,  where  a 
bed  had  been  prepared  for  him.  From  the  first  several  Feder- 
alists voted  for  Jefferson,  but  the  most  of  them  supported 
Burr.  A  New  Jersey  member,  whose  defection  Jefferson  had 
predicted  two  months  before,  gave  the  vote  of  the  State  to 
Jefferson.  Georgia  was  entitled  to  two  representatives.  One 
of  its  members,  a  Republican,  had  died  not  long  before.  The 
other,  a  Federalist,  voted  for  Jefferson,  and  thus  gave  him  the 
vote  of  the  State.  Jefferson  had,  in  all,  the  votes  of  eight 
States.  Burr  had  the  votes  of  six  States.  Maryland  and 
Vermont  were  divided,  —  Maryland  because  of  the  defection 
of  another  Federalist ;  the  party  division  of  the  delegation  was 


72 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


three  Federalists  and  three  Republicans.  As  the  Constitution 
required  a  majority  of  all  the  States  to  elect,  the  vote  was  not 
effective.  The  House  balloted  nineteen  times  on  the  11th  of 
February,  nine  times  on  the  12th,  and  once  each  on  the  13th, 
14th,  16th,  and  17th,  —  thirty-five  times  in  all.  At  every 
trial  the  result  was  the  same.  It  is  exhibited  in  the  following 
table :  — 


States. 

Jefferson. 

Burr. 

State  voted  for— 

New  Hampshire 
Vermont     .     . 
Massachusetts 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut     . 
New  York  .     . 
New  Jersey    .     . 
Pennsylvania  .     . 
Delaware    .     . 
Maryland    .     . 
Virginia      .     . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .     .     . 
Kentucky    .     . 
Tennessee  .     . 

1 
3 

6 
3 
9 

4 

16 
9 

1 

2 
1 

4 
1 
11 
2 
7 
4 
2 
4 
1 
4 
3 
1 
5 

Burr. 

Divided  —  Blank. 

Burr. 

Burr. 

Burr. 

Jefferson. 

Jefferson. 

Jefferson. 

Burr. 

Divided  —  Blank. 

Jefferson. 

Jefferson. 

Burr. 

Jefferson. 

Jefferson. 

Jefferson. 

Total  .     .    . 

55 

49 

The  thirty-sixth  ballot,  taken  on  the  17th  of  February, 
resulted  in  the  choice  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  Federalists, 
excepting  those  from  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Connecticut,  declined  to  vote.  This  action  gave 
the  votes  of  Vermont  and  Maryland  to  Jefferson,  raising  his 
number  to  ten ;  it  rendered  blank  the  votes  of  Delaware  and 
South  Carolina;  and  left  to  Burr  the  four  New  England 
States  above  named.  Mr.  Bayard,  in  the  account  of  the  elec- 
tion which  he  gave  to  Hamilton,  already  quoted,  says  that 
when  he  became  satisfied  that  Burr  would  not  commit  himself, 
he  "  came  out  with  the  most  explicit  and  determined  declara- 
tion of  voting  for  Jefferson.  You  cannot  well  imagine,"  he 
continues,  "  the  clamor  and  vehement  invective  to  which  I  was 
subjected  for  some  days.  We  had  several  caucuses.  AIL 
acknowledged  that  nothing  but  desperate  measures  remained. 


THE  JEFFERSON-BURR  CONTEST  73 

which  several  were  disposed  to  adopt,  and  but  few  were  will- 
ing openly  to  disapprove.  We  broke  up  each  time  in  confu- 
sion and  discord,  and  the  manner  of  the  last  ballot  was  arranged 
but  a  few  minutes  before  the  vote  was  given."  He  reports 
that  but  for  one  Connecticut  member,  all  the  Federalists  would 
have  voted  blank.  When  that  member  refused,  the  rest  of  his 
delegation  refused  also,  and  thereupon  the  other  New  England 
members,  except  the  one  from  Vermont,  joined  them  in  their 
action,  and  voted  for  Burr  to  the  last.  "  The  means  existed," 
he  further  declared,  "  of  electing  Burr,  but  this  required  his 
cooperation.  By  deceiving  one  man  (a  great  blockhead)  and 
tempting  two  (not  incorruptible)  he  might  have  secured  a  ma- 
jority of  the  States." 

The  inauguration  was  even  more  informal  than  that  which 
took  place  in  1793,  when  Washington  took  the  oath  the  sec- 
ond time.  There  is  no  evidence  that  either  Washington  on  that 
occasion,  or  Mr.  Adams  in  1797,  made  use  of  a  carriage  to 
reach  the  Capitol.  Nevertheless,  an  untrue  story  that  Jeffer- 
son rode  on  horseback,  unattended,  to  the  building  where  Con- 
gress met,  and  that  he  hitched  his  horse  to  a  fence  post,  has 
been  the  basis  of  an  idea  that  the  new  President  brought  the 
style  of  government  back  to  republican  simplicity.  The  truth 
is,  that  at  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  4th  of  March, 
Burr  appeared  in  the  Senate  Chamber,  took  the  oath  of  office, 
and  began  to  preside  over  the  Senate.  At  noon  Jefferson,  clad 
in  his  usual  dress,  walked  from  the  boarding-house,  where,  as 
Vice-President,  he  resided,  accompanied  by  a  company  of  artil- 
lery from  Virginia.  He  went  to  the  north  wing  of  the  Capitol 
where  the  House  was  in  session,  and  was  received  by  Vice- 
President  Burr.  Having  taken  a  seat  between  Burr  and  Chief 
Justice  Marshall,  he  soon  rose  and  delivered  his  inaugural 
address.  The  oath  was  then  administered  by  the  Chief  Jus- 
tice. President  Adams  was  not  present  to  witness  the  cere- 
mony. Early  on  the  morning  of  the  inauguration  he  left 
Washington  on  his  journey  to  his  home  in  Massachusetts. 


VI 

THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME 

A  political  era  began  with  the  inauguration  of  Jefferson. 
Forty  years  of  uninterrupted  ascendency  of  his  party  were 
followed  by  twenty  years  more,  during  which,  although  it  was 
twice  defeated  in  the  electoral  colleges,  its  adversaries  enjoyed 
the  sweets  of  power  for  four  years  only  —  one  presidential 
term.  The  Republican  party  was  in  its  origin  merely  a  party 
of  opposition.  Its  chosen  designation  had  but  a  negative 
signification,  for  it  was  adopted  rather  to  bring  an  accusation 
of  monarchical  tendencies  against  the  party  in  power,  than  to 
embody  a  political  programme  of  its  own.  It  came  into  the 
possession  of  the  government  without  a  plan  or  a  promise. 
Its  adversaries  applied  to  the  members  of  the  party  the  terms 
"  Jacobins  "  and  "  Democrats  ;  "  perhaps  not  inappropriately, 
since  much  of  their  early  political  activity  had  been  exerted 
through  the  medium  of  democratic  societies  formed  on  the 
model  of  the  Jacobin  clubs  of  Paris*  Jefferson  himself  never 
adopted  the  democratic  name ;  but  gradually  that  which  had 
been  used  as  a  term  of  reproach  became  the  ordinary  designa- 
tion of  the  party,  and  ultimately  a  name  proudly  held.  The 
Democratic  party  survived  two  great  rivals,  the  Federalist  and 
the  Whig  parties  ;  and  has  come  down  to  our  own  time  in 
unbroken  succession,  although  not  without  more  than  one 
radical  change  in  its  principles.  For  no  one  to-day  holds  the 
Jeffersonian  creed.  No  one  believes  in  strict  construction  of  the 
Constitution,  as  he  understood  it ;  no  one  places  the  State  above 
the  nation,  or  accepts  the  doctrine  of  nullification,  or  denies  the 
right  of  the  Supreme  Court  to  act  as  an  arbiter  and  interpreter 
of  the  Constitution,  or,  in  short,  takes  the  view  of  Federalist 
legislation  which  Jefferson  took.  The  strictest  construction  of 
our  time  concedes  greater  authority  to  the  national  government 
than  Hamilton  ever  claimed  for  it. 

One  must  carefully  avoid  judging  the  statesmen  and  politi- 
cians of  the  first  quarter  century  under  the  Constitution  by  the 


THE  DEMOCRATIC   REGIME  75 

standards  which  later  generations  have  set  up.  If  Jefferson 
and  those  who  acted  with  him  deemed  the  States  safer  reposi- 
tories of  ultimate  authority  than  the  general  government,  we 
must  remember  that  the  "  more  perfect  union  "  was  still  an 
experiment.  If  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  as- 
serted a  doctrine  which  was  to  imperil  the  existence  of  the 
government ;  and  if  some  Federalists  of  the  highest  authority 
considered  most  seriously,  although  most  secretly,  a  project 
having  for  its  purpose  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  the 
establishment  of  a  Northern  confederacy  ;  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  people  had  not  had  time  to  accustom  themselves 
to  an  authority  paramount  to  that  set  up  in  their  state  capitals, 
nor  had  the  Union  itself  become  an  object  of  national  love  and 
devotion.^  Descending  to  the  less  important  matter,  what  was 
the  true  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  as  it  concerned  the 
respective  functions  and  jurisdiction  of  State  and  nation,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  either  that  a  most  conservative  view  was 
taken  at  first ;  or  that,  as  experience  demonstrated  both  the 
safety  of  intrusting  larger  powers  to  the  general  government, 
and  the  necessity  of  conceding  such  powers  to  it,  if  the  United 
States  were  to  make  itself  respected  at  home  and  abroad,  the 
more  liberal  construction  prevailed. 

Jefferson's  inaugural  address  had  in  it  a  note  of  conciliation. 
"  We  have  called  by  different  names  brothers  of  the  same 
principle.  We  are  all  Republicans ;  we  are  all  Federalists.'' 
But  there  was  no  conciliation  in  his  administration.  Con- 
gress proceeded,  under  his  leadership,  to  undo  all  it  could  of 
the  work  of  the  Federalists.  The  judiciary  system,  established 
at  the  close  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  was  an  object  of 
special  detestation.  The  act  was  repealed  and  the  judges  de- 
prived of  their  offices  ;  and  the  attack  upon  the  judiciary  was 
followed  up  by  impeaching  judges  obnoxious  to  the  Republi- 
cans who  could  not  be  disposed  of  by  the  repeal.  The  taxing 
system  was  changed  so  as  to  get  rid  of  a  corps  of  Federal 
officeholders.  Jefferson  exercised  the  power  of  removal  and 
appointment  in  order  to  reward  party  friends.  The  navy  was 
treated  with  neglect.  The  President  was  always  ostentatious 
in  his  efforts  to  restrain  within  most  narrow  bounds  the 
authority  of  the  general  government,  and  to  expand  the  func- 
tion of  the  individual  States  ;  yet  the  most  conspicuous  act  of 
his  first  administration,  indeed,  of  his  whole  term,  was  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana  —  a  measure  involving  a  construction 


76  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

of  the  Constitution  far  more  latitudinarian  than  that  which 
Hamilton  put  upon  it.  Many  prominent  Northern  Federalists, 
in  their  anger,  their  helplessness,  their  apprehension  that  the 
rule  of  the  Southern  States  was  to  he  fastened  upon  the 
country  permanently,  entertained  the  idea  of  a  separation  from 
the  rest  of  the  Union,  and  the  establishment  of  a  new  confed- 
eracy, to  consist  of  New  England  and  New  York. 

The  course  of  the  Federalists  at  this  juncture  was  such  as 
amply  to  justify  the  people  in  excluding  them  from  the  govern- 
ment. Their  excesses  in  opposition  were  not  the  same  as  those 
which  had  been  a  reproach  to  the  Republicans  during  the 
administration  of  Washington  and  Adams.  They  did  not  fill 
the  public  journals  with  false  charges  against  the  national 
officers  ;  nor  garble  and  misrepresent  their  words,  their  acts, 
and  their  motives ;  nor  did  they  load  their  political  enemies 
with  vituperative  epithets.  But  they  were  childishly  petulant 
in  defeat ;  they  tried  to  regain  power  by  detestable  intrigues 
and  unnatural  coalitions ;  and,  as  has  just  been  said,  some  of 
them  consulted  together  as  to  a  separation  from  those  whom 
they  could  not  control,  by  breaking  up  the  Union.  Most  of 
this  was  carried  on  in  secret  at  the  time ;  much  of  it  has  since 
been  brought  to  light.  Hamilton  was  aware  of  it.  Not 
improbably  it  was  his  opposition  to  the  scheme,  in  which 
Burr  and  leading  Federalists  were  engaged,  that  prompted  the 
Vice-President  to  challenge  him  to  the  fatal  duel.  Less  than 
a  week  before  his  death  he  said  to  Colonel  Trumbull,  "  You 
are  going  to  Boston.  You  will  see  the  principal  men  there. 
Tell  them  from  me,  as  my  request,  for  God's  sake,  to  cease 
these  conversations  and  threatenings  about  a  separation  of  the 
Union." 

With  whatever  bias  or  impartiality  one  may  look  upon  the 
contentions  and  the  actors  of  that  era,  one  thing  is  evident. 
The  people  were  with  the  President,  and  the  administration 
grew  stronger  as  time  passed.  This  is  shown  abundantly  by  the 
progress  which  the  Republican  party  made  in  the  States  where 
previously  it  had  been  weak.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
the  Federalist  party  was  dead  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  South ; 
but  the  hopelessness  of  a  struggle  against  the  party  in  power 
was  so  fully  recognized  as  to  deter  the  opposition  from  nomi- 
nating candidates,  in  many  cases.  In  New  England  one 
Federalist  stronghold  after  another  was  stormed  ;  some  of  them 
were    captured ;  from    more  than   one  other   the  enemy  was 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME  77 

repulsed  with  such  effort  as  to  exhaust  the  holders  and  encour- 
age the  assailants  to  hope  that  it  would  surrender  at  the  -next 
attack., 

Jefferson's  bearing  in  the  presidential  office  pleased  the 
people.  He  was  informal  and  approachable.  He  discontinued 
the  levees  which  had  been  a  social  feature  of  the  preceding 
administrations  —  which,  indeed,  was  a  rather  obvious  thing 
to  do,  now  that  the  seat  of  government  had  been  removed  to  a 
small,  ill-built  little  village  in  a  vast  swamp,  which  had  no 
society  worthy  of  the  name.  He  also  abolished  the  custom  of 
a  speech  to  Congress,  to  which  each  House  was  expected  to 
reply,  and'  substituted  a  written  message.  This  change  seemed, 
to  the  popular  mind,  a  departure  from  a  system  borrowed 
from  the  English  government,  and  the  adoption  of  a  more 
purely  republican  form.  Jefferson  learned  a  lesson  from  the 
failure  of  his  predecessor,  to  which  the  attitude  toward  him  of 
his  cabinet  ministers  contributed.  The  Republican  President 
sought  from  his  secretaries  advice,  not  their  consent  to  his  mea- 
sures. He  realized  that  he  alone  was  responsible  for  results, 
and  let  it  be  known  that  the  final  decision  rested  with  him. 
The  Federalists  had  supposed  him  a  shifty  time-server.  They 
found  him  a  master  in  his  own  administration.  They  fancied 
that  he  was  of  a  nature  to  shrink  from  responsibility.  They 
saw  him  take  boldly  the  great  risk  of  purchasing  Louisiana, 
which  they,  —  and  even  he,  at  a  period  not  many  months 
earlier,  —  deemed  a  great  violation  of  the  Constitution.  This 
measure,  extremely  popular  in  the  South,  and  hardly  less  so  in 
the  North,  beyond  the  somewhat  narrow  circle  of  Federalist 
leaders,  determined  the  result  of  the  election  of  1804  beyond 
all  doubt.  Jefferson  would  probably  have  been  elected  easily  ; 
the  acquisition  of  Louisiana  reduced  the  opposition  to  him 
almost  to  nothing. 

The  danger  that  the  will  of  the  people  might  be  frustrated 
by  the  selection  of  an  inferior  man  as  President,  was  fully  re- 
vealed by  the  election  in  1800.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
it  was  to  prevent  this  very  occurrence  that  the  Convention  of 
1787  had  adopted  the  device  of  a  vote  for  two  persons  without 
designating  who  was  to  be  President.  The  device  had  failed 
signally.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  the  first  formal  propo- 
sition of  a  change  of  system  was  made  prior  to  that  election, 
and  proceeded  from  Vermont.  The  legislature  of  that  State,  in 
November,  1799,  adopted  a  resolution  urging  an  amendment 


78  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

of  the  Constitution  to  provide  that  the  electors  should  desig- 
nate for  whom  they  voted  as  President,  and  for  whom  as  Vice- 
President.  On  February  28  of  the.  following  year,  1800,  the 
Massachusetts  General  Court  passed  a  resolution  approving 
the  amendment.  Nothing  came  of  the  movement  at  that 
time. 

In  1801  Hamilton  drafted  two  amendments,  one  of  which 
closely  resembled  the  Vermont  resolution  ;  the  other  was  in- 
tended to  prohibit  the  choice  of  electors  by  legislatures  or  by 
general  ticket.  It  provided  that  Congress  —  not  the  State 
legislatures  —  should  divide  each  State  into  as  many  districts 
as  the  number  of  electors  to  which  it  should  be  entitled,  and 
that  one  elector  should  be  chosen  by  those  qualified  to  vote 
for  the  more  numerous  branch  of  the  state  legislature.  These 
two  amendments  were  introduced  in  the  New  York  legislature 
by  De  Witt  Clinton,  a  Republican,  and  were  adopted  January 
30,  1802.  A  resolution  similar  to  the  first  was  adopted  De- 
cember 15,  1801.  Both  sets  of  resolutions  were  presented  in 
Congress  in  February,  1802,  but  the  matter  was  not  brought 
forward  for  consideration  until  just  before  the  close  of  the 
session.  On  May  1,  with  little  debate,  the  Committee  of 
the  Whole,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  rejected  a  reso- 
lution of  amendment  briefly  providing  that  in  all  future  elec- 
tions the  votes  given  should  designate  for  which  person  the 
elector  voted  as  President  and  for  which  as  Vice-President. 
The  vote  was :  ayes  42,  noes  22.  It  was  held  by  the  speaker 
—  it  is  not  now  so  held  —  that  two  thirds  were  necessary  even 
on  preliminary  motions.  Reported  adversely  to  the  House  by 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  the  amendment  was  neverthe- 
less passed  the  same  day  by  47  to  14.  The  resolution  reached 
the  Senate  the  next  day,  and  was  taken  up  and  acted  upon  on 
the  3d,  the  last  day  of  the  session.  It  was  rejected  by  15  votes 
to  8,  not  two  thirds.  Gouverneur  Morris,  one  of  the  New  York 
senators,  voted  against  the  amendment ;  and  felt  bound,  since 
the  measure  had  come  to  Congress  as  a  proposition  of  the  New 
York  legislature,  to  explain  an  act  which  defeated  it.  His 
letter  to  the  Governor  of  the  State  has  been  quoted  already 
(p.  12). 

At  the  first  session  of  the  eighth  Congress,  which  met  in 
October,  1803,  the  question  was  considered  at  great  length 
in  both  branches  of  Congress.  An  amendment  of  the  Consti- 
tution, in  substantially  the  form  in  which  it  was  ultimately 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME  79 

adopted,  was  introduced  early  in  the  session  by  DeWitt  Clin- 
ton, who  was  now  a  senator  from  New  York.  Senator  Pierce 
Butler,  of  South  Carolina,  a  Federalist,  proposed  an  amend- 
ment to  the  resolution,  forbidding  the  election  of  any  person 
as  President  who  had  held  the  office  eight  years,  until  a  full 
term  of  four  years  had  intervened  ;  and  allowing  him  thereafter 
to  be  elected  for  only  four  years  in  eight.  Senator  Dayton  of 
New  Jersey  moved  to  strike  out  of  the  amendment  all  that  re- 
ferred to  a  Vice-President,  his  object  being  to  abolish  the  office. 
Neither  of  these  propositions  found  favor,  and  the  resolution, 
after  slight  verbal  amendment,  was  passed  by  the  Senate  on 
December  2,  by  a  vote  of  22  to  10,  —  nearly  a  party  division. 
The  House  of  Representatives  meanwhile  had  passed  and  sent 
to  the  Senate  an  amendment  having  the  same  purpose,  but  in 
a  form  much  shorter,  and  more  nearly  resembling  Hamilton's 
draft.  Complaint  was  made  in  the  House  that  the  Senate  had 
not  acted  upon  this  other  resolution ;  but  the  Senate  version 
was  taken  up  and  was  made  the  subject  of  a  prolonged  and 
acrimonious  debate.  It  met  with  substantially  unanimous  op- 
position from  the  Federalist  side  of  the  House.  The  chief 
objection  urged  against  it  was  based  upon  the  clause  provid- 
ing that  when,  the  choice  of  President  devolving  upon  the 
House  of  Representatives,  that  body  does  not  effect  an  elec- 
tion before  the  4th  of  March,  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as 
President.  It  was  held  that  the  proposed  amendment  would 
degrade  the  vice-presidency  by  inviting  the  nomination  to  the 
office  of  men  who  would  never  be  thought  of  for  President ; 
and  the  obnoxious  clause  would  result  in  putting  a  second-rate 
man  into  the  first  office  whenever  the  House  failed  to  elect. , 
Roger  Griswold,  of  Connecticut,  opposing  the  defeated  amend- 
ment of  1802,  had  uttered  prophetic  words  regarding  the  pro- 
posed change.  "  What,"  he  exclaimed,  "  will  be  the  effect 
of  this  principle  ?  The  office  of  Vice-President  will  be  car- 
ried to  market  to  purchase  the  votes  of  particular  States."  It 
would  be  invidious  to  specify  the  numerous  cases  in  which  this 
prophecy  has  been  verified  ;  but  we  need  not  go  back  many 
elections  to  find  modern  instances.  Nevertheless,  it  was  open 
to  the  advocates  of  the  change,  if  it  would  have  been  in  good 
taste  to  refer  to  the  matter  in  Mr.  Burr's  presence,  to  say  that 
the  system  under  which  they  were  then  living  had  nearly 
brought  to  the  presidential  chair  one  whom  no  party  would 
have  selected  deliberately  for  that  position.     Hamilton's  com- 


80  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

ment  on  Morris's  excuse  for  voting  against  the  amendment  in 
1802  is  to  the  point :  "  One  such  fact  as  the  late  election  is 
worth  a  thousand  beautiful  theories." 

In  the  course  of  the  debate  great  stress  was  laid  by  Federal- 
ist speakers  on  the  supposed  tendency  of  the  impending 
change  to  diminish  the  influence  of  the  small  States  —  an  ap- 
prehension which  was  ever  before  them,  since  they  were  ever 
reminded  of  the  dominance  which  Virginia,  the  greatest  of  the 
States,  had  already  assumed.  So  far  as  the  selection  of  presi- 
dential candidates  is  concerned,  their  expectation  has  been  real- 
ized. Since  the  system  of  nominating  conventions  was  intro- 
duced, three  candidates  only  who  were  residents  of  small  States 
have  been  made  the  "  standard  bearers  "  of  either  of  the  lead- 
ing parties,  —  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire  ;  Fremont,  nominally 
of  California,  which  was  a  small  State  in  1856 ;  and  Blaine, 
of  Maine.  But  the  constitutional  system,  in  giving  equal 
representation  to  the  States  in  the  Senate,  has  more  than  com- 
pensated the  small  States  for  any  loss  they  may  have  suffered 
in  other  directions. 

The  amendment  came  to  a  vote  in  the  House  at  last,  and 
was  carried  by  the  exact  constitutional  majority  —  84  to  42 ; 
but  the  vote  of  Mr.  Speaker  Macon  was  required  to  make  up 
the  number  in  the  affirmative.  As  had  been  the  case  in  the 
Senate,  it  was  in  general,  a  party  division.  Twenty-four  of 
the  negative  votes  were  given  by  New  England  members,  and 
only  three  members  from  that  section  supported  the  measure. 
Yet  it  will  be  observed  that  the  noes  exceeded  the  whole 
number  of  Federalist  members  in  the  House.  Even  among 
the  Republicans  of  the  North  there  was  a  fear  of  Southern  rule, 
Virginia  domination,  and  the  control  of  the  government  by 
the  large  States.  The  amendment,  as  adopted,  was  in  these 
words :  — 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least, 
shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves; 
they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  persons  voted  for  as  Pre- 
sident, and,  in  distinct  ballots,  the  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-Pre- 
sident, and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for 
as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and 
of  the  number  Of  votes  for  each ;  which  lists  they  shall  sign 
and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  government  of 
the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.     The 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME  81 

President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes 
shall  then  be  counted ;  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of 
votes  for  President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed;  and  if  no 
person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the  persons  having  the 
highest  numbers,  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those  voted 
for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  im- 
mediately, by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing  the  Pre- 
sident the  vote  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation  from 
each  State  having  one  vote.  A  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of  the  States, 
and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 
And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President, 
whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the 
fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall 
act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitu- 
tional disability  of  the  President. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  be  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a  ma- 
jority, then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  the  Senate 
shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall 
consist  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a 
majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  But 
no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  President  shall 
be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

The  resolution  was  not  passed  until  December  8,  1803. 
It  was  extremely  doubtful  if  the  ratification  of  "  three  fourths 
>f  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States"  could  be  obtained 
o  as  to  make  the  amendment  operative  at  the  next  election. 
An  effort  was  made,  it  may  be  remarked,  in  explanation  of 
the  quotation  marks,  to  amend  the  resolution  submitting  the 
amendment,  so  as  to  read  "  the  legislatures  of  three  fourths 
of  the  several  States."  To  correct  the  ambiguity  and  dispel 
the  idea  that  a  three-fourths  vote  was  required  of  a  State 
legislature,  would  have  sent  the  resolution  back  to  the  Senate, 
and  the  objectionable  phrase  was  allowed  to  stand.  In  order 
to  provide  for  any  contingency  a  law  was  passed,  the  following 
provisions  of  which  remained  in  force  until  the  passage  of  the 
act  of  1887.     It  was  enacted  that  the  electors  — 

shall  vote  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
respectively,  in  the  manner  directed  by  the  above-mentioned 


82  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

amendment ;  and  having  made  and  signed  three  certificates  of  all 
the  votes  given  by  them,  each  of  which  certificates  shall  contain 
two  distinct  lists,  one  of  the  votes  given  for  President  and  the 
other  for  Vice-President,  they  shall  seal  up  the  said  certificates, 
certifying  on  each  that  lists  of  all  the  votes  of  such  State  given 
for  President  and  of  all  votes  given  for  Vice-President  are  con- 
tained therein,  and  shall  cause  the  said  certificates  to  be  trans- 
mitted and  disposed  of,  and  in  every  other  respect  act  in  conformity 
with  the  provisions  of  the  act  to  which  this  is  a  supplement.  And 
every  other  provision  of  the  act  to  which  this  is  a  supplement,  and 
which  is  not  virtually  repealed  by  this  act,  shall  extend  ahd  apply 
to  every  election  of  a  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States  made  in  conformity  to  the  above-mentioned  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  further  provided  by  the  same  act  that  until  electors 
should  receive  a  notice  that  the  amendment  had  been  duly 
ratified  by  a  sufficient  number  of  States,  they  should  vote  in 
both  ways,  the  old  and  the  new,  make  out  six  certificates,  and 
send  two  sets  of  each  kind  to  the  President  of  the  Senate ; 
but  only  those  which  should  be  in  conformity  to  the  Consti- 
tution at  the  time  of  the  election  were  to  be  opened.  This 
provision  became  inoperative  by  reason  of  the  promptness  of 
the  States  in  ratifying  the  amendment,  —  which  was  de- 
clared adopted  by  the  Secretary  of  State  in  a  notification  ad- 
dressed to  the  several  governors  on  the  25th  of  September, 
1804.  Thirteen  of  the  sixteen  States  ratified  the  amendment. 
The  dissenting  States  were  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and 
Delaware. 

The  custom  of  selecting  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  by  a  caucus  of  congressmen  was  now  well  estab- 
lished. That  which  had  previously  been  done  secretly  and 
informally  was  by  the  Republicans  done  openly  for  the  first 
time.  There  was  no  need  of  a  caucus  for  the  choice  of  a 
candidate  for  President.  All  were  in  favor  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 
But  no  one  was  in  favor  of  Burr.  The  chief  offences  for  the 
commission  of  which  his  memory  is  execrated,  had  not  yet 
been  committed  ;  but  he  had,  long  before,  lost  the  confidence 
of  his  early  party  friends.  One  hundred  and  eight  members 
of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  attended  the  caucus  on  the 
25th  of  February,  1804.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  nominated  unani- 
mously. George  Clinton  of  New  York  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President.     The  vote  stood  :  — 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME  83 

For  George  Clinton,  of  New  York 67 

"   John  Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky 20 

"    Levi  Lincoln,  of  Massachusetts 9 

"    John  Langdon,  of  New  Hampshire 7 

"    Giedon  Granger,  of  Connecticut 4 

"    Samuel  Maclay,  of  Pennsylvania  ......  1 

The  Federalists  agreed  to  support  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck- 
ney,  of  South  Carolina,  for  President,  and  Rufus  King,  of 
New  York,  for  Vice-President,,  Where  and  by  whom  these 
nominations  were  made  is  not  known.  The  information  is 
not  given  in  the  newspapers  of  the  time,  nor  is  any  meeting 
for  the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  referred  to  in  the 
published  correspondence  of  public  men. 

There  was  no  canvass.  The  Federalists  deliberately  with- 
drew from  serious  opposition  to  the  election  of  Jefferson,  save 
that  in  the  States  where  they  were  still  strong  they  fought 
desperately  to  retain  their  ascendency.  The  purpose  not  to 
make  a  general  canvass  was  foreshadowed  a  year  earlier  by 
Gouverneur  Morris,  who  wrote  to  Roger  Griswold  in  Novem- 
ber, 1803,  that  it  was  the  wise  course  "to  leave  the  arena  free 
for  the  Democrats  to  squabble  in,  at  the  next  election,"  pre- 
dicting that  they  either  would  "  divide  with  mortal  hatred  n 
and  honest  men  would  come  by  their  own,  or  would  "  unite 
in  their  present  chief."  He  added  that  "  the  confidence  in- 
spired by  such  appearance  of  universal  approbation  might  take 
from  his  vanity  the  snaffle  which  it  now  prances  under,  and 
give  you  more  mammoth  expectations,"  —  an  excellent  ex- 
ample of  the  rhetoric  of  the  time,  but,  still  better,  an  illus- 
tration of  the  delusion  as  to  the  sentiment  of  the  people 
under  which  most  of  the  Federalists  labored. 

Seventeen  States  took  part  in  the  election,  Ohio  having 
been  admitted  to  the  Union  on  November  29,  1802.  A  new 
apportionment  had  been  made,  based  upon  the  census  of  1800, 
increasing  the  number  of  Representatives  from  106  to  142, 
and  the  number  of  electors  from  138  to  176.  In  seven  of  the 
States  electors  were  appointed  by  the  legislature,  —  Vermont, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  Delaware,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
and  Tennessee.  They  were  chosen  by  the  people  on  general 
ticket  in  the  other  States,  except  in  Maryland,  North  Carolina 
and  Kentucky,  where  they  were  chosen  by  districts.  Ken- 
tucky was  divided  into  two  districts,  eastern  and  western,  and 
four  electors  were  chosen  on  general  ticket  in  each.      The 


84 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


number  of  candidates  was  very  large ;  but  there  was  not  a 
Federalist  among  them.  Disaster  overtook  the  Federalists  of 
New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,,  It  was  proposed  to  re- 
turn to  the  system  of  popular  election,  abandoned  in  1800  for 
the  purpose  of  making  Adams's  election  sure.  The  Repub- 
licans urged  that  the  electors  be  chosen  by  districts,  but  this 
was  refused„  The  Federalists  had  the  mortification  of  seeing 
both  States  carried  by  the  Jeffersonians  A  few  election  re- 
turns have  been  culled  from,  the  newspapers.  They  illus- 
trate the  onesidedness  of  the  contest  outside  of  New  England, 
Massachusetts  gave  29,254  to  Jefferson ;  25,139  to  Pinckney, 
Pennsylvania,  22,081  to  Jefferson ;  1,239  to  Pinckney.  New 
Jersey,  13,119  to  Jefferson ;  19  to  Pinckney.  Ohio,  2,093  to 
Jefferson  ;  360  to  Pinckney. 

The  electoral  votes  are  shown  in  the  following  table :  — 


States. 


New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  . 
Massachusetts 
Rhode  Island . 
Connecticut  . 
New  York .  . 
New  Jersey  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Ohio.     .     .     . 

Total.     .    . 


President. 

Vice-Peb 

& 

§ 

A 

1 
I 

2 

1 

<-» 

O 

o 

1 

a 

ft 

A 

1 

o 

93 

H 

O 

O 

7 

7 

6 

_ 

6 

19 

_ 

19 

4 

- 

4 

- 

9 

- 

19 

- 

19 

8 

- 

8 

20 

- 

20 

- 

3 

- 

9 

2 

9 

24 

- 

24 

14 

- 

14 

10 

- 

10 

6 

- 

6 

8- 

- 

8 

5 

- 

5 

3 

- 

3 

162 

14 

162 

14 


The  proceedings  in  connection  with  the  electoral  count  were 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  REGIME  85 

noticeable  for  one  incident  only.  The  Vice-President  said, 
addressing  the  two  Houses  assembled  in  joint  meeting :  "  You 
will  now  proceed,  gentlemen,  to  count  the  votes,  as  the  Con- 
stitution and  laws  direct."  This  was  different  from  the  prac- 
ce  of  Mr.  Adams,  who  himself  counted  the  votes. 

There  were  some  irregularities  in  the  certificates  of  the  elec- 
tors, and  attention  was  called  to  them  ;  but  no  objection  was 
made  to  any  votes,  and  the  result  was  declared  in  accordance 
with  the  above  list. 


VII 

JAMES  MADISON 

The  years  of  Jefferson's  second  administration  were  years  of 
increasing  trouble.  At  the  end  of  it  the  Republican  party 
escaped  as  by  a  miracle  the  fate  which  had  overtaken  the  Fed- 
eralists eight  years  before.  During  the  whole  term  the  Presi- 
dent was  nominally  supported  by  an  immense  majority  in 
Congress.  The  Senate  in  the  ninth  Congress  numbered  twenty- 
seven  Republicans  and  seven  Federalists  ;  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, one  hundred  and  nineteen  Republicans  and  twenty- 
five  Federalists.  The  division  was  nearly  the  same  in  the 
tenth  Congress.  Nevertheless,  both  in  Congress  and  in  the 
community  at  large  the  opposition  to  administration  measures 
was  large  and  powerful.  In  each  of  the  three  largest  States  of 
the  Union  the  Republican  party  was  rent  by  feuds.  In  New 
York,  the  Livingstons  and  Clintons  having  unitedly  put  down 
the  Burr  faction  fell  into  a  quarrel  that  lasted  many  years, 
and  affected  profoundly  the  politics  of  that  State.  In  Penn- 
sylvania the  followers  of  Governor  McKean,  assisted  by  the 
Federalists,  defeated  the  "  regular "  nomination  of  Snyder, 
who  represented  the  more  radical  element,  that  styled  itself 
"  Friends  of  the  People."  This  dissension  was  brought  to  an 
end  by  a  shrewd  piece  of  politics  just  in  time  to  save  the  State 
to  the  party  in  1808.  Virginia,  under  the  lead  of  John  Ran- 
dolph, was  for  a  short  time  an  opponent  of  the  administration, 
and  to  the  end  of  the  canvass  was  divided  between  Madison 
and  Monroe.  It  is  not  untrue  to  say  that  the  impossibility  of 
uniting  the  opposition  rather  thai\  the  strength  of  Mr.  Madison 
saved  that  gentleman  from  defeat.} 

The  chief  events  of  the  administration  were  occurrences  in 
our  foreign  relations.  Even  before  Mr.  Jefferson  had  taken 
the  oath  of  office  a  second  time  Mr.  Monroe,  with  Mr.  Charles 
Pinckney,  began  the  negotiation  with  Spain  for  a  recognition 
of  American  claims  for  spoliation  and  for  a  cession  of  Florida. 
Monroe  was  thwarted  in  his  mission  by  France,  and  retired 


JAMES  MADISON  87 

from  Madrid  in  humiliation.  At  Paris  he  had  no  better  for- 
tune, and  when  he  returned  to  his  post  at  London  he  was  con- 
fronted with  judicial  decisions,  confirming  the  seizure  of  Amer- 
ican vessels,  which  almost  destroyed  the  rights  of  trade  enjoyed 
by  the  shipping  of  neutral  nations.  Our  ministers  in  France 
and  Spain  received  hints  which  were  duly  transmitted  to  the 
President,  that  although  both  governments  denied  that  West 
Florida  was  properly  included  in  the  Louisiana  purchase,  a  few 
million  dollars  paid  to  Spain  would  effectuate  a  cession  of  the 
territory  to  the  United  States.  Jefferson  sent  to  Congress  in 
December,  1805,  a  message  which  breathed  a  spirit  of  defiance 
toward  Spain  ;  but  in  a  private  conference  with  Randolph,  the 
chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  he  suggested 
that  Congress  offer  to  put  two  million  dollars  at  his  disposal  for 
the  purposes  of  the  negotiation.  Eandolph  from  that  moment 
turned  against  the  administration.  He  saw  in  the  President's 
two  attitudes  —  one  public  and  the  other  private  —  a  purpose 
to  gain  credit  with  the  people  by  a  show  of  firmness  and  na- 
tional self-assertion,  meanwhile  shifting  upon  Congress  the 
responsibility  of  what  popularly  might  be  deemed  a  more  craven 
policy,  which  he  really  desired  to  see  adopted.  Randolph  also 
recognized  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  course  a  movement  in  behalf  of 
Mr.  Madison  as  the  presidential  candidate  at  the  ensuing  elec- 
tion. In  spite  of  Randolph's  vehement  opposition  the  "  two 
million  act "  —  an  appropriation  of  that  sum  for  the  foreign 
relations  —  was  carried  through  both  branches  of  Congress,  sit- 
ting with  closed  doors.  But  although  the  nominal  strength  of 
the  Republican  party  was  nearly  five  to  one  in  the  House  and 
nearly  four  to  one  in  the  Senate,  the  bill  received  a  majority 
of  fourteen  only  in  the  lower,  and  of  six  in  the  upper  House. 

The  relations  with  England  grew  steadily  worse.  The  doc- 
trine that  a  neutral  flag  should  protect  the  goods  and  the  crew 
sailing  under  it,  strenuously  argued  by  American  diplomatists, 
was  contemptuously  rejected  and  constantly  disregarded  by 
Great  Britain.  Vessels  and  their  cargoes  were  seized  and  con- 
demned ;  the  crews  of  American  ships  were  mustered  on  their 
decks  by  British  naval  officers,  and  all  men  who  seemed  worth 
taking  were  impressed  into  the  service  of  the  king  and  carried 
away.  Congress  thereupon  passed  a  joint  resolution  forbidding 
the  importation  into  the  country,  from  Great  Britain  or  else- 
where, of  any  of  an  enumerated  list  of  articles  of  British  manu- 
facture.    Shortly  afterward  Mr.  Jefferson,  hoping  to  come  to 


88  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

terms  with  England,  appointed  William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland, 
a  joint  commissioner  with  Mr.  Monroe,  to  make  a  treaty  with 
Great  Britain.  A  stipulation  that  the  visitation  of  American 
vessels  by  "  press  gangs "  and  the  impressment  of  American 
sailors  should  cease  was  a  sine  qua  non  insisted  upon  in  the 
instructions  of  the  commissioners.  This  condition  was  rejected 
without  qualification  by  Lords  Auckland  and  Howick,  the 
British  commissioners,  who  nevertheless  undertook  that  special 
instructions  should  be  given  and  enforced,  enjoining  great  cau- 
tion in  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  visitation ;  and  promised 
prompt  redress  in  case  the  rights  of  native-born  Americans 
should  be  violated.1  The  case  before  the  American  commis- 
sioners was  similar  to  that  which  had  confronted  Jay  when  he 
was  deputed  by  Washington  to  negotiate  a  treaty.  If  the 
instructions  were  strictly  complied  with,  no  treaty  could  be 
made.  Monroe  and  Pinkney  determined  to  accept  what  was 
offered,  and  conclude  the  treaty.  The  situation  of  American 
vessels  at  sea  was  steadily  growing  worse.  Already  a  British 
Order  in  Council  had  been  issued,  blockading  the  coast  from 
Brest  to  the  Elbe,  and  prohibiting  trade  by  neutrals  from 
port  to  port  along  that  coast.  While  the  Monroe  and  Pinkney 
negotiation  was  in  progress  Bonaparte  issued  his  Berlin  de- 
cree, declaring  the  British  islands  in  a  state  of  blockade. 
Under  this  decree  Americans,  and  all  other  neutrals,  were  for- 
bidden to  trade  with  the  British  islands ;  and  all  vessels  hav- 
ing British  merchandise  on  board  were  liable  to  seizure.  Other 
orders  and  other  decrees  followed,  under  which  every  American 
vessel  found  at  sea  became  the  lawful  prize  of  any  English  or 
French  naval  vessel. 

When  the  treaty  negotiated  by  Monroe  and  Pinkney  reached 
Jefferson,  he  refused  to  submit  it  to  the  Senate.  He  had 
decided  to  withhold  it  as  soon  as  he  learned  from  the  letters 
of  the  envoys  what  its  purport  was  to  be.  This  action  of  the 
President  greatly  embittered  the  friends  of  Mr.  Monroe,  and 
left  a  rankling  wound  in  the  breast  of  the  envoy  himself. 

Next  came  the  outrage  upon  the  Chesapeake  by  the  British 
war  vessel  Leopard,  an  act  of  insolence  almost  unsurpassed  in 
the  relations  of  two  nations  nominally  at  peace  with  each  other ; 

1  Great  Britain  never  admitted,  until  many  years  after  the  War  of  1812, 
that  a  native-born  Briton  could  divest  himself  of  his  obligation  to  his  sover- 
eign. The  right  of  expatriation  and  of  naturalization  in  a  foreign  country 
was  denied. 


JAMES  MADISON  89 

some  weak  and  niggardly  attempts  at  measures  of  defence  ;  and 
the  Embargo.  This  last  act,  which  was  in  its  earliest  form 
limited  in  its  operation,  though  not  by  its  terms  limited  in 
duration,  was  at  first  popular.  As  it  was  evaded,  more  strin- 
gent provisions  were  added ;  and  an  act  to  enforce  it  was 
passed.  It  caused  widespread  distress  and  ruinous  loss  in  all 
the  commercial  States.  The  first  embargo  act  was  passed  in 
December,  1807 ;  two  supplementary  acts  were  passed,  one  in 
January,  and  one  in  March,  1808.  The  evils  caused  by  it 
began  to  be  felt  just  as  the  presidential  canvass  was  opening ; 
they  were  intolerable  before  the  election  took  place. 

Jefferson  announced,  after  his  second  inauguration,  that  he 
should  not  again  be  a  candidate.  At  no  time  thereafter  did  he 
make  a  secret  of  his  wish  that  Madison  should  be  his  successor. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  of  his  official  acts  were  influ- 
enced by  his  desire  to  accomplish  this  object ;  as  little  can  it 
be  questioned  that  a  part  of  the  opposition  which  he  encoun- 
tered in  his  own  party  was  dictated  by  a  wish  of  many  Repub- 
licans to  thwart  this  purpose.  A  large  number  of  the  Northern 
Democrats  were  becoming  exceedingly  weary  of  the  Virginia 
dynasty.  In  the  ninth  Congress  they  broke  away  from  South- 
ern control  and  nearly  defeated  Macon  for  Speaker.  He  was 
elected  on  the  third  trial  only,  and  then  by  a  bare  majority. 
In  the  tenth  Congress  they  succeeded  in  defeating  him  and 
electing  Varnum,  of  Massachusetts.  George  Clinton,  who  had 
been  voted  for  at  every  election,  and  was  now  Vice-President, 
was  evidently  not  averse  to  profiting  by  the  growing  dislike  of 
Southern  dictation.  Moreover,  by  all  the  precedents  he  was 
the  natural  successor,  as  Adams  had  been  to  Washington,  and 
Jefferson  to  Adams.  Yet  he  could  not  count  even  on  the  sup- 
port of  New  York,  in  pressing  his  claims,  so  fierce  was  the 
contention  with  the  Livingstons. 

There  was  still  another  candidate,  Monroe,  who,  as  has  been 
already  stated,  had  a  grievance  against  the  administration,  and 
who  was  warmly  supported  by  John  Randolph  and  all  other 
Southern  Democrats  who  would  not  follow  Jefferson  and  Madi- 
son implicitly.  The  situation  did  not  promise  harmony  in  the 
canvass  of  the  ruling  party.  The  Federalists  adopted  a  wait- 
ing attitude.  They  had,  until  the  Embargo  began  to  be 
severely  felt,  no  hope  whatever  of  carrying  through  a  candidate 
of  their  own ;  but  they  did  all  that  lay  in  their  power  to  fos- 
ter Democratic  division,  and  evinced  a  purpose  to  use  their 


90  A  HISTORY   OF   THE   PRESIDENCY 

force  in  defeating  Jefferson's  candidate,  if  the  dissentient 
Republicans  should  organize  an  opposition.  Later  in  the  can- 
vass, not  only  did  they  have  hope  for  themselves,  but  they 
alarmed  the  supporters  of  the  administration.  At  the  end  of 
June,  1808,  Albert  Gallatin,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
thought  that  "  the  Federalists  will  turn  us  out  by  4th  of 
March  next,"  and  in  August  he  reckoned  no  States  safe  for 
Madison,  save  "  the  Western  States,  Virginia,  South  Carolina, 
and  perhaps  Georgia." 

The  canvass  opened  in  January.  On  the  21st  of  that  month 
the  members  of  the  Virginia  legislature  took  the  lead  in  nom- 
inating candidates  for  President.  Two  caucuses  were  held  on 
that  day.  The  first,  attended  by  119  members,  unanimously 
recommended  Mr.  Madison  ;  the  other,  attended  by  60,  gave 
all  but  ten  votes  to  Monroe.  Two  days  before  these  caucuses 
were  held,  Senator  Bradley  of  Vermont  issued  a  notice  to  the 
Republican  members  of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  requesting 
them  to  meet  in  the  Senate  Chamber  on  the  23d  of  the  month 
at  six  o'clock.  This  call  was  issued  "  in  pursuance  of  the 
powers  vested  in  me."  The  purpose  of  the  caucus,  the  antici- 
pated result,  and  the  assumption  of  "  powers  "  by  the  Vermont 
senator,  aroused  instant  opposition  ;  and  then  were  heard  the 
first  vehement  protests  against  the  nomination  of  Presidents  by 
congressional  caucus,  which  were  destined  to  grow  in  vigor  and 
in  the  number  of  their  supporters  until  the  system  was  over- 
thrown. Mr.  Gray,  a  member  from  Virginia,  published  an 
answer  to  Mr.  Bradley's  summons,  couched  in  the  blustering 
style  of  the  political  literature  of  that  day :  "  I  take  the 
earliest  moment  to  declare  my  abhorrence  of  the  usurpation  of 
power  declared  to  be  vested  in  you  —  of  your  mandatory  style, 
and  the  object  contemplated.  ...  I  cannot  consent,  either  in 
an  individual  or  representative  capacity,  to  countenance,  by  my 
presence,  the  midnight  intrigues  of  any  set  of  men  who  may 
arrogate  to  themselves  the  right,  which  belongs  only  to  the 
people,  of  selecting  proper  persons  to  fill  the  important  offices 
of  President  and  Vice-President.  Nor  do  I  suppose  that  the 
honest  people  of  the  United  States  can  much  longer  suffer,  in 
silence,  so  direct  and  palpable  an  invasion  upon  the  most 
important  and  sacred  right  belonging  exclusively  to  them." 

A  member  from  New  York  published  a  burlesque  upon  Mr. 
Bradley's  notification,  in  which,  "in  pursuance  of  a  similar 
power  vested  in  me,"  he  deemed  it  expedient  for  the  purpose 


JAMES  MADISON  91 

of  not  nominating  a  President,  not  to  call  a  Convention  at  the 
same  time  and  place,  and  reqnested  members  not  to  attend  it, 
"  to  aid  and  sanction  an  infringement  of  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant features  and  principles  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States."  Nevertheless  the  caucus  was  held.  It  is  said 
to  have  been  attended  by  94  senators  and  representatives, 
although  only  89  votes  were  cast.  Yet  the  attendance  comprised 
not  only  a  large  majority  of  the  Republican  strength  in  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  but  more  than  one  half  of  the  whole 
membership  of  both  bodies.  On  a  ballot  Mr.  Madison  had  *83 
votes,  Mr.  George  Clinton  3,  and  Mr.  Monroe  3.  The  first 
ballot  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  resulted  in  79  votes 
for  Mr.  Clinton,  5  for  John  Langdon  of  New  Hampshire,  3 
for  Henry  Dearborn  of  Massachusetts,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  1  for  John  Quincy  Adams.  Messrs.  Madison  and  Clinton 
were  then  formally  declared  nominated.  An  announcement  of 
the  action  of  the  caucus  was  made  in  a  resolution  ;  and  a 
statement  was  appended,  which,  in  substantially  the  same  form, 
was  employed  by  every  subsequent  caucus  of  the  kind  as  long 
as  the  system  was  in  vogue.  It  declared  "  that,  in  making  the 
foregoing  recommendation,  the  members  of  this  meeting  have 
acted  only  in  their  individual  characters  as  citizens;  that  they 
have  been  induced  to  adopt  this  measure  from  the  necessity  of 
the  case  ;  from  a  deep  conviction  of  the  importance  of  union 
to  the  Republicans  throughout  all  parts  of  the  United  States 
in  the  present  crisis  of  both  our  external  and  internal  affairs ; 
and  as  being  the  most  practicable  mode  of  consulting  and  re- 
specting the  interests  and  wishes  of  all  upon  a  subject  so  truly 
interesting  to  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States." 

Harmony  was  not  restored  by  the  nomination.  Seventeen 
"Republican  members  of  Congress  published  a  protest  against 
the  selection  of  Mr.  Madison.  They  denied  both  the  regularity 
and  the  expediency  of  the  caucus.  They  asserted  that  the 
times  demanded  a  man  able  "  to  conduct  the  nation  with  firm- 
ness and  wisdom  through  the  perils  which  surround  it.  .  .  . 
Is  James  Madison  such  a  man  ?  We  ask  for  energy,  and  we 
are  told  of  his  moderation  ;  we  ask  for  talent,  and  the  reply  is, 
his  unassuming  merit ;  we  ask  what  were  his  services  in  the 
cause  of  public  liberty,  and  we  are  directed  to  the  pages  of  the 
*  Federalist,'  written  in  conjunction  with  Alexander  Hamilton 
and  John  Jay,  and  in  which  the  most  extravagant  of  their 
doctrines  are  maintained  and   propagated ! "     The  extent  to 


92  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

which  the  revolt  extended  at  this  time  is  indicated  by  the 
fact  that  Clinton  himself  came  out  in  a  letter  in  which  he  dis- 
avowed consent  to  the  proceedings  of  the  congressional  caucus. 
The  candidate  for  the  second  place  repudiated  the  proceedings 
by  which  he  had  been  put  in  nomination. 

Of  calm  consideration  of  the  merits  of  the  candidates,  and 
of  argument  why  one  party  rather  than  the  other  should  he 
intrusted  with  power,  there  was  none.  The  canvass  was  a 
game  of  politics  from  beginning  to  end.  In  Pennsylvania,  for 
example,  the  "  Constitutionalists,"  —  that  wing  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  which,  allied  with  the  Federalists,  had  put  and 
kept  Governor  McKean  in  office,  when  they  found  that  there 
was  no  other  member  of  their  faction  who  could  command 
Federalist  votes  for  governor,  —  suddenly  changed  their 
attitude  and  anticipated  the  other  faction  by  coming  out  zeal- 
ously for  Madison.  The  "  Conventionalists,"  as  the  anti- 
McKean  faction  was  called,  followed  their  example,  but 
nominated  a  different  set  of  electors.  Then  a  harmonizing 
committee  made  up  a  list  which  favored  McKean,  while  the  Mc- 
Kean men  gave  their  votes  for  Governor  to  Snyder,  whom  they 
had  been  fighting  for  years.  In  our  day  this  would  be  called 
a  "  deal."     It  ensured  to  Madison  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Monroe,  in  Virginia,  were  for  a  time 
encouraged  by  the  refusal  of  their  candidate  to  withdraw. 
"When  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Madison  had  been  effected,  Jef- 
ferson maintained  at  least  the  outward  appearance  of  neutrality 
as  between  him  and  Monroe.  Later  in  the  canvass  he  exerted 
his  influence  to  persuade  Mr.  Monroe  to  withdraw ;  and  when 
the  election  took  place,  Madison  had  an  overwhelming  majority 
in  Virginia.  So  far  as  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Clinton  was  con- 
cerned, the  only  hope  was  in  securing  Federalist  support.  The 
Livingstons  were  ardent  Madisonians.  Mr.  Clinton's  political 
fortunes  at  this  time  were  in  the  keeping  of  his  nephew, 
BeWitt  Clinton,  who  did  not  —  perhaps  he  would  not,  perhaps 
he  could  not  —  come  to  terms  with  the  Federalists.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  it  was  the  political  virtue  of  the  Federalists  that 
prevented  the  arrangement.  Yet  a  party  that  had  espoused 
the  cause  of  Aaron  Burr  could  have  had  few  qualms  of  con- 
science in  promoting  the  candidacy  of  the  man  with  whom 
their  political  opponents  had  once  threatened  to  defeat  George 
Washington. 

The  ultimate  course  of  the  Federalists  was  not  decided  until 


JAMES  MADISON  93 

October.  It  seems  first  to  have  been  announced  at  the  begin- 
ning of  that  month,  less  than  five  weeks  before  the  appoint- 
ment of  electors,  in  the  columns  of  the  Charleston,  South  Car- 
olina, "  Courier "  :  "  We  are  authorized  to  say  that  certain 
accounts  have  been  received  in  this  city  stating  that  Gen. 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  of  this  State  will  be  supported 
by  the  Federal  Republicans  throughout  the  several  States  at 
the  ensuing  election,  as  President  of  the  United  States." 

Even  while  the  efforts  to  patch  up  u  peace  in  the  Demo- 
cratic party  were  proceeding  with  a  fair  degree  of  success  there 
was  much  nervousness  and  anxiety  among  the  leaders  as  to 
the  result.  State  elections  in  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode 
Island  disappointed  them  greatly  and  caused  them  to  fear  the 
loss  of  all  New  England  with  forty-five  electoral  votes.  Dela- 
ware was  surely  Federalist.  It  was  feared  that  Maryland  and 
North  Carolina  might  give  a  majority  of  their  votes  against 
the  administration.  Then  the  loss  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
giving  of  a  few  New  York  votes  to  Clinton  would  defeat  Mad- 
ison. But  the  Pennsylvania  state  election  in  October  relieved 
them  of  their  fears ;  and  Vermont,  although  it  chose  a  Feder- 
alist governor,  had  a  Democratic  legislature,  owing  to  the  sys- 
tem then  prevalent  of  an  equal  representation  of  towns,  large 
and  small. 

The  number  of  States  in  1808  was  the  same,  seventeen,  as 
in  1804.  Electors  were  chosen  by  the  legislature  in  Vermont, 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Delaware,  South  Caro- 
lina, and  Georgia  ;  by  the  people  on  general  ticket  in  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  Ohio ; 
by  popular  vote  by  districts  in  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Ken- 
tucky, and  Tennessee.  Kentucky,  as  before,  was  divided  into 
two  districts.  In  Massachusetts,  as  has  been  stated,  there  was 
no  permanent  law  for  the  appointment  of  electors.  Governor 
Sullivan  was  a  Republican  :  the  General  Court,  strongly  Fed- 
eralist. At  its  first  session,  in  June,  1808,  long  before  the 
usual  time,  it  elected  Mr.  James  Lloyd  as  senator  to  succeed 
John  Quincy  Adams.  Mr.  Adams  had  gone  publicly  over  to 
the  Republicans,  and  had  even  attended  the  congressional 
caucus,  and  voted  for  Madison.  The  legislature  ignored  the 
governor  altogether  in  making  arrangements  itself  to  appoint 
the  electors  j  and  adjourned  to  meet  in  November  for  that  pur- 
pose. When  it  re-assembled,  Governor  Sullivan  sent  in  a 
message,  advising  that  the  appointment  of  electors  be  submitted 


94  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

to  the  people.  The  General  Court  not  only  disregarded  the 
advice,  but  framed  its  order  for  the  choice  of  the  electors  so  as 
to  dispense  with  the  certification  of  the  Governor.  Nineteen 
Federalist  electors  were  duly  appointed.  Governor  Sullivan 
did  not  certify  the  appointment,  but  he  sent  to  Congress  a 
statement  as  to  the  method  of  appointment  which  was  designed 
to  serve  as  the  basis  of  an  objection  to  the  votes  in  case  of 
necessity.  The  alleged  informality,  which  was  no  informality 
at  all,  as  a  reading  of  the  Constitution  will  show,  was  brought 
to  the  attention  of  Congress  by  memorial,  in  December.  A 
resolution  was  introduced  for  raising  a  joint  committee  "to 
examine  the  matter  of  said  memorials  and  report  their  opinion 
thereon  to  both  Houses,''  but  it  was  not  acted  on.  A  few 
days  later  another  resolution  was  introduced,  directing  the 
memorials  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate.  After  some  debate,  in 
which  only  one  member  expressed  the  opinion  that  Congress 
could  take  action  in  the  premises,  the  resolution  was  passed 
and  sent  to  the  Senate  with  the  memorials,  where  it  was 
ordered  that  all  the  papers  be  laid  on  the  table ;  and  no  action 
whatever  was  taken  upon  them. 

In  New  York  the  Democrats  had  a  majority  of  the  legisla- 
ture ;  but  in  the  divided  state  of  the  party  a  compromise  be- 
tween the  two  factions  was  needful  to  save  the  vote  of  the 
State.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Clintonians  demanded  a 
part  of  the  electors  as  the  price  of  abstaining  from  an  alliance 
with  the  Federalists.  The  fact  that  a  division  was  made  indi- 
cates, nevertheless,  that  it  was  extorted.  The  "mixture  list," 
to  use  the  phrase  employed  by  the  Federalists,  received  sixty- 
five  votes,  the  Pinckney  ticket  forty-six.  There  was  a  smaller 
admixture  of  Clinton  men  in  the  list  of  electors  chosen  than 
the  Federalists  supposed. 

The  case  of  New  Jersey  was  peculiar.  The  law  required 
electors  to  be  appointed  within  thirty-four  days  before  the  first 
Monday  in  December.  The  legislature  passed  a  law  inadvert- 
ently fixing  the  election  —  by  the  people  —  thirty-six  anc* 
thirty-five  days \  before  the  time  for  the  electors  to  meet  ^—  oi- 
the  1st  and  2d  of  November.  Attention  was  called  to  th«» 
illegality  of  such  action  in  ample  season  to  remedy  the  over- 
sight; out  the  legislature,  —  this  was  a  year  when  political 
manoeuvring   was   almost   universal,  —  chose   to   leave    things- 

1  All  elections  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  some  other  States,  at  that  time,  lasted 
two  days. 


JAMES  MADISON 


95 


as  they  were.  If  the  Federalists  were  successful,  the  election 
would  be  null,  and  the  vote  of  the  State  would  be  lost.  If  the 
Democrats  should  carry  the  State,  the  legislature  could  meet 
and  appoint  the  same  persons.  The  Democrats  did  have  a 
majority ;  but  the  electoral  vote  depended  for  its  validity  on 
the  choice  of  the  electors  by  the  legislature. 

The  count  of  electoral  votes  took  place  in  the  Hall  of  the 
Representatives,  but  by  some  oversight  there  was  no  provision 
in  the  joint  resolution  directing  how  the  count  should  proceed, 
that  the  President  of  the  Senate  should  take  the  chair.  John 
Randolph,  who  could  always  be  depended  upon  to  create  diffi- 
culties when  there  was  opportunity,  called  attention  to  the  fact, 
and  objected  to  the  chair  being  vacated  by  the  Speaker  with- 
out a  vote  of  the  House.  "  He  did  not  wish  the  privileges  of 
this  House  any  way  diminished."     The  case  was  provided  for 


States. 


New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut  .  . 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey  ■  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Kentucky*  .  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Ohio    .... 

Total    .     .     . 


Pbesidknt. 

Vice-Pbesident. 

►5 

d 

H 

W 

£ 

fc 

xn 

fc 

£ 

fc 

4 
> 

I 

1 

1 

c 
o 

t 

§ 

( 

1 

J 

1 

a 

n 

t 

J 

B 

s 

i 

I 

1 

d 

t 

o 
9 

8 
1 

0 

8 

1 

H 

o 

u 

G3 

Hi 

•-s 

i-» 

7 

6 

'   - 

- 

- 

6 

- 

- 

- 

19 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

m. 

_ 

9 

— 

— 

— 

— 

13 

6 

13 

3 

- 

3 

8 

— 

- 

8 

- 

- 

- 

20 

- 

- 

20 

- 

- 

- 

— 

— 

3 

— 

— 

— 

— 

9 

- 

2 

9 

- 

- 

- 

24 

- 

- 

24 

- 

- 

- 

11 

- 

3 

11 

- 

- 

- 

10 

- 

- 

10 

- 

- 

- 

6 

- 

- 

6 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

- 

5 

_ 

_ 

5 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

122 

6 

47 

113 

3 

9 

3 

47 


*  One  Kentucky  elector  did  not  attend.    The  State  was  entitled  to  eight  votes. 


96  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  a  formal  vote,  and  the  Senate  was  admitted.  When  the 
votes  had  all  been  opened  and  the  returns  tabulated,  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  Senate  was  about  to  read  the  result,  when  one  of 
the  tellers  remarked  that  one  return  was  defective,  not  having 
a  governor's  certificate  attached,  referring,  of  course,  to  Massa- 
chusetts. Nothing  further  was  said,  and  the  President  of  the 
Senate,  Mr.  Milledge,  senator  from  Georgia,  proceeded  to  de- 
clare the  result,  as  shown  by  the  table  on  page  95. 

Mr.  Madison's  inauguration  was  almost  as  informal  as  Mr. 
Jefferson's  had  been  eight  years  before.  He  was  conveyed  in 
a  carriage  to  the  Capitol,  escorted  by  two  companies  of  militia, 
and  went  to  the  Representatives'  Hall  attended  by  two  or 
three  members  of  the  cabinet.  The  Vice-President  had  already 
taken  the  oath  of  office,  but  Mr.  Milledge  still  presided  over 
the  Senate.  Mr.  Madison  delivered  his  inaugural  address  in 
the  presence  of  a  distinguished  company,  having  Mr.  Jefferson 
as  his  chief  auditor ;  and  the  oath  was  then  administered  by 
Chief  Justice  Marshall. 


VIII 
AN  ELECTION  IN  TIME  OF  WAR 

It  has  been  remarked  by  more  than  one  historian  that  the 
government  of  the  United  States  was  never  weaker  in  all  its 
departments  than  during  the  first  part  of  Madison's  adminis- 
tration. The  times  required  that  it  should  be  strong.  The 
policy  in  the  closing  months  of  Jefferson's  term  had  been 
feeble  and  vacillating.  The  embargo  not  only  had  failed  to 
accomplish' the  object  for  which  it  was  laid,  but  it  had  made  a 
large  contingent  of  the  Democratic  party  semi-allies  of  the 
Federalists  in  opposing  the  administration  measures.  The  last 
session  of  the  tenth  Congress  —  December,  1808,  to  March  4, 
1809  — <  witnessed  the  passage  of  an  act  to  enforce  the  em- 
bargo, and,  just  before  the  Congress  expired,  a  complete  change 
of  policy  in  the  substitution  of  non-intercourse  for  the  em- 
bargo. A  few  only  of  the  members  knew  the  secret  reason  of 
this  volte-face.  It  was  designed  to  facilitate  the  negotiations 
about  to  begin  with  Mr.  Erskine,  the  newly  appointed  British 
envoy.  Mr.  Madison  made  Robert  Smith,  of  Maryland,  his 
Secretary  of  State,  —  the  weakest  incumbent  of  that  office  in 
the  history  of  the  country.  The  agreement  made  with  Mr. 
Erskine  was  one  which  the  instructions  the  envoy  had  received 
did  not  authorize  him  to  make ;  and  it  was  impatiently  thrown 
out  by  Mr.  Canning.  From  that  time  on,  until  war  was  de- 
clared in  1812,  there  was  a  diplomatic  wrangle  between  the 
two  governments.  The  relations  of  the  United  States  with 
both  England  and  France  were  hopelessly  and  equally  bad. 
It  would  have  puzzled  much  abler  men  than  those  who  had 
the  fortunes  of  America  in  charge  to  decide  what  was  the 
wisest  course,  —  to  declare  war  against  both  the  powers,  to  con- 
tinue negotiations  with  a  purpose  to  accept  the  best  that  could 
be  obtained,  or  to  submit  to  conditions  against  which  we  were 
too  weak  to  struggle. 

Madison  chose  none  of  these  courses.     He  was  sincerely  de- 


93  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

sirous  of  peace,  but  he  would  not  be  satisfied  to  take  what 
England  would  offer.  Demanding  more,  he  got  nothing. 
Congress  contained  few  strong  men,  almost  none  who  supported 
the  administration.  Yet  the  party  majority  was  large  enough 
to  give  a  subservient  acquiescence  in  the  measures  proposed  to 
Congress,  even  though  it  lacked  leaders.  The  interminable 
controversy  went  On.  Mr.  Madison  became  weary  of  the  war 
in  his  cabinet  between  Mr.  Smith  and  Mr.  Gallatin,  and  re- 
quired the  resignation  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  He  had 
previously  become  reconciled  with  Mr.  Monroe,  and  now  ap- 
pointed that  gentleman  to  the  State  Department.  Monroe  en- 
tered office  with  the  laudable  purpose  of  bringing  the  long 
quarrel  with  England  to  a  close,  and  with  great  confidence  in 
his  own  power  to  hold  the  administration  back  from  the  war 
into  which  it  was  drifting.  But  a  force  greater  than  his  own 
entered  into  public  affairs  just  three  weeks  before  his  return  to 
office,  and  soon  swept  him  away.  His  appointment  was  dated 
November  25,  1811.  On  the  4th  of  the  same  month  the 
twelfth  Congress  met.  It  contained  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives a  group  of  young  Republicans,  or  Democrats,  who 
assumed  control  of  affairs  in  a  masterful  fashion  :  John  C. 
Calhoun,  William  Lowndes,  and  Langdon  Cheves,  of  South  Car- 
olina, and  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky.  Cheves,  the  oldest  of  the 
four,  was  but  thirty-five.  Clay,  who  was  thirty-four,  was 
elected  Speaker  by  a  great  majority.  Felix  Grundy,  of  Ten- 
nessee, a  new  member  and  also  a  young  man,  acted  with  this 
quartet  of  young  men.  William  H.  Crawford,  a  Senator  from 
Georgia,  —  afterward  the  victim  of  "King  Caucus," — who 
had  been  acting  on  somewhat  independent  lines,  now  became 
a  stanch  party  man.  All  the  efforts  of  this  coterie  of  youthful 
leaders,  of  whom  those  just  named  were  the  most  conspicuous, 
tended  directly  to  war  with  England.  They  overbore  the  op- 
position of  Mr.  Madison,  and  carried  Monroe  along  with  the 
current.  It  was  reported  at  the  time  on  the  authority  of  Mr. 
James  Fisk,  then  a  Republican  member  of  the  House  from 
Vermont,  that  a  committee  waited  upon  Mr.  Madison,  and  in- 
formed him  that  war  was  resolved  upon  ;  that,  unless  siich  a 
step  was  taken,  the  Federalists  might  possibly  carry  the  presi- 
dential election ;  and  that  if  he  was  not  ready  to  adopt  that 
policy  he  would  be  abandoned,  and  another  candidate  chosen 
for  the  pending  election.  It  is  not  possible  either  to  verify 
or  to  disprove  this  assertion.     Mr.  Quincy,  of  Massachusetts, 


AN  ELECTION  IN  TIME  OF  WAR  99 

repeated  the  statement,  in  a  form  as  distinct  as  the  rules  of  the 
House  would  allow,  during  the  following  year  ;  and  its  truth 
was  not  questioned.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Clay  is  reported 
to  have  denied  the  story  ;  but  the  form  of  his  denial  is  not 
given.  Carl  Schurz,  in  his  Life  of  Clay,  says  that  there  is  "  no 
evidence  "  that  coercion  was  applied  to  Madison  ;  which  is 
true,  but  not  conclusive.  It  is  certain  that  the  President 
abandoned  his  settled  policy  at  a  time  when  nothing  had  been 
changed  except  the  attitude  of  the  Democratic  leaders  in  Con- 
gress ;  that  he  recommended  an  embargo,  which  was  voted  ; 
and  that  he  followed  the  recommendation  with  a  war  message, 
to  which  Congress  responded  promptly,  though  not  by  so  large 
a  majority  as  he  could  have  wished,  with  a  declaration  of  war, 
in  June,  1812. 

The  Republican  caucus  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  for 
President  and  Vice-President  was  held  on  the  12th  of  May. 
No  opposition  to  the  caucus  manifested  itself.  The  members 
who  did  not  intend  to  be  bound  by  the  action  which  they  could 
foresee,  absented  themselves.  There  were  at  least  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-three  Republican  senators  and  members,  only 
eighty-three  of  whom  attended  the  caucus.  New  York  was 
represented  by  a  single  member,  for  New  York  had  a  plan  of 
its  own.  New  England  and  New  York  combined  did  not 
furnish  as  many  members  of  the  caucus  as  did  Virginia  alone. 
Thus  composed,  the  caucus  was  harmonious  and  unanimous. 
Mr.  Madison  received  eighty-two  votes  for  President.  Vice- 
President  George  Clinton  had  died  in  office  less  than  a  month 
before.  In  any  event  he  would  not  have  been  nominated 
again.  On  a  ballot  for  Vice-President  the  venerable  John 
Langdon,  of  New  Hampshire,  the  first  President  pro  tempore 
of  the  Senate,  received  64  votes ;  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 16  votes ;  and  two  were  scattering.  The  caucus 
adopted  a  resolution  recommending  its  candidates,  and  repeated 
the  declaration  made  four  years  before  that  the  members  acted 
as  private  citizens.  Mr.  Langdon  declined  the  nomination  on 
the  ground  of  his  age.  A  second  caucus  was  held  on  the  8th 
of  June,  when  Mr.  Gerry  was  nominated  by  74  votes  to  3 
scattering.  After  the  nomination  was  made,  those  who  were 
present  who  had  not  attended  the  first  caucus  were  allowed  an 
opportunity  to  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President.  Ten  mem- 
bers voted  for  Mr.  Madison.  He  thus  had  the  support  of 
ninety-two  members,  at  least,  out  of  one  hundred  and  thirty- 


100  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 

three.  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  showing  the  ascendency  of  the 
Southern  States  in  the  Democratic  party,  that  the  original  nom- 
ination of  Mr.  Langdon  was  attributed,  by  the  "  New  Hamp- 
shire Patriot,"  which  may  have  derived  the  information  from 
Mr.  Langdon  himself,  to  the  wish  and  influence  of  the  South- 
ern members.  The  Northern  men  preferred  Mr.  Gerry  from  the 
first ;  but  the  South,  helped  by  subservient  Pennsylvania,  not 
only  dictated  the  nomination  for  the  first  place,  but  overruled 
the  New  England  Democrats  in  their  choice  of  a  candidate  for 
the  second  place. 

The  history  of  the  canvass  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Madison 
forms  one  of  the  most  unpleasant  chapters  in  American  politi- 
cal history.  The  Democratic  party  in  New  York,  for  purely 
personal  and  local  reasons,  resolved  not  to  train  with  the  rest 
of  the  party.  There  was  no  question  of  principle  involved. 
DeWitt  Clinton  had  become,  in  the  strictly  modern  sense,  the 
"  boss  "  of  his  party  in  New  York  ;  and  he  willed  to  become  its 
candidate  for  President.  He  was  avowedly  in  favor  of  war  when 
Madison  was  still  for  peace,  and  was  quite  willing  to  be  nom- 
inated by  the  congressional  eaucus  on  a  war  platform.  When 
Madison  joined  the  war  party  Clinton  shifted  his  ground,  and 
based  his  candidacy  on  the  impropriety  of  congressional  cau- 
cuses and  of  Southern  dictation.  A  caucus  of  Democratic 
members  of  the  New  York  legislature  was  held  at  Albany  on 
the  29th  of  May.  Of  ninety-five  members  of  the  party  eighty- 
seven  were  present,  and  the  absence  of  four  others  was  ac- 
counted for  satisfactorily.  Mr.  Clinton  was  nominated  unani- 
mously. A  committee  waited  upon  him  after  the  caucus  and 
informed  him  of  the  action  taken.  His  reply  was  diplomatic 
in  the  extreme.  He  "  sensibly  felt  and  duly  appreciated  so 
distinguished  a  proof  of  their  confidence."  The  canvass  in 
behalf  of  Clinton  was  taken  in  charge  by  Martin  Van  Buren, 
then  a  young  man  of  thirty,  who  thus  made  his  entrance  into 
national  politics  as  the  manager  of  a  conspiracy  to  defeat  the 
candidate  of  the  party  which  afterward  elevated  him  to  the 
highest  place  in  the  nation. 

It  is  not  easy  to  reconcile  Clinton's  action  with  the  most 
ordinary  political  prudence.  His  public  life,  even  his  course 
during  that  canvass,  forbids  us  to  attribute  his  conduct  to  any 
higher  motive  than  personal  ambition.  Yet  he  refused  over- 
tures which  were  undoubtedly  made  to  him  to  withdraw,  with 
a  promise  of  the  succession  on  the   retirement  of  Madison. 


AN  ELECTION  IN  TIME  OF-  WAR  101 

From  being  an  advocate  of  war  before  war  was  declared,  he 
proceeded  to  the  point  of  becoming  a  critic  of  the  administra- 
tion because  it  did  not  prosecute  the  war  with  sufficient  vigor, 
and  sought  the  votes  of  dissatisfied  Democrats  on  that  ground. 
Then,  since  he  would  be  in  a  hopeless  minority  without  Fed- 
eralist support,  he  stood  willingly  as  the  candidate  of  all  who 
were  in  favor  of  peace.  Gouverneur  Morris  records  in  his 
diary  a  conversation  with  De  Witt  Clinton  just  after  the  death 
of  his  uncle,  the  Vice-President,  in  the  spring  of  1812,  in 
which  an  alliance  between  the  Clintonians  and  the  Federalists 
was  discussed  vaguely.  It  seems  not  improbable  that  Morris 
—  who  had  come  very  near  to  the  point  of  hating  the  Union 
and  of  desiring  a  separation  from  the  South  —  had  much  to 
do  in  smoothing  the  way  for  a  disgraceful  coalition.  The 
echo  of  Clinton's  words  denouncing  the  whole  Federalist  party 
as  "  fiends  "  had  hardly  died  away  when  he  was  courting  their 
support.  On  their  part  they  made  up  their  minds  to  give 
their  votes  to  one  who  had  no  principles,  —  or,  if  that  be  too 
harsh  a  judgment,  no  principles  not  opposed  to  their  own. 

The  coalition  was  brought  about  by  a  convention  held  at 
New  York  city  in  September,  —  a  highly  interesting  meeting, 
as  being  the  first  convention  of  the  same  sort  as  those  which 
now  present  presidential  candidates.  The  meeting  was  strictly 
private,  and  no  report  of  its  proceedings  was  published  in  any 
newspaper.  The  fullest  account  of  it  is  given  in  William 
Sullivan's  "Public  Men  of  the  Eevolution."  In  the  summer 
of  1812  Mr.  Sullivan  and  Jonathan  Knight,  both  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  Governor  Roger  Griswold  and  another  gentle- 
man of  Connecticut,  being  at  Saratoga  Springs,  talked  over 
the  state  of  the  nation,  and  a  convention  of  Federalists  was 
proposed.  The  result  was  the  assembling  at  New  York  in 
September  of  seventy  persons  representing  eleven  States  of 
the  Union,  as  follows :  from  New  Hampshire,  2 ;  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, 8 ;  Rhode  Island,  3 ;  Connecticut,  6 ;  New  York, 
18  ;  New  Jersey,  12  ;  Pennsylvania,  12  ;  Delaware,  2  ;  Mary- 
land, 3 ;  South  Carolina,  4.  The  convention  held  a  session 
of  three  days.  There  was  evidently  great  hesitation  and  op- 
position to  the  plan  which  was  in  the  minds  of  the  projectors 
of  the  meeting,  since  nothing  whatever  was  done  during  the 
first  two  days.  Rufus  King,  who  had  twice  been  the  party 
candidate  for  Vice-President,  denounced  Clinton  with  such 
vehejnence.  find  passion  that  —  so  Mr.  Sullivan  reports  —  his 


102'  A   HISTORY   OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

knees  trembled  under  him.  King  was  supported  by  other 
members  of  the  convention.  As  the  meeting  was  on  the  point 
of  breaking  up,  having  come  to  no  decision,  Harrison  Gray  Otis 
arose,  with  his  hat  in  his  hand,  as  if  about  to  depart,  and  be- 
gan speaking  in  favor  of  Clinton.  As  he  proceeded  he  became 
more  earnest,  and  soon  had  the  convention  enchained  by  his 
eloquence.  When  he  finished,  the  members  decided  by  an 
almost  unanimous  vote  to  support  Clinton.  A  Pennsylvania 
Federalist  of  somewhat  mild  type,  Jared  Ingersoll,  was  named 
as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President.  The  administration  organ, 
the  "National  Intelligencer,"  got  an  inkling  of  what  had 
been  done,  and  published  in  connection  with  the  affair  a  state- 
ment that  Mr.  Clinton  had  declared  to  a  committee  of  the 
convention  that  "  all  political  connection  between  him  and 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  United  States  had  ceased  and 
would  not  be  renewed."  Mr.  Otis  denied  this  statement  as 
wholly  false,  and  asserted  that  no  communication  had  been 
had  with  Mr.  Clinton,  and  that  no  statement  had  been  made 
by  him.  We  have  had,  in  the  most  recent  times,  another 
example  of  the  withholding  from  candidates  of  a  notice  of 
their  nomination,  expressly  to  relieve  those  candidates  from 
the  necessity  of  accepting  the  nominations  in  terms  which 
might  throw  the  party  into  confusion.  All  the  facts  that  can 
be  gathered  from  contemporaneous  writers  concerning  the  Fed- 
eralist convention  of  1812  are  contained  in  an  article  by  J.  S. 
Murdock  in  the  "  American  Historical  Review  "  for  1896. 

The  opposition  within  the  Federalist  party  to  the  candi- 
dacy of  Clinton  was  not  quenched  by  Otis's  eloquence.  Rufus 
King,  in  his  correspondence,  showed  that  his  opinion  was  un- 
changed. When  the  electors  were  chosen  by  the  New  York 
legislature,  forty-five  votes  were  given  for  a  "  straight "  Fed- 
eralist ticket.  Twenty-three  blank  votes  were  cast,  most  or 
all  of  them  by  Madisonians.  The  Clinton  electoral  ticket 
had  seventy-four  votes.  A  convention  was  held  at  Staunton, 
Virginia,  on  September  26,  in  which  eighteen  counties  were 
represented.  A  Federalist  electoral  ticket  was  nominated  ;  no 
formal  nomination  of  presidential  candidates  was  made,  but 
the  names  of  Rufus  King,  of  New  York,  and  General  William 
R.  Davie,  of  North  Carolina,  were  "  commended  to  the  electors 
when  appointed."  Nevertheless,  substantially  the  whole  Fed- 
eralist strength  was  bestowed  upon  Clinton.  It  may  be  re- 
marked here  that  the  coalition  put  an  end  forever  to  Clinton's 


AN   ELECTION  IN   TIME  OF  WAR  103 

prospects  in  national  politics.  The  canvass  was  a  mere  inci- 
dent of  the  war,  and  of  the  efforts  of  its  opponents  to  bring 
about  peace.  No  doubt  men  were  then  too  strongly  com- 
mitted on  one  side  or  the  other  to  be  converted  or  perverted 
by  argument  or  persuasion  of  any  sort.  Nevertheless  it  is 
singular  that  the  editors  of  political  journals  issued  their 
papers  week  after  week,  in  the  autumn  of  1812,  devoid  of  all 
reference  to  the  pendency  of  an  important  election. 

Eighteen  States  took  part  in  the  election,  Louisiana  having 
been  admitted  to  the  Union  on  the  8th  of  April,  1812.  The 
mode  of  appointment  of  the  electors  was  in  general  the  same 
as  in  1808,  but  there  were  some  interesting  exceptions.  In 
New  Jersey  the  law  of  1807  giving  the  election  to  the  people, 
but  fixing  the  date  more  than  the  designated  thirty-four  days 
before  the  meeting  of  the  electors,  (see  p.  94)  remained  in  force. 
At  the  State  election  in  1812  the  Democrats  had  a  popular 
majority,  but  the  peculiarities  of  the  apportionment  gave  the 
Federalists  control  of  both  branches  of  the  legislature.  The 
annual  meeting  of  the  legislature  was  held  in  October ;  and 
on  the  29th  of  that  month,  less  than  a  week  before  the  people 
were  expecting  to  choose  the  electors,  the  legislature  repealed 
the  law  of  1807,  passed  an  act  providing  that  electors  should 
thereafter  be  chosen  by  the  Council  and  General  Assembly, 
and  a  few  days  afterward  appointed  eight  federal  electors. 

North  Carolina  had  always  adhered  to  the  system  of  a 
popular  vote  by  districts.  But  it  was  anticipated  in  1811 
that  there  would  be  an  increase  of  electoral  votes  in  conse- 
quence of  a  new  apportionment,  which  would  be  made  so  late 
that  the  State  could  not  be  districted.  Accordingly  it  was 
then  enacted  that  the  electors  in  1812  should  be  chosen  by 
the  legislature.  Such  was  the  excuse  given  for  the  act,  but 
it  caused  great  excitement  at  the  time ;  and  when  the  legis- 
lature met  in  1812  to  appoint  the  electors  there  was  much 
fear  of  a  popular  outbreak. 

Massachusetts  offered  by  far  the  most  interesting  case. 
Elbridge  Gerry,  the  candidate  for  Vice-President  with  Madi- 
son, had  been  Governor  of  the  State  two  years,  and  had  been 
defeated  for  reelection  the  month  before  the  congressional 
caucus  was  held.  His  administration  had  been  made  note- 
worthy, and  his  name  historical,  by  the  division  of  the  Com- 
monwealth into  Senate  districts,  one  of  which  was  of  so  pecu- 
liar a  construction  that  a  certain  member  of  the   legislature 


104 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


likened  its  shape  to  that  of  a  salamander.  Another  member 
exclaimed  that  it  was  a  "  gerrymander,"  and  thus  a  new  word 
was  added  to  the  language.  The  apportionment  gave  the 
Senate  to  the  Democrats,  although  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives was  strongly  Fedesal.  Accordingly,  when  the  question 
of  establishing  a  method  of  appointing  electors  came  up,  the 
two  Houses  were  unable  to  agree.  The  House  made  several 
propositions,  all  of  which  were  rejected  by  the  Senate,  and  the 
General  Court  adjourned  to  meet  in  October  to  settle  the 
question.  At  the  adjourned  meeting  the  Senate  was  still  in 
opposition.  It  was  willing  to  let  the  vote  of  the  State  be  lost 
by  making  no  provision  for  an  election,  or  to  adopt  any  plan 
that  promised  to  neutralize  the  vote  by  setting  one  part  off 
against  another.  At  last  a  proposition  was  made  and  accepted 
to  make  use  of  the  districts  into  which  the  State  was  divided 


President. 

Vice-Pbesident. 

i 

1 

1 

States. 

a 

1 

1 

$ 

1 

I 

u 

O 

a 

60 

! 

8 

1 

3 

I 

I 

New  Hampshire 

_ 

8 

1 

7 

Vermont 

8 

- 

8 

- 

Massachusetts 

_ 

22 

2 

20 

- 

4 

9 

29 

8 

- 

4 

9 

29 

New  Jersey 

8 

Pennsylvania 

25 

25 

Delaware 

- 

4 

- 

4 

Maryland 

6 

5 

6 

5 

25 

_ 

25 

__ 

15 

11 

8 

— 

15 
11 

8 

_ 

Georgia 

_ 

Kentucky 

12 

- 

12 

- 

Tennessee 

8 

- 

8 

- 

Louisiana 

3 

•  - 

8 

- 

Ohio 

7 

- 

7 

_ 

Total 

128 

89 

131 

86 

AN  ELECTION  IN  TIME  OF  WAR  106 

for  the  purposes  of  the  Courts  of  Common  Pleas.  Massachil* 
setts  proper  was  divided  into  three  districts,  —  the  western, 
middle,  and  southern,  which  chose  six,  five,  and  four  electors 
respectively.  The  District  of  Maine  had  also  three  districts, 
which  chose  three,  three,  and  one,  respectively.  The  Demo- 
crats hoped  to  get  half  the  electors  under  this  system,  but 
they  were  grievously  disappointed.  Every  district  chose  Fed- 
eral electors.  The  total  popular  vote  was  50,333  for  Clinton 
electors,  and  26,110  for  Madison. 

The  electoral  vote  throughout  the  Union  was  much  closer 
than  was  anticipated.  The  " solid  South"  was  arrayed  in 
favor  of  Madison  ;  most  of  the  North  voted  for  Clinton.  Ver- 
mont and  Pennsylvania  alone  separated  from  their  neighbors, 
and  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania  decided  the  election.  The  elec- 
toral votes  were  as  shown  in  the  table  on  the  opposite  page. 

The  count  of  electoral  votes,  which  took  place  on  the  10th 
of  February,  1813,  in  the  Representatives'  Hall,  was  marked 
by  no  incident  worthy  of  notice.  It  was  a  proceeding  in  all 
respects  similar  to  previous  counts. 


IX 

THE  LAST  OF   THE  VIRGINIA  "DYNASTY" 

The  fate  of  the  Federalist  party  is  one  of  the  most  singular 
casualties  in  the  history  of  politics.  The  party  was  destroyed 
by  the  success  of  its  own  principles  in  the.  hands  of  its  oppo- 
nents. The  anti-Federalists  began  their  existence  by  opposing 
the  Constitution  as  destructive  of  the  rights  of  the  individual, 
and  particularly  of  the  smaller  States  ;  when  in  power,  they 
drove  the  Federalists  near  to  the  point  of  advocating  a  disso- 
lution of  the  Union  by  perpetuating  the  domination  of  Vir- 
ginia over  the  "  confederacy."  During  the  administrations 
of  Washington  and  Adams  the  Federalists  were  champions  of 
national  supremacy,  as  opposed  to  the  "  State  Rights  "  doctrines 
expressed  in  the  resolutions  of  1798  and  1799 ;  Jefferson's 
policy  in  acquiring  Louisiana,  and  the  attitude  of  the  Demo- 
crats toward  New  England  particularism  during  the  war  of 
1812,  went  far  beyond  the  Federalism  of  Hamilton.  Finally, 
the  demand  for  peace  on  any  terms,  and  a  cessation  of  the 
war,  denounced  by  the  Democrats  as  "  moral  treason,"  and 
held  up  for  the  execration  of  all  patriots,  was  precisely  the 
policy  which  Mr.  Madison  finally  adopted  ;  and  the  Treaty  of 
Ghent  did  not  even  mention  either  of  the  objects  for  which 
war  had  been  declared.  Yet  the  party  that  had,  as  it  were, 
led  the  way,  was  trampled  in  the  dust  by  those  who  followed 
after.  No  doubt  the  gradual  and  unconscious  adoption  by  the 
Democrats  of  the  national  principle  which  had  been  the  origi- 
nal bond  of  union  of  the  Federal  party  made  it  easy  for  Feder- 
alists to  go  over  to  the  other  side.  But  the  disintegration 
of  the  organization  did  not  take  place  until  the  conclusion  of 
peace  brought  to  an  end  the  only  issue  that  divided  parties  by 
a  broad  line. 

The  Hartford  convention  was,  beyond  a  doubt,  the  event  of 
Madison's  second  administration  which  had  the  most  important 
influence  upon  the  ensuing  presidential  election.  Whether  it 
should  have  been  a  death-blow  to  the  Federal  party  is  a  ques- 


THE  LAST  OF   THE  VIRGINIA   "DYNASTY"    107 

tion  that  requires  a  much  fuller  and  more  dispassionate  discus, 
sion  than  it  has  ever  had  at  the  hands  of  a  historian  of  high 
standing.  Writers  have  been  prone  to  take  the  superficial  view 
that,  since  there  were  New  England  Federalists  of  the  greatest 
prominence  in  the  party  who  expected  and  desired  a  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Union,  —  which  is  undoubtedly  true,  —  and  since, 
those  men  were  among  the  projectors  and  promoters  of  the 
Hartford  convention ;  and  since  certain  phrases  in  the  report 
of  the  convention  refer  to  a  dissolution  as  among  the  possibili- 
ties of  the  future,  —  therefore  the  convention  was  a  treason- 
able assembly,  whose  members  favored  the  formation  of  a 
confederation  of  Northern  States.  The  other  view  deserves 
careful  consideration,  namely,  that  conservatives  obtained  con- 
trol of  a  movement  which  radicals  designed  to  be  directed  to 
the  destruction  of  the  Union.  George  Cabot,  the  head  of  the 
Massachusetts  delegation  and  the  president  of  the  convention, 
expressed  his  own  opinion  of  the  duty  set  before  him  when 
he  replied  to  a  young  friend  who  asked  him  what  was  to  be 
done  at  Hartford,  "  We  are  going  to  keep  you  young  hotheads 
from  getting  into  mischief."  Pickering,  who  was  a  disunion- 
ist,  was  displeased  with  the  choice  of  delegates  ;  and  John 
Lowell,  who  shared  Pickering's  dislike  of  the  turn  the  move- 
ment took,  opposed  the  convention  because  he  did  not  believe 
it  would  recommend  the  "  effectual  measures "  which  he  de- 
sired. A  study  of  the  proceedings  and  of  the  report  of  the 
convention,  with  a  prejudice  born  of  these  facts,  leads  one  to 
quite  a  different  conclusion  from  that  of  the  historians  who 
express  themselves  on  the  subject  in  terms  of  unqualified 
abhorrence  of  the  convention  and  of  all  who  took  part  in  it. 

Whatever  be  the  view  one  holds  of  this  unique  assemblage, 
one  thing  is  certain.  It  was  the  most  unpopular  convention 
ever  held  in  the  country,  both  during  its  session  and  ever  since. 
The  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  appointed 
to  urge  at  the  national  capital  the  measures  it  recommended, 
arrived  at  Washington  just  as  intelligence  was  received  of  the 
battle  of  New  Orleans.  Less  than  a  fortnight  afterward  came 
the  joyful  news  that  a  peace  treaty  had  been  signed.  Nothing 
remained  for  Mr.  Otis  and  his  associates  to  do ;  and  they  re- 
turned home  quietly,  but  pursued  by  shouts  of  derision  from 
the  Democratic  press.  The  possibility  of  a  return  of  the  Fed- 
eralists to  power  ceased  from  that  moment. 

The  new  questions  which  arose,  as  soon  as  Congress  was  able 


108  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

to  turn  from  the  perilous  and  perplexing  foreign  problems 
which  had  engaged  its  attention  for  many  years,  led  ultimately 
to  a  new  party  division.  At  the  outset  they  merely  broke 
down  the  old  lines.  The  incorporation  of  the  second  Bank  of 
the  United  States  was  carried  by  a  great  majority  in  a  Con- 
gress nearly  two  to  one  Democratic,  and  the  act  was  approved 
by  Madison.  The  position  taken  by  the  anti-Federalists  in 
Washington's  time,  that  such  an  act  was  unconstitutional,  was 
completely  abandoned.  The  war,  with  its  necessary  accompa- 
niment of  non-intercourse,  cutting  off  the  supply  of  foreign 
manufactured  goods,  had  greatly  stimulated  domestic  manufac- 
tures. The  resumption  of  commerce  after  the  Treaty  of  Ghent 
left  the  new  industries  exposed  to  violent  foreign  competition. 
The  urgent  calls  for  protection  by  means  of  higher  tariff  duties 
were  responded  to  by  the  party  in  power,  which  thus  adopted 
another  of  Hamilton's  principles.  The  protection  sentiment 
of  that  day  had  no  more  ardent  supporter  than  John  C.  Cal- 
houn. The  question  of  internal  improvements  also  began,  at 
this  time,  to  acquire  prominence  ;  but  it  was  not  until  long 
afterward  that  it  became  a  party  issue,  and  ranged  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  following  its  original  doctrine  of  "  strict  construc- 
tion," in  opposition  to  the  policy. 

The  only  extensive  stronghold  of  the  Federal  party,  New 
England,  was  endangered  from  within.  A  revolt  against  the 
ecclesiastical  supremacy  of  the  Congregational  Church  gave 
New  Hampshire  to  the  Democratic  party  ;  it  left  the  Federal- 
ists but  a  meagre  majority  in  Massachusetts  ;  even  in  ever- 
faithful  Connecticut  it  unsettled  the  hold  of  the  Federalists. 
Oliver  Wolcott,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  cabinets  of 
Washington  and  Adams,  became  the  candidate  of  the  "  tole- 
ration n  party  for  Governor,  nominated  by  the  influence  of  the 
Episcopalians  against  his  old  Federal  associates. 

The  presidential  election  drew  near  amid  the  general  break- 
ing-up  of  the  Federal  party.  It  had  been  understood  between 
Mr.  Madison  and  Mr.  Monroe  that  the  Secretary  of  State  was 
to  be  brought  forward  for  the  succession  with  all  the  power  of 
the  administration.  Yet  it  was  not  so  easy  as  it  might  seem 
from  a  consideration  merely  of  Mr.  Monroe's  apparent  strength 
in  the  electoral  colleges,  second  only  to  that  of  Washington, 
to  bring  about  his  nomination.  He  had  two  dangerous  com- 
petitors. The  Northern  wing  of  the  party,  particularly  the 
New    York  contingent,  was    earnestly    in  favor  of  Governor 


THE  LAST  OF  THE   VIRGINIA   "DYNASTY*'     109 

Tompkins,  of  New  York.  Mr.  Monroe  was  not  a  favorite 
even  with  the  Southern  members  ;  and  there  was  a  great 
intrigue  to  bring  forward  William  H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia. 
The  first  step  toward  a  nomination  was  the  posting  of  an 
anonymous  notice,  dated  March  10,  1816,  inviting  Republican 
senators  and  members  of  Congress  to  meet  in  the  Representa- 
tives' Hall,  on  the  12th,  "  to  take  into  consideration  the  pro- 
priety of  nominating  persons  as  candidates  for  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States."  Fifty-eight  members 
attended  this  meeting,  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  call  a  caucus 
for  the  16th  of  the  month,  in  the  hope  of  a  larger  attendance. 
Of  141  Republican  members,  119  attended  the  second  caucus. 
The  number  was  doubtless  increased  by  the  anxiety  felt  by  the 
friends  of  the  several  candidates  lest  one  or  another  should  be 
nominated  by  a  chance  minority.  The  supporters  of  Mr.  Mon- 
roe were  out  in  force.  The  "  National  Intelligencer  "  manifested 
some  trepidation  lest  the  administration  candidate  should  be 
defeated.  "  If  ever  doubted,"  it  remarked,  "  the  public  opin- 
ion has  been  recently  so  decidedly  expressed  as  to  leave  little 
doubt  that  the  prominent  candidate  will,  in  the  end,  unite  the 
suffrage  of  the  whole  Republican  party."  The  "  public  opin- 
ion "  in  favor  of  the  existing  regime  was  as  easily  manufactured 
then  as  it  is  now,  through  the  agency  of  the  office-holders. 
The  candidacy  of  Governor  Tompkins  was  seen,  even  before 
the  caucus  was  held,  to  be  hopeless.  He  was  known  by  but 
few  of  the  persons  who  were  to  make  the  nomination.  It  is 
asserted  in  Hammond's  "  New  York  "  that  four  fifths  of  the 
New  York  members  preferred  Crawford  to  Monroe.  One  of 
these  members  said  that  Martin  Van  Buren  and  Peter  B. 
Porter,  for  reasons  of  their  own,  —  but  what  their  motives 
were  is  not  known,  —  prevented  the  delegation  from  going  to 
Crawford ;  and  thus  they  secured  the  nomination  of  Monroe. 

Notwithstanding  the  inducements  to  attend  the  caucus, 
twenty-two  Republicans  were  absent,  of  whom  fifteen  were 
known  to  be  opposed  to  the  caucus  system  of  nomination. 
Immediately  after  an  organization  of  the  meeting  was  effected, 
Mr.  Clay,  and  also  Mr.  John  W.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  moved 
resolutions  that  it  is  inexpedient  to  present  candidates.  The 
motions  were  rejected,  —  it  is  not  recorded  by  what  majority. 
The  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President  was  then  taken.  It 
resulted  in  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Monroe  by  the  narrow  ma- 
jority of  eleven  votes.     Monroe  had  sixty-five  votes,  Crawford 


110  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

fifty-four.  Mr.  Crawford's  support  came  chiefly  from  five  States, 
which  gave  him  forty  of  his  votes  :  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  and  his  own  State  of  Georgia. 
Had  all  the  New  York  members  voted  freely,  the  nomination 
might  have  gone  to  him.  Crawford  himself  professed  after- 
ward to  have  withdrawn  from  the  contest  before  the  caucus ; 
but  his  friends  seem  not  to  have  been  aware  of  the  fact  when 
they  voted.  No  intimation  is  given  in  any  of  the  political  lit- 
erature of  the  day  that  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  keep  out  of 
the  way  of  Monroe  on  a  promise  of  future  support.  In  view 
of  the  attempted  employment  of  similar  tactics  on  former  occa- 
sions, in  order  to  dispose  of  the  pretensions  of  Monroe  himself 
and  of  De  Witt  Clinton,  and  in  view  also  of  the  events  of  1824, 
it  does  not  seem  altogether  improbable  that  his  hesitation  at 
the  last  moment  was  due  to  suggestions  of  this  sort.  Gover- 
nor Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York,  received  eighty-five 
votes  as  candidate  for  Vice-President  and  was  nominated. 
Governor  Simon  Snyder,  of  Pennsylvania,  had  thirty  votes. 

These  proceedings  startled  the  country,  not  so  much  because 
of  what  had  been  done,  for  that  the  people  were  ready  to 
approve,  but  because  the  members  who  had  assumed  the  right 
to  make  nominations  had  come  near  making  recommendations 
which  would  not  have  been  accepted.  Numerous  meetings 
were  held  in  various  parts  of  the  country  to  protest  against  the 
caucus  system,  the  most  noteworthy  of  which,  perhaps,  was 
held  in  Baltimore,  in  which  meeting  Roger  B.  Taney,  after- 
ward Chief  Justice,  took  a  most  prominent  part.  That,  pre- 
cisely, was  happening,  against  which  the  Convention  of  1787 
had  endeavored  most  scrupulously  to  guard,  —  the  dependence 
of  presidential  candidates,  and  of  Presidents  desiring  reelec- 
tion, upon  the  favor  of  Congress.  Moreover,  the  latest  nomi- 
nations signified  the  perpetuation  of  a  dynasty  ;  the  rule  of  a 
single  State  of  the  Union ;  the  exclusion  of  every  State  except 
Virginia  —  which  had  now  ceased  being  the  State  most  numer- 
ously represented  in  Congress,  although  three  fifths  of  her 
slaves  were  counted  —  from  the  privilege  of  furnishing  a  chief 
magistrate. 

The  nomination  having  been  made,  the  election  was  decided. 
The  elements  of  an  effective  opposition  did  not  exist.  Monroe 
would  doubtless  have  won  a  victory  had  all  who  preferred  an- 
other candidate  formed  a  complete  coalition.  There  was  not  a 
symptom  of  a  wish  to  bring  about  such  a  union.    The  position 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  "DYNASTY"     111 

of  the  "  old  guard "  of  Federalists  was  indicated  in  a  letter 
from  Gouverneur  Morris  to  Rufus  King,  March  15,  1816. 
This  was  Morris's  latest  utterance  upon  public  affairs.  His 
death  in  November  of  the  same  year,  just  as  the  election  was 
to  take  place,  closed  a  career  which  had  begun  at  the  Provin- 
cial Congress  in  1775.     Mr.  Morris  wrote  :  — 

That  Mr.  Madison's  influence  should  decline  is  to  be  expected : 
who  is  to  be  the  successor  ?  It  seems  to  be  acknowledged  that  no 
Federal  character  can  run  with  success.  Nevertheless  I  believe 
that  if  Howard  of  Maryland  were  started  against  Monroe  he  would 
stand  a  tolerable  chance.  The  Democrats  can,  I  believe,  be  heart- 
ily united  by  nothing  but  the  fear  that  a  Federalist  of  superior 
talents  should  be  chosen.  I  have,  at  the  same  time,  doubts 
whether  our  friends  in  the  Southern  States  would  warmly  support 
a  candidate  from  the  North. 

Nothing  whatever  was  done  to  nominate  candidates  in  oppo- 
sition to  Monroe  and  Tompkins.  On  December  3,  the  day 
before  the  electors  were  to  vote,  the  "  Boston  Daily  Adver- 
tiser," published  in  one  of  the  three  States  which'  had  chosen 
Federal  electors,  remarked  :  ."We  do  not  know,  nor  is  it  very 
material,  for  whom  the  Federal  electors  will  vote."  They  all 
did  vote  for  Rufus  King,  who  had  twice  been  their  candidate 
for  Vice-President.  For  the  second  place  the  Massachusetts 
electors  supported  Mr.  Howard,  of  Maryland,  suggested  as  a 
candidate  for  President  by  Morris.  Five  Connecticut  electors 
voted  for  James  Ross,  of  Pennsylvania,  whom  Morris  men- 
tioned in  the  letter  above  quoted  as  an  available  candidate  for 
the  place. 

In  no  State  was  there  a  real  contest.  The  election  of  Mon- 
roe was  entirely  unopposed  in  the  States  from  Virginia  south- 
ward, and  in  Ohio.  The  legislatures  of  Massachusetts,  Connect- 
icut, and  Delaware  chose  Federal  electors;  those  of  Vermont 
and  New  York,  Democratic  electors.  In  Rhode  Island,  which 
the  Federalists  had  just  carried  after  a  contest,  no  electors 
were  nominated  in  opposition  to  the  Monroe  ticket,  which  was 
consequently  chosen  unanimously,  not  because  the  Federalists 
doubted  their  ability  to  win,  but  because  it  was  not  worth 
while,  since  the  election  of  Monroe  was  assured.  There  was 
an  opposition  ticket  in  Pennsylvania.  The  adage  that  politics 
makes  strange  bedfellows  was  never  more  remarkably  illus- 
trated than  by  the  fact  that  the  ticket  —  which  the  Federalists 
supported  —  was   "under   the   patronage    of   Duane,"  as  the 


112 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


"  Boston  Advertiser  "  put  it.  Who  was  Duane  ?  The  famous 
editor  of  the  "  Philadelphia  Aurora,"  the  thick-and-thin  advo- 
cate of  Jefferson,  the  persistent  slanderer  of  Adams  and  of  all 
men  and  things  "  Federal,"  the  Democrat  to  whose  thinking 
Madison  and  Monroe  were  too  mild  and  timid !  The  last  ap- 
pearance of  the  Federalist  party  in  national  politics  was  in 
alliance  with  its  most  virulent  foe. 

The  number  of  States  whose  votes  were  counted  at  this  elec- 
4  tion  was  nineteen.  Indiana,  which  had  adopted  a  constitution 
in  June,  1816,  was  admitted  to  the  Union  December  11  of 
that  year.  The  question  whether  or  not  its  electoral  votes 
should  be  counted  gave  interest  to  the  joint  meeting  of  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress  in  February,  1817.  The  table  of 
electoral  votes  was  as  follows :  — 


States. 


New  Hampshire 
Vermont .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut .  . 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Louisiana  .  . 
Ohio  .... 
Indiana   .     .     . 


Total 


President. 


183 


84 


Vice-President. 


29 

8 

25 

8 

25 

15 

11 

8 

12 

8 

8 

8 

8 

183 


22 


22 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  VIRGINIA  "DYNASTY"     112 

The  total  number  of  electoral  votes,  it  will  be  seen,  was 
217.  A  full  vote  would  have  been  221 ;  but  the  three  Federal- 
ist electors  chosen  in  Maryland,  and  one  of  the  Delaware  elec- 
tors, did  not  see  tit  to  attend. 

The  preliminary  arrangements  in  regard  to  the  electoral 
count  were  made  according  to  precedent.  The  two  Houses 
met  in  the  Representatives'  Hall,  and  the  certificates  were  duly 
opened.  "When  all  the  returns  except  those  from  Indiana  had 
been  opened,  Mr.  Taylor,  of  New  York,  —  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  afterward  Speaker,  —  arose,  and, 
addressing  the  Speaker,  expressed  his  regret  at  being  compelled 
to  interrupt  the  proceedings,  and  to  object  to  the  vote  from  In- 
diana. He  was  proceeding  to  state  his  objections,  when  the 
Speaker  (Mr.  Clay)  stopped  him,  and  said  that  the  two  Houses 
had  met  for  the  single  specified  purpose  of  performing  the  con- 
stitutional duty  which  they  were  then  discharging ;  and  that, 
while  so  acting  in  joint  meeting,  they  could  consider  no  pro- 
position nor  perform  any  business  not  prescribed  by  the  Con- 
stitution. 

At  this  point  Mr.  Varnum,  of  Massachusetts,  concurring 
in  what  the  Speaker  had  said,  suggested  the  propriety  of  the 
Senate  retiring,  in  order  that  the  House  of  Representatives 
might  deliberate  upon  the  question  raised  by  one  of  its  mem- 
bers. The  President  of  the  Senate  put  the  question  to  the 
senators,  and  in  accordance  with  their  vote  the  Senate  with- 
drew. When  the  House  was  by  itself,  Mr.  Taylor  immediately 
took  the  floor,  and  urged  that,  since  Indiana  was  not  a  State  in 
the  Union  at  the  time  the  election  took  place,  its  votes  were 
no  more  entitled  to  be  counted  than  if  they  had  come  from 
Missouri  or  any  other  Territory.  He  maintained  that  the 
question  should  be  considered  and  decided  now,  when  the  re- 
sult would  not  be  affected  by  it,  and  suggested  that  a  joint 
resolution  be  passed  declaring  that  the  votes  were  illegal  and 
ought  not  to  be  counted.  A  resolution  was  moved  declaring 
the  votes  legal.  On  this  a  long  debate  took  place.  The  sug- 
gestion was  made  that  the  resolution  should  not  be  a  joint  one, 
inasmuch  as,  by  establishing  a  precedent,  it  might,  at  some 
time  thereafter,  when  the  House  and  Senate  should  be  op- 
posed to  each  other,  "  deprive  this  House  of  one  of  its  powers 
by  permitting  the  Senate  to  participate  in  this  question."  The 
discussion  turned  wholly  upon  the  point  whether  or  not  In< 
diana  was  a  State  in  the  Union  after  it  adopted  its  Constitu' 


114  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

tion,  and  before  it  was  admitted  by  a  formal  act  of  Congress. 
The  power  of  Congress  to  reject  the  votes,  if  Indiana  were  not 
a  State  for  purposes  of  the  election,  was  questioned  by  no  one. 
Finally,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  the  whole  matter  was 
indefinitely  postponed,  and  the  House  sent  a  message  to  the 
Senate  that  it  was  prepared  to  resume  the  count. 

Meanwhile  a  somewhat  similar  debate  was  taking  place 
in  the  Senate ;  but,  before  a  decision  was  reached,  the  message 
of  the  House  was  received.  Thereupon  the  resolution  which 
had  been  under  discussion,  declaring  the  votes  of  Indiana 
legal,  was  withdrawn  by  its  mover,  Mr.  Barbour,  of  Virginia, 
and  the  Senate  returned  to  the  Representatives'  Hall.  After 
the  two  Houses  had  assembled,  the  Speaker  informed  them  that 
the  House  of  Representatives  "  had  not  seen  it  necessary  to 
come  to  any  resolution  or  to  take  any  order  on  the  subject 
which  had  produced  the  separation  of  the  two  Houses." 
Thereupon  the  count  was  completed,  the  result  declared,  and 
the  proceedings  were  terminated. 

The  first  full  account  of  the  inauguration  of  any  President 
after  Washington,  to  be  found  in  the  newspapers  of  the  time, 
describes  the  ceremonial  observed  when  Mr.  Monroe  took  office. 
The  order  of  proceedings  on  March  4,  1817,  was  almost  ex- 
actly that  which  has  now  become  the  usual  order.  At  half 
past  eleven  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  the  President-elect  left  his 
residence  and  proceeded  to  the  Capitol,  escorted  by  "a  large 
cavalcade  of  citizens  on  horseback,"  according  to  the  tautologi- 
cal reporter  for  the  "  National  Intelligencer."  When  Mr.  Mon- 
roe arrived  in  the  Senate  Chamber  the  oath  of  office  was  first 
administered  to  the  Vice-President,  who  delivered  a  short  ad- 
dress on  taking  the  chair.  Then  the  Senate  adjourned,  and  the 
whole  assembled  party  proceeded  without  the  building  "  to  an 
elevated  portico  temporarily  erected  for  the  occasion,  where  in 
the  presence  of  an  immense  concourse  of  officers  of  the  gov- 
ernment, foreign  officers,  strangers  (ladies  as  well  as  gentle- 
men), and  citizens,  the  President  rose  and  delivered  his  ad- 
dress." After  he  had  finished  reading  it,  the  oath  was  admin- 
istered to  him  by  the  Chief  Justice.  "Such  a  concourse,'' 
declares  the  "  National  Intelligencer,"  "  was  never  before  seen 
in  Washington,  the  number  of  persons  present  being  estimated 
at  from  five  to  eight  thousand."  In  the  evening  a  great  ball 
was  given,  and  thus  ended  the  events  of  the  day. 


X 

THE  "ERA  OF  GOOD  FEELINGS" 

During  the  last  year  of  Mr.  Madison's  administration  Con- 
gress passed  an  act  changing  the  method  of  paying  the  mem- 
bers, and,  as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  increasing  the  amount  of 
their  compensation.  The  change  was  from  six  dollars  per  diem 
to  fifteen  hundred  dollars  a  year.  The  "  compensation  act " 
was  exceedingly  unpopular,  and  was  repealed  at  the  next  ses- 
sion. Many  members  who  voted  for  it  were  defeated.  There 
was  a  large  number  of  new  members  in  the  fifteenth  Congress, 
but  the  balance  of  parties  was  nominally  little  changed.  The 
new  questions  began  to  obliterate  all  party  lines.  The  tariff 
united  most  of  the  Southern  Democrats,  the  representatives  of 
Pennsylvania  and  of  the  manufacturing  districts,  in  favor  of 
the  protective  policy.  Commercial  Massachusetts  opposed  it. 
The  right  to  make  "  internal  improvements"  was  rising  into 
importance  as  a  political  issue  ;  and  here,  too,  the  divisions 
cut  across  the  old  party  lines.  Many  Federalists  took  an  atti- 
tude of  opposition,  although  logically,  as  broad  constructionists, 
they  should  have  been  the  supporters,  and  the  Democrats 
should  have  been  the  opposers,  of  the  policy.  It  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  views  of  these  Federalists  were  too  greatly  in- 
fluenced by  the  prospect  that  the  Middle  and  Southern  States 
would  profit  most,  and  their  own  States  least,  by  any  appro- 
priation Congress  might  make  for  the  purpose.  Congress  de- 
clared itself  in  favor  of  internal  improvements  by  a  resolution 
that  money  constitutionally  might  be  appropriated  "  for  the 
construction  "  of  post  and  military  roads  and  of  canals.  But 
it  rejected  resolutions  that  the  government  constitutionally 
might  "  construct "  these  specified  works.  The  distinction, 
rather  fine-drawn  and  long  ago  abandoned  by  all  parties,  was 
that,  while  Congress  might  aid  in  such  works,  it  could  not  un- 
dertake them. 

Slavery  loomed  up  for  the  first  time,  during  Monroe's  first 
term,  as  a  great  political  issue.  The  clause  of  the  Constitution 
which  made  the  basis  of  representation  in  Congress  the  whole 


116  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

number  of  free  persons,  and  three  fifths  of  u  all  other  persons," 
had  been  a  constant  source  of  complaint  on  the  part  of  the 
Northern  Federalists  and  those  who  chafed  under  the  Virginia 
rule.  Up  to  this  time,  nearly  all  the  Southern  ex-members, 
whenever  they  had  had  occasion  to  speak  of  the  institution  of 
slavery,  had  spoken  of  it  as  an  evil,  but  one  which  could  not  be 
abolished  without  causing  still  greater  evils  than  itself.  Now 
the  question  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  to  the  Union  thrust 
itself  upon  Congress.  Most  of  the  representatives  from  the 
North,  including  those  of  both  of  the  old  parties,  united  to 
deny  admission  to  Missouri  except  as  a  free  State  :  the  South 
was  still  more  united  in  demanding  that  Missouri  be  admitted 
without  restrictions.  No  previous  debate  upon  a  purely  do- 
mestic question  had  been  so  exciting  and  passionate  as  that 
which  took  place  on  the  Missouri  bill.  The  whole  country  was 
aroused.  Meetings  were  held  and  resolutions  were  adopted  in 
cities  and  country  towns  ;  state  legislatures  expressed  their 
opinions  in  strong  language.  In  Congress  the  contest  was 
waged  now  with  violence,  now  with  strategy.  The  Southern 
members  with  their  Northern  allies,  to  whom  John  Randolph 
applied  the  term  "  doughfaces,"  —  an  appellation  which  stuck, 
—  succeeded  in  linking  together  the  bill  for  the  admission  of 
Maine  as  a  separate  State,  to  which  there  was  no  opposition, 
and  that  for  the  admission  of  Missouri.  The  outcome  of  the 
struggle  was  a  compromise.  An  amendment  was  adopted  which 
virtually  permitted  the  existence  of  slavery  in  the  proposed  new 
State,  but  prohibited  it  forever  in  any  of  the  remaining  terri- 
tory, ceded  by  France  under  the  name  of  Louisiana,  north  of 
the  line  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  north  latitude,  —  the 
northern  line  of  Arkansas  Territory.  The  amendment  was 
carried  against  the  opposition  of  the  Southern  extremists ;  and 
the  bill  was  then  passed  by  the  votes  of  all  the  Southern  and  a 
few  Northern  members.  This  was  the  famous  Missouri  Com- 
promise, which  became  the  line  of  defence  of  the  anti-slavery 
sentiment  of  the  country  thirty  years  later,  but  which  the 
South  then  stormed  and  captured.  It  was  not  the  end  of  the 
contest  over  Missouri,  for  a  clause  in  the  Constitution  framed 
for  the  State  contained  a  provision  forbidding  admission  into 
the  State  of  free  persons  of  color.  The  opposition  aroused  by 
this  clause,  which  was  held  by  the  anti-slavery  people  to  be 
inconsistent  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  was 
far  more  bitter  than  that  manifested  against  the  toleration  of 


THE   "ERA  OF   GOOD  FEELINGS"  117 

Blavery  in  the  new  State.  The  legislature  of  Missouri  was  re- 
quired to  make  a  solemn  pledge  that  no  act  should  be  passed 
that  would  exclude  the  citizens  of  any  State  from  the  privileges 
and  immunities  to  which  they  were  entitled  under  the  Consti- 
tution. When  this  pledge  had  been  given,  and  announced  by 
a  proclamation  by  the  President,  Missouri  was  to  become  a 
member  of  the  Union. 

All  these  exciting  events  took  place  in  the  year  preceding 
the  presidential  election.  It  is  not  likely  that,  if  Mr.  Monroe 
had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  great  controversy  on  either 
side,  he  could  have  been  defeated.  The  time  was  too  short 
to  organize  a  party  of  opposition  with  a  prospect  of  success 
at  the  polls.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  President  held  aloof 
altogether.  When  the  "  Enabling  Act "  for  Missouri  was  laid 
before  him  he  submitted  two  questions  to  his  cabinet,  —  first, 
as  to  the  constitutionality  of  an  act  to  prohibit  slavery  in  a 
Territory,  which  all  the  members,  Calhoun  as  well  as  John 
Quincy  Adams,  answered  in  the  affirmative ;  and,  secondly, 
did  the  word  "  forever  "  in  the  compromising  amendment  ex- 
tend to  the  time, when  the  Territory  should  be  erected  into  a 
State  ?  Upon  the  second  question  there  was  a  division,  but 
the  form  of  it  was  changed,  at  Calhoun's  suggestion,  to  an 
inquiry  if  the  proviso  was  constitutional.  To  this,  again,  all 
the  cabinet  agreed ;  and  on  March  2,  1820,  Mr.  Monroe  signed 
the  act.  The  popular  excitement  died  out  quickly,  when  it 
was  supposed  that  the  incident  was  closed.  Had  the  subse- 
quent action  of  the  Missouri  convention  been  foreseen,  the 
public  feeling  might  have  found  expression  in  the  ensuing 
election.  As  it  was,  in  one  State  only,  Pennsylvania,  was  an 
electoral  ticket  nominated  in  opposition  to  Mr.  Monroe ;  but 
there  the  ground  of  opposition  was,  expressly,  that  the  Presi 
dent  was  the  candidate  of  the  slavery  party. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Monroe  was  called  at  the  time 
and  has  since  been  known,  as  "the  era  of  good  feelings. 
The  Federalists  of  New  England  were  satisfied  with  his  prin- 
ciples and  with  his  conduct ;  and  as  the  time  drew  near  for 
an  election  they  made  no  movement  in  opposition  to  him. 
In  the  spring  of  1820  a  caucus  was  called,  to  which  were  in- 
vited not  only  the  Democrats,  but  such  other  members  of 
Congress  as  might  see  fit  to  attend.  Less  than  fifty  members 
assembled.  They  adopted  a  resolution  that  it  was  not  expedi- 
ent to  make  any  nomination,  and  adjourned. 


yp 


118  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

It  has  been  said  already  that  there  was  an  opposition  ticket 
in  Pennsylvania  only.  Where  the  electors  were  chosen  by 
popular  vote,  the  number  of  votes  was  exceedingly  small.  The 
largest  number  received  by  any  elector  in  Connecticut  was 
3870,  —  about  one  vote  to  every  seventy  persons  of  the  popu- 
lation. Only  seventeen  persons  went  to  the  polls  in  Rich- 
mond, Virginia.  The  fusion  of  parties  was  nowhere  more 
pleasantly  illustrated  than  in  Massachusetts.  A  change  was 
made  once  more  in  the  method  of  appointment.  Electors 
were  chosen,  one  by  each  congressional  district  and  two  at 
large.  The  venerable  President  John  Adams  was  elected 
unanimously  as  one  of  the  two  electors  at  large.  Daniel 
Webster  was  one  of  the  district  electors.  The  college  con- 
sisted, after  vacancies  had  been  filled,  of  eight  Federalists 
and  seven  Democrats.  They  all  voted  for  Mr.  Monroe,  but 
divided  on  the  vice-presidency,  the  Federalists  casting  their 
votes  for  Richard  Stockton,  of  New  Jersey.  One  elector  of 
New  Hampshire  gave  his  vote  for  John  Quincy  Adams  for 
President,  and  thus  deprived  Monroe  of  the  honor  of  a  unani- 
mous election.  It  has  been  reported  —  and  the  statement  was 
repeated  in  the  early  editions  of  this  history  —  that  the  dis- 
senting elector  withheld  his  vote  from  Mr.  Monroe  expressly 
to  prevent  that  statesman  from  sharing  an  honor  previously 
accorded  to  Washington  alone.  The  statement  is  not  correct. 
The  "  scattering  "  vote  was  given  by  William  Plumer,  formerly 
a  senator  in  Congress  and  governor  of  the  State,  not  so  much 
out  of  jealousy  of  Washington's  record  of  unanimous  election 
as  on  account  of  his  positive  distrust  of  Monroe. 

Five  new  States  participated  in  this  election,  namely,  Mis- 
sissippi, admitted  December  10,  1817 ;  Illinois,  admitted  De- 
cember 3,  1818 ;  Alabama,  admitted  December  14,  1819 ; 
Maine,  separated  from  Massachusetts  and  admitted  as  a  State 
March  15,  1820 ;  and  Missouri,  which  adopted  a  Constitution 
in  July,  1820,  but  was  not  proclaimed  a  State  until  August 
10,  1821,  when  it  had  fulfilled  the  condition  exacted  of  it  by 
Congress  as  a  prerequisite  to  admission.  The  situation  in 
which  Missouri  stood  at  the  time  of  the  presidential  election 
raised  again,  and  in  an  exceedingly  perplexing  form,  the  ques- 
tion which  had  arisen  in  1817  as  to  the  right  of  Indiana  to 
participate  in  the  election.  For  whereas  Indiana,  although  not 
fully  admitted  to  the  Union  at  the  time  the  electors  of  1816 
voted,   was  a   State   in   full    standing   when   the   votes  were 


THE   "ERA  OF  GOOD  FEELINGS"  119 

counted,  Missouri  had  not  performed  the  duty  imposed  as 
a  condition  of  admission,  and  it  was  not  certain  that  its 
legislature  would  ever  give  the  pledge  required.  The  in- 
convenience of  a  discussion  of  this  question  in  the  joint  con- 
vention, and  the  doubts  of  members  as  to  the  result  of  an 
attempt  to  decide  it  either  in  joint  meeting  or  by  the  two 
Houses  separately,  led  to  the  invention  of  a  method  of  avoid- 
ing the  point  altogether.  The  joint  committee  of  Congress 
which  was,  in  accordance  with  custom,  appointed  to  ascertain 
and  report  a  mode  of  examining  the  votes,  reported,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  usual  resolution,  the  following :  — 

Resolved,  That  if  any  objection  be  made  to  the  votes  of  Mis- 
souri, and  the  counting,  or  omitting  to  count,  which  shall  not 
essentially  change  the  result  of  the  election,  in  that  case  they  shall 
be  reported  by  the  President  of  the  Senate  in  the  following  man- 
ner :  Were  the  votes  of  Missouri  to  be  counted,  the  result  would 

be,  for  A.  B.  for  President  of  the  United  States, votes;  if  not 

counted,  for  A.  B.  for  President  of  the  United  States, votes. 

But  in  either  event  A.  B.  is  elected  President  of  the  United  States. 
And  in  the  same  manner  for  Vice-President. 

A  long  debate  took  place  on  this  proposition  in  the  Senate. 
The  views  advanced  were  various.  But  the  Senate  was  per- 
suaded to  adopt  the  resolution  upon  the  assurance  of  Mr. 
Barbour,  who  reported  it,  that  it  was  his  intention  thereafter 
to  bring  up  the  matter  of  electoral  votes  objected  to,  to  repair 
what  he  considered  as  a  casus  omissus  in  the  Constitution, 
either  by  an  act  of  Congress,  if  that  should  appear  sufficient, 
or  by  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

The  discussion  in  the  House  was  of  a  different  character. 
Mr.  John  Randolph  attacked  the  resolution,  providing  for  an 
alternative  statement  of  the  vote  of  Missouri,  on  constitutional 
grounds.  He  could  not  recognize  in  either  House,  or  in  both 
conjoined,  the  power  to  decide  on  the  votes  of  any  State.  The 
electoral  colleges  were  as  independent  of  Congress  as  Congress 
was  of  them  ;  and  he  would  rather  see  an  interregnum,  or  that 
no  votes  should  be  counted,  than  that  a  principle  should  be 
adopted  which  went  to  the  very  foundation  on  which  the 
presidential  office  rested.  Several  other  gentlemen  took  simi- 
lar views.  The  opposing  argument  was  presented  by  Mr.  Clay, 
then  a  private  member,  who  said  that  Congress  had  been  in- 
trusted with  the  duty  of  enumerating  the  votes  for  President, 
and  it  was  necessary  for  the  two  Houses  to  determine  what 
were  votes. 


120  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  resolution  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  90  to  67,  but  the 
concurrence  of  the  two  Houses  did  not  end  the  matter.  When 
the  votes  of  Missouri  were  announced  by  the  President  of  the 
Senate  and  handed  to  the  tellers,  Mr.  Livermore,  of  New 
Hampshire,  a  member  of  the  House,  addressing  the  President 
and  the  Speaker,  objected  to  them  on  the  ground  that  Missouri 
was  not  a  State  in  the  Union.  The  Senate  thereupon  retired, 
a  motion  to  that  effect  having  been  put  by  the  President. 
The  Senate  does  not  appear  to  have  taken  any  action  upon 
the  objection,  but  in  the  House  a  long  debate  took  place 
on  a  resolution  that  the  votes  ought  to  be  counted.  Mr. 
Randolph  made  himself  the  most  conspicuous  person  in  this 
discussion,  and  spoke  upon  the  question  with  characteristic 
violence  of.  language.  Mr.  Clay  came  to  the  rescue  with  an 
argument  intended  to  show  that  the  President  of  the  Senate 
had  acted  erroneously  in  putting  the  question  on  the  retire- 
ment of  the  Senate,  the  objection  having  been  already  pro- 
vided for  by  the  joint  resolution.  On  his  motion  the  subject 
was  laid  on  the  table,  and  the  Senate  was  invited  to  return. 
The  count  then  proceeded,  and  the  result  was  declared  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  prescribed  form.  The  votes  given  are  shown 
in  the  table  on  the  opposite  page. 

As  soon  as  the  announcement  had  been  made,  Mr.  Floyd,  of 
Virginia,  and  after  him  Mr.  Randolph,  demanded  to  know  what 
had  become  of  the  votes  of  Missouri.  Their  voices  were 
drowned  by  cries  of  u.  Order !  n  and  they  were  required  to  re- 
sume their  seats.  The  Senate  then  retired,  and  Mr.  Randolph 
made  another  violent  speech,  which  he  closed  by  proposing  a 
series  of  resolutions  reciting  that  the  votes  of  Missouri  have 
been  counted,  but  that  the  announcement  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  electors  appointed,  and  of  the  votes  given  by  them,  has 
not  been  declared  "  agreeably  to  the  provisions  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States,  and  that  therefore  the  proceeding 
has  been  irregular  and  illegal."  While  Mr.  Randolph  was 
reducing  these  resolutions  to  writing,  a  motion  was  made  and 
carried  to  adjourn,  and  nothing  more  was  heard  of  them. 

The  second  inauguration  of  Mr.  Monroe  took  place  on  the 
5th  of  March,  1821,  —  the  4th  was  Sunday,  —  in  the  hall  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  The  ceremony  was  a  simple 
one,  but  the  company  was  as  large  as  could  be  crowded  into  a 
room  which  was  by  no  means  spacious.  The  President  occupied 
a  platform  in  front  of  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  the  Chief  Justice 


THE  "ERA  OF   GOOD  FEELINGS 


121 


States. 


Maine .... 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut .  . 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey .  . 
Pennsylvania  * . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Alabama .  .  . 
Mississippi  * 
Louisiana  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee  * .  . 
Ohio  .... 
Indiana  .  .  . 
Illinois  .  .  . 
Missouri  .     .     . 

Total   .     .     . 


9 

7 

8 

15 

4 

9 

29 

8 

24 

4 

11 

25 

15 

11 

8 

8 

2 

8 

12 

7 

8 

8 

S 


231 


Vice-President. 


10 
25 
15 
11 

8 
8 

2 


218 


*  One  elector  in  each  of  the  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Mississippi,  and  Tennessee  died 
after  appointment,  and  before  the  meetings  of  the  electors. 

stood  by  his  side  while  he  delivered  his  inaugural  address. 
So  dense  was  the  throng  that  fears  were  entertained  as  to  the 
safety  of  the  crowd. 

Questions  concerning  the  presidential  electoral  system  and 
the  electoral  count  were  much  discussed  during  Mr.  Monroe's 
administration,  and  at  one  time  the  prospect  of  submitting  to 
the  States  for  ratification  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  so 
that  all  elections  might  be  uniform,  seemed  to  be  extremely 


122  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

good.  The  proposition  had  originated  when  the  mishap  at  the 
election  of  1800-01  was  fresh  in  the  minds  of  our  public  men, 
and  when  the  necessity  of  guarding  against  a  recurrence  of  it 
seemed  imperative.  It  was  then  urged,  as  a  part  of  the  new 
system  of  choosing  one  person  as  President  and  another  as 
Vice-President,  that  all  the  electors  should  be  chosen  by  popu- 
lar vote,  the  States  to  be  divided  for  that  purpose  into  dis- 
tricts. Although  the  matter  was  somewhat  discussed  in  the 
newspapers  from  time  to  time,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
heard  of  again  in  Congress  until  the  close  of  1813.  On  Decem- 
ber 20  of  that  year,  Mr.  Pickens,  of  North  Carolina,  introduced 
in  the  House  a  proposition  to  amend  the  Constitution  in  this 
respect,  and  made  a  long  speech  in  support  of  the  measure. 
He  referred  to  the  popular  excitement  which  had  prevailed  in 
his  State  in  consequence  of  the  act  of  the  legislature  of  North 
Carolina  depriving  the  people  of  the  right  to  choose  electors, 
in  1812,  as  the  reason  for  bringing  the  matter  to  the  attention 
of  Congress.  The  resolution  for  submitting  the  amendment  to 
the  States  was  negatived  after  some  debate,  57  voting  in  favor 
of,  and  70  against  it. 

Mr.  Pickens  introduced  the  subject  again  on  one  or  two 
occasions  after  this  defeat,  but  he  did  not  press  the  amend- 
ment further  until  1816.  In  December  of  that  year  he  once 
more  presented  his  resolution,  in  a  new  form,  embracing  two 
propositions.  It  provided  that  the  States  should  be  divided 
into  districts  for  the  choice  of  representatives  in  Congress,  and 
also  into  single  districts  for  the  choice  of  electors.  After  some 
debate  in  Committee  of  the  Whole,  the  House  adopted  the 
principle  of  the  district  system  for  representatives  by  a  vote 
of  86  to  38.  That  part  of  the  system  which  related  to  electors 
was  approved  by  87  votes  against  51 ;  but,  as  this  was  not  a 
two-thirds  majority,  the  House  never  took  the  subject  up. 

At  the  next  session  two  amendments,  in  almost  identical 
words,  were  introduced  in  the  Senate  by  Mr.  Dickerson,  of 
New  Jersey,  and  by  Mr.  Macon,  of  North  Carolina.  Subse- 
quently the  proposition  relating  to  electors  was  changed  so  that 
one  elector  should  be  chosen  from  each  representative  district, 
and  that  the  two  additional  electors  for  each  State  should  be 
appointed  "  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature  thereof  may 
direct,''  following  the  words  of  the  Constitution.  This  amend- 
ment was  negatived  by  20  in  favor  to  13  opposed,  —  not  two 
thirds.     Again  in  1818  Mr.  Sanford,of  New  York,  introduced 


THE  "ERA  OF   GOOD  FEELINGS"  123 

the  amendment  in  the  Senate,  by  instruction  of  the  New  York 
legislature,  as  on  previous  occasions  it  had  been  introduced 
by  others  according  to  instructions  from  the  legislatures  of  New 
Jersey  and  North  Carolina.  This  time  a  great  deal  of  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  the  matter.  It  was  debated  at  much  length, 
three  times  referred  to  committees,  and  at  last  passed  by  a  vote 
of  28  to  10.  In  the  House  it  was  laid  on  the  table  by  79  to 
73.  Introduced  in  the  Senate  again  in  1819  by  Mr.  Dicker- 
son,  it  was  again  passed,  this  time  without  debate,  by  29  to 
13.  Having  been  debated  in  the  House,  it  was  agreed  to  by 
the  Committee  of  the  Whole  ;  but  when  it  wa*s  reported  to  the 
House  it  was  laid  on  the  table,  and  never  taken  up.  Yet  at 
the  same  session  Mr.  Smith. of  North  Carolina,  introduced  this 
identical  amendment,  and,  after  debate,  it  was  passed  to  a  third 
reading  by  a  vote  of  103  to  59 ;  but  on  the  question  of  its 
passage  it  was  lost,  92  voting  in  favor  of  and  54  against  it,  — 
not  two  thirds.  The  proposition  never  again  came  so  near  to 
success  ;  but  it  was  not  abandoned,  and  as  late  as  March,  1822, 
the  Senate  again  passed  the  amendment  by  29  to  11.  The 
House  did  not  take  the  matter  up  for  consideration. 

Another  effort  was  made  during  Mr.  Monroe's  administration 
to  deal  with  the  matter  of  the  electoral  count.  The  Commit- 
tee on  the  Judiciary,  of  the  Senate,  was  instructed  to  consider 
the  subject,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  reported  a  bill  which,  after 
amendment,  was  passed  on  April  19,  1824.  It  covered  the 
whole  ground  of  the  election  and  the  count.  The  electors 
were  to  make  five  lists  of  their  votes  instead  of  three.  One  of 
these  was  to  be  sent  to  the  seat  of  government  by  a  messenger, 
two  were  to  be  deposited  in  the  post-office  and  forwarded  by 
two  successive  mails  to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  and  the 
other  two  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  judge  of  the  district  in 
which  the  electoral  meeting  was  held.  This  was  the  only 
change  proposed  in  the  method  of  electing  the  President.  The 
important  section  was  the  fifth,  as  follows :  — 

Section  5.  That  at  twelve  o'clock  of  the  day  appointed  for 
counting  the  votes  that  may  be  given  at  the  next  election  for  Pre- 
sident and  Vice-President,  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
shall  meet  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  on  all 
future  occasions  in  the  centre  room  of  the  Capitol,  at  which  meet- 
ing the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  be  the  presiding  officer,  but 
no  debate  shall  be  had  nor  question  taken.  The  packet  containing 
the  certificates  from  the  electors  of  each  State  shall  then  be  opened 


124  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  the  President  of  the  Seriate,  beginning  with  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  and  going  through  to  Georgia,  in  the  order  in  which 
the  thirteen  original  States  are  enumerated  in  the  Constitution, 
and  afterwards  through  the  other  States  in  the  order  in  which  they 
were  respectively  admitted  into  the  Union ;  and,  if  no  exceptions 
are  taken  thereto,  all  the  votes  contained  in  such  certificates  shall 
be  counted ;  but  if  any  exceptions  be  taken,  the  person  taking  the 
same  shall  state  it  in  writing  directly,  and  not  argumentatively, 
and  sign  his  name  thereto ;  and  if  the  exception  be  seconded  by 
one  member  from  the  Senate  and  one  member  from  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  each  of  whom  shall  sign  the  said  exception  as 
having  seconded  the  same,  the  exception  shall  be  read  by  the  Pre- 
sident of  the  Senate,  and  then  each  House  shall  immediately  retire, 
without  question  or  debate,  to  its  own  apartment,  and  shall  take 
the  question  on  the  exception,  without  debate,  by  ayes  and  noes. 
So  soon  as  the  question  shall  be  taken  in  either  House,  a  message 
shall  be  sent  to  the  other  informing  them  of  the  decision  of  the 
question,  and  that  the  House  sending  the  message  is  prepared  to 
resume  the  count ;  and  when  such  message  shall  have  been  received 
by  both  Houses,  they  shall  meet  again  in  the  same  room  as  before, 
and  the  count  shall  be  resumed.  And  if  the  two  Houses  have  con- 
curred in  rejecting  the  vote  or  votes  objected  to,  such  vote  or  votes 
shall  not  be  counted.  The  vote  of  one  State  being  thus  counted, 
another  shall,  in  like  manner,  be  called,  and  the  certificate  of  the 
votes  of  the  State  thus  called  shall  be  proceeded  on  as  is  hereinbe- 
fore directed;  and  so  on,  one  after  another,  in  the  order  above 
mentioned,  until  the  count  shall  be  completed. 

The  bill  was  sent  to  the  House  for  concurrence,  where  it  was 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  and  was  reported 
back  by  Mr.  Webster  on  the  10th  of  May  without  amendment. 
It  was  then  referred  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  and  was 
never  taken  up  for  consideration. 


XI 

THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS" 

The  existence  of  a  free  government  without  a  division  into 
parties  is  an  impossibility.  The  "  era  of  good  feelings "  was 
a  result,  not  of  a  radical  change  in  human  nature  which  per- 
mitted all  Americans  to  think  alike  upon  questions  of  national 
politics,  but  of  a  complete  settlement  of  all  the  matters  which 
had  been  the  basis  of  party  division.  We  have  already  seen 
that  new  issues  began  to  loom  into  prominence  even  before 
Mr.  Monroe's  second  election.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  term 
they  were  causing  differences,  discussions,  and  divisions  which 
were  destined  to  become  more  definite  and  habitual,  and 
eventually  to  range  men  on  either  side  of  a  new  party  line. 
All  these  new  issues  —  internal  improvements,  the  tariff,  slavery, 
and  the  rest  —  were  to  be  decided  one  way  or  the  other,  accord- 
ing to  the  view  one  took  of  the  scope  and  power  of  the  Con- 
stitution. The  two  views  were  "strict  construction "  and 
"  loose  construction."  Thus,  when  the  Democratic  party  had 
substantially  adopted  the  Federalist  position  in  all  the  mat- 
ters which  pertained  to  the  war  of  1812,  and  the  Federal- 
ists had  crossed  over  to  the  position  formerly  occupied  by 
their  political  opponents,  the  old  question  of  interpretation 
arose  in  a  new  form,  and  ultimately  reestablished  parties, 
greatly  changed  in  personnel,  in  methods,  in  motives,  and  in 
aims.  It  will  be  seen,  too,  that  issues  not  developed  until 
years  afterward  were  equally  to  be  decided  by  an  applica- 
tion of  one  or  the  other  principle  of  interpreting  the  Con- 
stitution, —  the  Bank,  nullification,  the  surplus  revenue,  the 
disposition  of  the  public  lands,  in  short,  all  the  questions  on 
which  parties  differed  between  1830  and  1860. 

No  development  of  parties  took  place  during  Mr.  Monroe's 
administration.  In  a  few  States  the  Federalist  organization 
was  maintained ;  but  in  no  State  was  it  in  control  of  the 
government,  nor  did  it  ever  regain  control  anywhere.  It  might 
and  did  exercise  a  certain  influence  by  favoring  one  of  two  or 


126  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

more  candidates,  where  the  Democrats  were  divided.  Except 
locally,  it  had  no  candidates  of  its  own. 

The  election  of  1824  was  pending  nearly  three  years.  As 
early  as  April,  1822,  Niles's  Register  remarked  that  there  were 
already  sixteen  or  seventeen  candidates  for  the  succession  to 
Mr.  Monroe.  Soon  after  that  the  question  how  the  candidates 
were  to  be  nominated  began  to  be  discussed  earnestly.  The 
growth  of  an  opposition  to  the  system  of  nomination  by  con- 
gressional caucus  has  already  been  noted.  The  opposition  was 
strong  in  1816 ;  but,  inasmuch  as  the  caucus  had  a  result 
which  a  large  majority  of  the  people  approved,  little  objec- 
tion was  heard  after  the  nominations  were  made.  No  caucus 
was  necessary  in  1820.  Now  a  determined  resistance  to  the 
system  was  the  only  possible  policy  for  the  friends  of  all  the 
candidates  save  one.  It  was  understood  universally  that  Mr. 
"William  H.  Crawford,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was 
the  candidate  preferred  by  the  President ;  and,  although  Mr. 
Monroe  did  not  obtrude  his  wishes  upon  the  public  in  an 
unseemly  manner,  the  very  fact  that  his  official  support  gave 
Crawford  a  larger  body  of  partisans  than  any  one  of  his  rivals 
had,  emphasized  the  objection  to  this  mode  of  making  nomina- 
tions. It  was  foreseen  that  a  caucus,  should  one  be  held, 
would  be  in  Mr.  Crawford's  interest.  Consequently  the  ad- 
herents of  all  the  other  candidates  were  opposed  to  the  caucus. 

Before  the  close  of  the  year  1822,  the  minor  candidates  for 
the  presidency  had  dropped  out  of  the  contest,  and  six  only 
were  left,  for  four  of  whom  electoral  votes  were  cast  two 
years  later.  They  were,  in  alphabetical  order,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Secretary  of  State;  John  C.  Calhoun,  Secretary  of 
War ;  Henry  Clay,  who  had  been  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  most  of  the  time  during  the  previous  ten 
years,  but  was  just  then  in  private  life ;  De  Witt  Clinton, 
also  in  private  life  at  that  time ;  William  H.  Crawford,  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  ;  and  Andrew  Jackson,  who  had  been  a 
representative  and  senator  during  Adams's  administration,  but 
who  derived  his  fame  and  his  prominence  from  his  military 
achievements. 

The  first  candidate  who  was  put  in  formal  nomination  was 
Mr.  Clay.  The  members  of  the  Kentucky  legislature,  on  the 
18th  of  November,  1822,  recommended  him  as  "a  suitable 
person  to  succeed  James  Monroe  as  President."  In  support 
of  their  resolution  they  issued  an  address  to  the  people  of  the 


THE   DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS"  123 

country  in  which  they  placed  their  preference  upon  "a  warm 
affection  for  and  a  strong  confidence  in  their  distinguished 
fellow-citizen ; "  and  their  feeling  that  the  time  had  come 
"  when  the  people  of  the  West  may,  with  some  confidence, 
appeal  to  the  magnanimity  of  the  whole  Union  for  a  favor- 
able consideration  of  their  equal  and  just  claim  to  a  fair 
participation  in  the  executive  government  of  these  States." 
They  nevertheless  made  the  first  consideration  much  the 
more  prominent  and  important.  The  members  of  the  Mis- 
souri legislature  held  a  meeting  about  the  same  time,  and 
adopted  a  resolution  recommending  Mr.  Clay.  Similar  action 
was  taken  in  Illinois  and  Ohio  in  January,  1823,  and  in 
Louisiana  in  March  of  the  same  year. 

General  Jackson  seems  first  to  have  been  nominated  for- 
mally —  although  it  was  well  understood  long  before  that  he 
was  a  candidate  —  by  a  mass  convention  of  the  people  of 
Blount  County,  Tennessee,  in  May  or  June,  1823,  and  after- 
ward by  numerous  conventions  in  all  parts  of  the  country. 
Mr.  Adams  was  nominated  by  the  legislatures  of  most  of  the 
New  England  States  early  in  1824 ;  Mr.  Clinton,  by  several 
counties  in  Ohio ;  Mr.  Calhoun,  by  the  legislature'  of  South 
Carolina ;  Mr.  Crawford,  by  the  legislature  of  Virginia. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  situation  closely  resembled  that, 
within  each  party,  with  which  we  of  the  present  time  are 
familiar  at  the  beginning  of  every  recurring  presidential  can- 
vass. All  the  candidates  professed  the  same  political  prin- 
ciples, at  least  to  such  an  extent  that  any  one  of  them  might 
be  heartily  supported  by  the  whole  party,  the  only  party  in 
the  country  which  had  more  than  a  local  existence.  A  pre- 
ference of  one  before  the  others  might  rest  upon  a  conviction 
that  he  possessed  superior  qualifications ;  upon  a  personal  lik- 
ing for  him ;  upon  local  pride ;  upon  a  disposition  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  the  administration,  —  a  consideration  which 
helped  Crawford  only.  Similar  differences  within  a  party 
are  met  nowadays,  and  they  do  not  prevent  a  full  and  enthu- 
siastic union  of  the  whole  organization  in  support  of  him  whom 
the  general  voice  of  the  party  designates  as  the  candidate. 
There  then  existed  no  body  of  men,  and  there  was  no  way  of 
forming  a  body  of  men,  who  could  take  the  case  in  hand  and 
determine  which  of  the  six  candidates  should  be  the  candidate 
of  all.  The  advocates  of  Mr.  Crawford  urged  that  the  con- 
gressional caucus  was  the  tried  and  approved  mode,  —  not  a 


128  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

perfect  mode,  but  one  which  had  previously  harmonized  differ- 
ences and  united  the  party.  The  adherents  of  all  the  others 
knew  that  a  caucus  would  inevitably  result  in  the  choice  of 
Crawford,  and  they  were  too  wary  to  be  drawn  into  that  trap. 
It  thus  became  evident,  a  long  while  before  the  canvass 
should  properly  have  begun,  that  the  great  question  to  be 
settled  was  whether  or  not  a  caucus  should  be  held.  It  was 
discussed  in  every  newspaper  and  in  every  political  gathering. 
The  state  legislatures  were  a  common  means  of  expressing 
local  sentiment.  The  first  declaration  in  favor  of  a  caucus 
was,  it  is  believed,  made  by  the  legislature  of  New  York,  on 
May  23,  1823,  when  the  following  resolutions  were  unani- 
mously adopted :  — 

That  although  a  nomination  by  the  Republican  members  of 
Congress  is  not  entirely  free  from  objections,  yet  that,  assembled 
as  they  are  from  the  different  quarters  of  the  Union,  —  coming 
from  the  various  classes  of  community,  —  elected  during  the  pend- 
ency and  discussion  of  the  question  and  in  a  great  degree  with 
reference  to  it,  they  bring  into  one  body  as  perfect  a  representation 
as  can  be  expected  of  the  interests  and  wishes  of  all  and  of  each  : 
and  that  a  nomination  made  by  them  in  a  manner  which  has  here- 
tofore been  usual  is  the  best  attainable  method  of  effecting  the 
object  in  view  which  has  yet  been  suggested. 

That  we  fully  believe  that  a  convention  thus  constituted  will  be 
less  liable  to  be  influenced  by  those  sectional  jealousies  against 
which  the  Father  of  his  Country  has  so  solemnly  and  justly  cau- 
tioned us ;  more  likely  to  cherish  those  purely  national  feelings 
which  it  is  the  interest  and  should  be  the  pride  of  every  State  to 
protect ;  and  better  calculated  to  preserve  unbroken  those  political 
ties  which  bind  together  the  Republicans  of  the  North  and  the 
South,  the  East  and  the  West,  and  are  consecrated  by  the  recollec- 
tion of  times  and  events  dear  to  the  Democracy  of  the  nation 
which  triumphed  in  the  election  and  prospered  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  illustrious  Jefferson. 

A  few  months  later  the  legislature  of  Tennessee  adopted  a 
set  of  resolutions  against  the  caucus,  and  instructing  its  mem- 
bers in  Congress  to  use  their  influence  to  prevent  the  hold- 
ing of  such  a  meeting.  The  resolutions  were  sent  to  all  the 
States  for  their  approval.  They  were  considered  at  the  sessions 
of  many  legislatures  in  the  earliest  months  of  1824.  Mary- 
land alone  gave  a  cordial  assent  to  them.  Mr.  Tyler,  after- 
ward President,  offered  resolutions  in  the  Virginia  House  of 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS"  129 

Delegates  approving  the  caucus.  Although  the  resolutions 
were  not  adopted,  —  owing  to  a  delicate  sense  of  propriety 
which  told  the  members  that  they  ought  not  to  take  such  action 
in  their  legislative  capacity,  —  a  meeting  was  held  —  perhaps 
it  might  be  called  a  caucus  —  attended  by  three  fourths  of 
the  members,  who  resolved  almost  unanimously  in  favor  of  the 
congressional  caucus.  Governor  Troup,  of  Georgia,  may  be 
pardoned  for  manifesting  some  annoyance  at  being  called  upon 
to  send  to  the  legislature  resolutions  the  sole  purpose  of  which 
was  to  prevent  the  elevation  of  Georgia's  favorite  son  to  the 
presidency  ;  but  the  terms  in  which  he  communicated  the  reso- 
lutions were  childishly  petulant.  He  remarked  in  the  course 
of  this  unique  message  that  the  word  "  caucus  "  was  not  in  the 
dictionary,  was  not  an  English  word,  and  he  hoped  would 
never  be  one.  One  branch  of  the  South  Carolina  legislature 
approved  the  Tennessee  resolutions ;  the  other  threw  them  out 
with  scorn.  There  was  a  like  difference  of  opinion  in  the 
North.  The  Ohio  and  Indiana  legislatures  postponed  the  reso- 
lutions indefinitely.  In  Pennsylvania  a  report  by  a  commit- 
tee was  rejected,  by  a  vote  of  more  than  two  to  one,  because 
it  contained  a  clause  which  by  implication  sanctioned  a  caucus. 
The  New  York  legislature  expressed  its  dissent  from  the  Ten- 
nessee resolutions  and  its  approval  of  a  caucus.  In  Massa- 
chusetts, and  also  in  Maine,  caucuses  were  held  and  John 
Quincy  Adams  was  nominated  ;  subsequently  in  each  State  the 
Democratic  members  met  again,  and,  while  repeating  their  nom- 
ination of  Mr.  Adams,  declared  their  wish  that  a  congressional 
caucus  should  be  held,  and  agreed  to  abide  by  the  result. 

Deep  political  excitement  accompanied  all  these  proceedings. 
The  intensity  of  feeling  is  seen  in  the  arguments  on  one  side 
and  the  other  with  which  for  many  months  the  newspapers 
were  filled.  There  was  no  point  in  favor  of  the  caucus  or 
against  it  that  was  overlooked,  and  all  of  them  were  discussed 
and  worked  over  until  they  were  threadbare.  The  advocates 
of  the  caucus  were  entirely  right  when  they  said  that  the  old 
method  of  nomination  "  tends  to  produce  union,  which  the 
other  mode  has  a  tendency  to  destroy  ;  "  and  doubtless,  if  the 
Democratic  party  had  been  facing  a  strong  and  resolute  enemy, 
the  refusal  to  submit  the  claims  of  all  the  candidates  to  the 
arbitrament  of  the  caucus  would  have  been  "  bad  politics." 
Since  it  was  free  from  that  danger,  the  violent  struggle  within 
the  party  was  harmless,  and  it  was  useful  in  bringing  to  an 


130  A  HISTORY  Of   THE   PRESIDENCY 

end  a  dynasty  which  was  making  the  government  stale.  The 
difficulty  in  the  way  of  a  better  system  of  nomination,  together 
with  a  hint  as  to  the  better  way  which  was  afterward  adopted, 
is  set  forth  in  resolutions  adopted  by  the  Democrats  of  Lancas- 
ter County,  Pennsylvania,  in  the  winter  of  1824  :  "  We  be- 
lieve the  best  and  most  unexceptionable  method "  to  be  "  a 
convention  of  delegates  from  all  the  States  of  the  Union  ;  " 
but  as  it  would  be  "  entirely  impracticable,  from  the  immense 
extent  of  our  country,  and  from  the  great  expense  necessarily 
incident  to  an  attendance  from  the  extreme  parts  of  the  United 
States,"  they  deemed  "  the  old  and  tried  mode,"  the  caucus, 
the  best  that  was  attainable.  When  we  reflect  that  at  this 
time  there  was  not  a  mile  of  railway  in  the  country,  and  that 
weeks  of  travel  were  necessary  to  compass  the  distance  from 
Louisiana  and  Missouri  to  the  seat  of  government,  the  objection 
to  a  national  convention  does  not  seem  overdrawn. 

The  call  for  a  caucus,  dated  February  6,  1824,  appeared  in 
the  "  National  Intelligencer  "  on  the  following  morning.  It 
was  signed  by  six  senators  and  five  representatives,  members 
from  eleven  States.  It  was  addressed  to  the  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  Congress,  and  invited  them  to  meet  in  the  Representa- 
tives' chamber  on  the  evening  of  the  14th,  H  to  recommend 
candidates  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  for  the  offices  of 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States."  Side  by 
side  with  this  notice  appeared  another,  to  which  were  appended 
the  signatures  of  twenty-four  senators  and  members,  represent- 
ing fifteen  States,  who  asserted  that  they  had  satisfactory 
information  that,  of  the  two  hundred  and  sixty-one  senators  and 
representatives,  there  were  a  hundred  and  eighty-one  "  who 
deem  it  inexpedient,  under  existing  circumstances,  to  meet  in  a 
caucus  "  for  the  purpose  named. 

Although  the  accuracy  of  this  canvass  was  impugned,  the 
event  showed  that  it  was  nearly  correct.  Sixty-six  members 
only  assembled  in  caucus.  They  represented  sixteen  States  of 
the  Union,  but  a  large  majority  of  them  were  from  four  States. 
New  York  supplied  sixteen,  from  its  delegation  numbering 
thirty-six ;  Virginia,  fourteen  out  of  a  possible  twenty-four ; 
North  Carolina,  ten  of  a  delegation  of  fifteen  ;  eight  of  the 
nine  Georgia  members  were  present.  These  four  States  sup- 
plied forty-eight  members,  and  the  other  twenty  States  only 
eighteen  members  of  the  caucus.  Eight  States  were  not  repre- 
sented  at  all ;  five   States   furnished  one  member  each.     A 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING   CAUCUS"  131 

motion  was  made  to  adjourn  for  six  weeks,  nominally  in  order 
to  wait  for  the  action  of  the  Pennsylvania  State  Convention, 
really  in  order  to  drum  up  more  members.  Mr.  Van  Euren 
spoke  against  the  motion,  and  it  was  defeated.  The  caucus 
then  proceeded  to  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President.  The 
result  was  as  follows :  William  H.  Crawford  had  64 ;  John 
Quincy  Adams,  2  ;  Andrew  Jackson,  1 ;  Nathaniel  Macon,  1. 
Two  absent  members,  one  each  from  Virginia  and  Georgia, 
voted  by  proxy. 

A  ballot  was  next  taken  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President. 
Albert  Gallatin  of  Pennsylvania  had  57  votes ;  Erastus  Root 
of  New  York,  2  ;  and  the  following  named,  one  each :  John 
Q.  Adams,  William  Eustis  of  Massachusetts,  Samuel  Smith  of 
Maryland,  William  King  of  Maine,  Richard  Rush  of  Penn- 
sylvania, John  Tod  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Walter  Lowrie  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  caucus  then  adopted  a  resolution  formally 
recommending  Messrs.  Crawford  and  Gallatin,  and  declaring 
that :  — 

In  making  the  foregoing  recommendation,  the  members  of  this 
meeting  have  acted  in  their  individual  characters  as  citizens  ;  that 
they  have  been  induced  to  this  measure  from  a  deep  and  settled 
conviction  of  the  importance  of  union  among  Republicans  through- 
out the  United  States,  and  as  the  best  means  of  collecting  and 
concentrating  the  feelings  and  wishes  of  the  people  of  the  Union 
upon  this  important  subject. 

A  committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  tone  of  the  address  was  far 
from  reassuring.  "  We  will  not  conceal  our  anxiety,"  the 
committee  declared.  "  To  our  minds,  the  course  of  reoent 
events  points  to  the  entire  dismemberment  of  the  party  to 
which  it  is  our  pride  to  be  attached."  They  were  right.  The 
caucus  seems  not  to  have  added  a  vote  anywhere  to  Mr.  Craw- 
ford's strength.  It  seemed,  indeed,  to  reveal  his  weakness, 
even  in  Congress.  The  "  National  Intelligencer,"  the  steadfast 
advocate  of  Crawford,  published  a  statement  of  the  preferences 
of  the  members  of  both  Houses.  It  set  down  40  of  the  260 
members  —  there  was  one  vacancy  —  as  Federalists,  and  di- 
vided the  other  220  as  follows  :  Crawford,  93  ;  Adams,  38 ; 
Clay,  32 ;  Calhoun,  25 ;  Jackson,  23.  The  canvass  was 
warmly  disputed  by  the  friends  of  the  other  candidates,  one  of 
whom  drew  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  "  Intelligencer  "  had 
"lost"  nine  Democrats  in  its  count,  since  the  total  number 
accounted  for  was  but  211. 


132  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Local  and  personal  considerations  predominated  in  the  can- 
vass that  ensued.  The  caucus  issue  had  served  its  purpose 
and  was  not  made  prominent.  The  "  regularity  "  of  the  nom- 
ination was  urged  by  Crawford's  friends,  but  other  men  cared 
little  about  it.  The  "  Boston  Daily  Advertiser "  doubtless 
expressed  the  feelings  of  many  of  Mr.  Adams's  supporters  in 
New  England  when  it  said  they  were  going  to  vote  for  him 
"  because  he  is  a  citizen  of  this  Commonwealth,"  and  "  not  so 
much  because  it  is  supposed  that  a  majority  of  the  electors 
have  felt  any  strong  attachment  for  him."  It  is  fair  to  say 
that  the  "  Advertiser  "  was  a  Federalist  paper  still,  and  spoke 
for  its  party  friends,  who  still,  perhaps,  might  have  defeated 
the  Adams  electoral  ticket  in  Massachusetts  if  they  had  been 
so  disposed,  and  if  it  had  been  worth  the  effort. 

The  caucus  ticket  had  been  framed,  in  the  selection  of  Mr. 
Gallatin  for  Vice-President,  to  capture  the  vote  of  Pennsylva- 
nia. But  it  did  not  strengthen  the  cause.  Mr.  Gallatin's 
eligibility  was  assailed,  and  he  was  forced  to  defend  himself 
against  the  charge  of  being  a  "  foreigner."  Although  he  had 
been  a  resident  of  the  United  States  since  1780,  there  was  cer- 
tainly a  cloud  upon  his  title  as  "  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution."  Neverthe- 
less, he  persisted  in  his  candidacy  until  October,  when  he  re- 
tired from  the  canvass,  "  understanding  that  the  withdrawal  of 
my  name  may  have  a  favorable  effect  on  the  result "  of  the 
approaching  election.  Mr.  Calhoun  had  withdrawn  as  a  can- 
didate for  the  presidency,  and  there  was  a  general  concentra- 
tion upon  him  as  the  candidate  for  the  second  place  on  the  part 
of  all  the  anti-caucus  forces,  who  had  omitted,  in  their  nomi- 
nations, to  name  a  Vice-President.  It  seems  to  have  been  in 
the  minds  of  the  Crawford  party  that  they  might  effect  a  coali- 
tion with  the  supporters  of  Clay  by  giving  the  vice-presidency 
to  the  Kentucky  statesman.  A  suggestion  of  such  a  union 
was  rejected  with  scorn  by  the  Clay  men,  and  Mr.  Gallatin's 
retirement  had  no  perceptible  effect  on  the  canvass. 

Long  before  the  voting  began,  it  was  evident  to  all  that 
there  was  to  be  no  choice  of  President  by  the  electors,  and 
that  the  election  would  go,  for  the  second  time,  to  the  House 
of  Representatives  ;  furthermore,  that  each  of  the  four  candi- 
dates —  for  Clinton  had  developed  no  strength  in  the  can- 
vass —  would  receive  many  electoral  votes.  Three  only  could 
go  before  the  House.     It  therefore  was  the  aim  of  every  group 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS"  133 

to  secure  enough  votes  for  its  candidate  to  make  him  one  of 
the  three. 

As  in  1820,  twenty-four  States  took  part  in  the  election. 
Electors  were  appointed  by  the  legislatures  in  Vermont,  New 
York,  Delaware,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Louisiana.  In 
the  other  eighteen  States  they  were  chosen  by  the  people  ;  by 
districts  in  Maine,  Maryland,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri ; 
elsewhere,  by  general  ticket. 

The  legislature  of  New  York  (entitled  to  36  electors)  con- 
tained supporters  of  three  of  the  candidates.  The  law  governing 
elections  by  the  legislature  required  that  each  house  should 
ballot  separately  until  it  made  a  choice  by  a  majority  of  votes. 
If  the  two  branches  agreed  in  the  election,  they  met  in  joint  con- 
vention and  declared  the  result.  If  different  persons  had  been 
elected,  the  election  was  made  by  ballot  in  joint  convention  ; 
and  here  also  a  majority  was  required.  The  election  began 
on  the  10th  of  November.  On  that  day  the  Senate  made 
choice  of  the  Crawford  electors.  The  senators  were  divided  in 
their  preferences  thus  :  for  Crawford,  17 ;  for  Adams,  7 ;  for 
Clay,  7.  In  the  Assembly  there  was  no  choice  :  the  Crawford 
ticket  had  43  votes,  the  Adams  50,  the  Clay  32.  Combined, 
therefore,  the  strength  of  the  three  candidates  was  :  Crawford, 
60 ;  Adams,  57 ;  Clay,  39.  The  balloting  in  the  Assembly 
continued  on  the  10th,  11th,  and  12th  of  November  with  the 
change  of  only  a  single  vote.  On  the  12th,  some  of  the  Craw- 
ford men  announced  their  purpose  of  voting  for  the  Adams 
ticket  in  order  to  transfer  the  contest  to  a  joint  convention  and 
to  defeat  Mr.  Clay.  This  threat  produced  an  effect  upon  the 
Clay  men,  who,  on  the  following  day,  themselves  supported 
the  Adams  ticket  and  gave  it  the  required  majority.  The  fact 
that  an  election  had  been  effected  by  the  Assembly  was  hur- 
riedly communicated  to  some  of  the  Crawford  senators  before 
the  official  notice  could  be  sent,  and  the  Senate  hastily  ad- 
journed. On  Monday,  the  15th,  the  joint  convention  was 
held,  and  a  ballot  was  taken.  The  whole  number  of  ballots 
was  157,  but  three  of  them  were  blank  votes.  Seven  friends 
of  Mr.  Clay,  who  had  been  placed  upon  the  Crawford  ticket 
in  hope  of  inducing  the  Clay  men  to  support  the  whole  ticket, 
had  95  votes.  The  rest  of  the  Crawford  ticket  had  76  votes. 
Twenty-five  of  the  names  on  the  Adams  ticket  had  78  votes 
each,  which  was  exactly  a  majority  of  154,  the  number  of  effec- 
tive ballots,  but  one  less  than  a  majority  of  the  whole  number, 


134  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

including  the  blanks.  A  resolution  was  offered  declaring  the 
thirty-two  electors  who  had  78  or  more  votes  to  be  chosen. 
The  Speaker  of  the  Senate  refused  to  put  the  question.  A 
long  debate  and  a  scene  of  tumult  and  confusion  such  as  has 
rarely  taken  place  in  a  legislative  body  ensued  ;  and  in  the  end 
the  presiding  officer,  followed  by  the  sixteen  Crawford  sen- 
ators, left  the  Assembly  Chamber.  But  at  last  the  resolution 
was  separately  adopted  by  each  House.  The  two  branches  met 
again,  and  completed  the  election  by  the  choice  of  four  Craw- 
ford men  by  a  Dare  majority. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  electors,  three  of  those  who  had  been 
expected  to  vote  for  Clay  deserted  him  and  went,  one  each,  to 
Adams,  Crawford,  and  Jackson.  It  will  be  seen  by  reference 
to  the  table  of  electoral  votes  (page  140)  that,  if  they  had  all 
voted  for  Mr.  Clay,  his  vote  and  Crawford's  would  have  been 
equal,  and  the  names  of  Adams  and  Jackson  only  would  have 
gone  before  the  House  of  Representatives. 

In  Delaware  there  was  a  parliamentary  problem  of  a  charac- 
ter somewhat  similar  to  that  in  New  York.  The  number  of 
members  present  at  the  joint  meeting  of  the  two  houses  of  the 
legislature  was  30.  One  elector  (for  Adams)  received  21  votes, 
and  was  no  doubt  elected.  Two  Crawford  men  had  15  votes 
each,  and  seven  other  candidates  had  from  1  to  10  each.  The 
law  of  Delaware  provided  that,  "  if  an  equal  division  of  ballots 
shall  appear  for  two  or  more  persons,  not  being  elected  by  a 
majority  of  the  votes,  the  Speaker  of  the  Senate  shall  have  an 
additional  casting  vote."  This  was  clearly  not  a  case  of  the  kind 
contemplated  by  the  statute,  which  intended  that  the  Speaker 
should  decide  between  two  or  more  equal  and  opposing  candi- 
dates. If  only  one  of  the  two  Crawford  men  had  received  15 
votes,  he  could  not  have  given  a  casting  vote.  As  there  were 
two  equal  candidates  he  gave  an  additional  vote  for  each,  and 
declared  them  elected.  He  followed  the  letter  of  the  statute 
beyond  a  doubt. 

The  election  of  1824  is  the  first  with  reference  to  which  an 
attempt  has  been  made  to  test  the  result  by  a  comparison  of 
the  popular  vote  for  the  several  candidates.  The  statement 
which  is  to  be  found  in  most  of  the  political  almanacs  and  com- 
pendiums  of  political  information,  even  to  the  present  day,  is 
one  which,  it  is  believed,  originated  in  an  early  number  of  Mr. 
Greeley's  Whig  Almanac,  as  follows  :  — 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS"  135 

For  Jackson 152,899 

Adams 105,321 

Crawford      .     . 47,265 

Clay 47,087 

The  statement  is  inaccurate;  and,  when  it  has  been  cor- 
rected, it  is  misleading.  No  exact  table  of  popular  votes  can 
be  presented.  In  five  States  only  were  all  four  candidates  re- 
presented at  the  polls.  In  six  others  there  were  three  tickets  ; 
in  seven  there  were  but  two  tickets ;  in  six  States  the  electors 
were  chosen  by  the  legislature.  Throughout  New  England 
the  ticket  in  opposition  to  Adams  was  that  supported  by  the 
caucus  committee,  and  the  votes  should  doubtless  all  be  given 
to  Crawford.  In  North  Carolina  there  was  a  fusion  of  the 
friends  of  Jackson  and  Adams,  The  "  old  North  State " 
had  contained  from  the  earliest  times  a  strong  body  of  Federal- 
ists, who  were  all  opposed  to  Crawford,  and  were  disposed  to 
support  Mr.  Adams.  It  was  estimated  that  at  least  five  thou- 
sand of  them  voted  for  the  fusion  electoral  ticket ;  but,  inas- 
much as  the  electors  voted  for  Jackson,  all  their  votes  are  cred- 
ited to  him.  A  careful  study  of  the  returns  from  all  the 
States,  in  most  cases  official,  and  in  every  case  a  full  return, 
results  in  the  table  given  on  page  136. 

The  difference  in  the  totals  of  the  two  statements  is  not 
important.  But  neither  statement  is  valuable  as  indicating  the 
will  of  the  people  on  the  question  of  the  presidency.  Vir- 
ginia, with  a  white  population  of  625,000,  cast  an  aggregate 
of  less  than  15,000  votes;  Pennsylvania,  with  a  population 
of  something  more  than  a  million,  cast  a  few  more  than  47,000 
votes,  which  was  but  a  little  larger  number  than  that  of 
Massachusetts,  37,000,  with  a  population  of  less  than  600,000 ; 
and  Massachusetts,  at  the  election  of  the  previous  year,  had 
given  more  than  66,000  votes  for  governor.  If  to  such  in- 
equalities as  these  we  add  those  produced  by  the  total  omis- 
sion from  the  list  of  all  votes  from  six  States  which  contained 
more  than  one  fourth  of  the  whole  population  of  the  country, 
the  lack  of  significance  of  the  statement  of  popular  votes  may 
be  understood. 

Mr.  Calhoun  was  elected  Vice-President  by  more  than  two 
thirds  of  the  electoral  votes.  There  was  no  choice  of  a  Presi- 
dent. Mr.  Crawford,  the  caucus  candidate,  barely  succeeded 
in  securing  a  place  among  the  first  three  candidates.  Con- 
gress assembled  on  the  6th  of  December,  five  days  after  the 


136 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


States. 


Maine  .  .  .  , 
New  Hampshire . 
Vermont  $ .  .  , 
Massachusetts 
Rhode  Island .  , 
Connecticut  .  , 
New  York  J  .  , 
New  Jersey  .  , 
Pennsylvania  .  . 
Delaware  J  .  . 
Maryland  .  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  , 
North  Carolina  . 
South  Carolina  J 
Georgia  J  .  .  . 
Alabama    .     .    . 


Louisiana  J 
Kentucky  . 
Tennessee  . 
Missouri 
Ohio  .  .  . 
Indiana.  . 
Illinois  .     . 


Total 


Jackson. 


10,985 
36,100 

14,523 

2,861 
20,4151 


9,443 
3,234 

6,455 

20,197 

987 

18,457 

7,343 

1,901 


152,901 


Adams. 


10,289 
9,389 

30,687 
2,145 

7,587 

9,110 
5,441 

14,632 
3,189 


2,416 
1,694 


216 

311 

12,280 

3,095 

1,542 


114,023 


Crawford. 


2,336* 
643t 

6,616* 

200* 

1,978* 

1,196§ 
4,206 

3,364 

8,489 
15,621 


1,680 
119 


312 


219 


46,979 


Clay. 


416 


17,331 

1,401 

19,255 

5,315 

1,047 


47,217 


*  Opposition  ticket,  t  Opposition  ticket,  wrongly  credited  in  former  editions  to  Jack- 
eon,  t  Electors  appointed  by  legislature.  §'•  Convention"  ticket.  ||  "People's" 
ticket. 

meeting  of  the  electors.  Although  it  was  known  that  there 
had  been  no  choice  of  a  President,  no  notice  was  taken  of  the 
fact  until  the  13th  of  January.  1825,  when  Mr.  Wright,  of  Ohio, 
offered  a  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  — 

To  prepare  and  report  such  rules  as,  in  their  opinion,  may  be 
proper  to  be  observed  by  this  House  in  the  choice  of  a  President 
of  the  United  States,  for  the  period  of  four  years  from  the  4th 
day  of  March  next,  if,  on  counting  the  votes  given  in  the  several 
States  in  the  manner  prescribed  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  it  shall  appear  that  no  person  has  received  a  majority  of 
all  the  electors  of  President  and  Vice-President  appointed  in  the 
several  States. 

This  resolution  was  adopted  on  the  18th  of  January,  and 
the  committee  was  appointed,  which  reported,  on  the  26th,  a 
plan  that  was  in  some  respects  different  from  that  adopted  in 
1801,  but  the  changes  were  not  important. 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS"  137 

The  Senate  proposed,  on  the  1st  of  February,  to  raise  a 
joint  committee  "  to  ascertain  and  report  a  mode  of  examining 
the  votes  "  in  the  usual  form.  The  committee  was  appointed, 
and  reported  a  resolution  similar  to  those  adopted  in  former 
years,  but  containing  a  clause  made  necessary  by  the  fact  that 
there  was  no  choice  of  a  President.  When  this  resolution 
came  up  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Eaton,  of  Tennessee,  moved  to  add 
a  new  paragraph  to  the  effect  that,  if  objection  should  be  made 
to  any  vote,  it  should  be  filed  in  writing  and  entered  on  the 
journals  of  the  two  Houses ;  that  the  two  Houses  should  not 
separate  until  all  the  votes  had  been  counted  and  reported ; 
but  that  the  report  of  the  result  should  be  "  liable  to  be  con- 
trolled and  altered  by  the  decision  to  be  made  by  the  two 
Houses,  after  their  separation,  relative  to  any  objections  that 
may  be  made,"  provided  that  no  objection  should  be  considered 
valid  unless  so  voted  by  both  Houses. 

Mr.  Van  Buren  opposed  this  clause,  and  after  debate  it  was 
rejected.  No  objections  were  made,  it  may  be  said  here,  to 
any  votes  at  the  time  of  the  count ;  but  in  May,  after  the 
election,  Mr.  Wilde,  of  Georgia,  introduced  in  the  House  of 
Representatives  a  resolution  that  a  message  be  sent  to  the 
Senate  requesting  copies  of  all  the  certificates  of  electoral 
votes.  In  a  long  speech  he  gave  his  reason  for  making  this 
motion,  which  was  that  few  of  the  certificates  were  strictly  cor- 
rect and  in  due  form.  They  either  did  not  assert  that  the 
electors  voted  in  distinct  ballots  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, or  they  did  not  report  a  vote  by  ballot,  —  distinct  bal- 
lots being  required  by  the  Constitution.  The  resolution  was 
opposed  on  the  ground  that  it  was  too  late,  and  that  "the 
elections  in  the  States  were  not  subject  to  revision  by  Con- 
gress," and,  on  motion,  was  laid  on  the  table. 

Before  the  day  for  counting  the  votes,  February  9,  there 
was  a  great  scandal  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
situation  was  one  which  invited  intrigue,  and  no  doubt  there 
was  much  bargaining  and  attempted  trading  of  votes.  The 
excitement  ran  high.  The  votes  of  thirteen  States  were 
necessary  for  a  choice.  Mr.  Adams  was  sure  of  the  unani- 
mous votes  of  the  six  New  England  States,  and  of  a  majority 
in  New  York,  Maryland,  and  Ohio.  Mr.  Crawford  would 
have  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  The 
universal  expectation  was  that  Mr.  Adams  would  be  chosen ; 
and  a  desire  to  avoid  such  a  long  and  perilous  contest  as  had 


138  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

taken  place  in  1801,  as  well  as  a  desire  to  be  on  the  winning 
side,  helped  his  cause.  In  the  midst  of  the  excitement  a  letter 
was  published  in  the  "  Columbian  Observer  "  of  Philadelphia, 
on  January  28,  dated  at  Washington,  from  which  the  follow- 
ing is  extracted :  — 

For  some  time  past,  the  friends  of  Clay  have  hinted  that  they, 
like  the  Swiss,  would  fight  for  those  who  would  pay  best.  Over- 
tures were  said  to  have  been  made  by  the  friends  of  Adams  to  the 
friends  of  Clay,  offering  him  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of 
State  for  his  aid  to  elect  Adams.  And  the  friends  of  Clay  gave 
this  information  to  the  friends  of  Jackson,  and  hinted  that,  if 
the  friends  of  Jackson  would  offer  the  same  price,  they  would 
close  with  them. 

There  was  much  more  of  the  same  sort,  but  this  contains 
the  substance  of  the  charge.  Mr.  Clay  at  once  published  a 
card  in  which  he  asserted  that  he  believed  the  letter  was  a 
forgery,  "but,  if  it  be  genuine,  I  pronounce  the  member,  who- 
ever he  may  be,  a  base  and  infamous  calumniator,  a  dastard, 
and  a  liar."  Mr.  George  Kremer,  of  Pennsylvania,  avowed 
himself  the  author  of  the  letter,  and  asserted  his  ability  to 
prove  his  assertions.  The  matter  was  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  House  by  Mr.  Clay,  who  was  Speaker  of  the  House  at 
the  time,  and  a  committee  was  raised  to  inquire  into  the  mat- 
ter. Mr.  Kremer,  in  a  long  and  labored  but  weak  letter, 
declined  to  appear  before  the  committee.  In  spite  of  the 
most  positive  denials  of  the  truth  of  the  story,  and  of  an 
absolute  lack  of  any  evidence  to  support  the  accusation,  the 
charge  was  persisted  in  and  believed  by  all  who  had  an  in- 
terest in  believing  it.  Three  years  afterward,  in  the  midst 
of  the  ensuing  canvass,  General  Jackson  himself  wrote  a  letter, 
which  was  made  public,  in  which  he  gave  an  account  of  an 
interview  in  January,  1825,  with  a  member  of  Congress 
whom  he  understood  to  intimate  that  Mr.  Clay's  influence 
might  be  detached  from  Mr.  Adams  and  given  to  him  on 
certain  terms.  Jackson  thus  not  only  revived  the  old  scandal, 
but  virtually  affirmed  his  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  charge. 
He  afterward  asserted  that  the  member  of  Congress  was  James 
Buchanan.  Mr.  Clay  thereupon  published  a  most  emphatic 
dnd  sweeping  denial,  one  sentence  of  which  will  suffice  to 
show  its  character :  "  I  neither  made,  nor  authorized,  nor  knew 
of  any  proposition  whatever  to  either  of  the  three  candidates 
who  were  returned  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  the 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "  KING  CAUCUS "  139 

last  presidential  election,  or  to  the  friends  of  either  of  them, 
for  the  purpose  of  influencing  the  result  of  the  election,  or  for 
any  other  purpose."  Mr.  Buchanan  himself  then  made  a 
statement  that  it  had  "  never  once  entered  my  head  that  he 
_General  Jackson]  believed  me  to  be  the  agent  of  Mr.  Clay 
or  of  his  friends,  or  that  I  had  intended  to  propose  to  him 
terms  of  any  kind  from  them."  One  might  suppose  that  this 
should  have  been  conclusive.  Even  so  thorough-going  an 
admirer  of  Jackson  as  James  Parton  admits  that  "  no  charge 
was  ever  more  plausible  or  more  groundless  .  .  .  none  was 
ever  more  completely  refuted."  Yet  Jackson  persisted  in 
it  to  the  end,  and  took  pains,  in  1844,  only  a  year  before  his 
death,  to  deny  that  he  had  "  recanted  "  it,  and  to  affirm  that 
his  opinion  "  had  undergone  no  change." 

There  is  no  need  to  rely  on  negative  testimony  to  prove 
Mr.  Clay's  innocence ;  for  almost  immediately  after  the  meet- 
ings of  the  electors  he  had  announced  to  Senator  Thomas  H. 
Benton  his  intention  to  support  Mr.  Adams.  Mr.  Benton 
records,  in  his  "Thirty  Years'  View,"  the  fact  that  Mr.  Clay 
made  to  him  a  communication  of  this  intention  before  the  15th 
of  December,  1824,  which,  Mr.  Benton  believes,  was  "  proba- 
bly before  Mr.  Adams  knew  it  himself."  It  is  a  pity  that 
Mr.  Benton  did  not  make  public  the  evidence  in  his  possession 
until  November,  1827,  when  all  possible  harm  to  Mr.  Clay's 
reputation  which  the  false  accusation  could  do  had  long  been 
done.  Of  course  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  scandal  alive  was 
the  defeat  of  Mr.  Adams,  who  could  not  be  innocent  if  Mr. 
Clay  had  been  guilty  of  the  corrupt  bargain.  It  is  only  be- 
cause of  its  bearing  on  the  ensuing  election,  and  because  the 
accusation,  if  true,  would  have  been  an  indelible  stain  upon 
the  character  of  one  of  our  Presidents,  that  so  much  attention 
has  been  given  to  it  in  these  pages. 

The  electoral  votes  were  counted  on  the  9th  of  February, 
1825.     The  result  as  announced  is  given  on  page  140. 

The  President  of  the  Senate,  Mr.  Gaillard,  then  declared 
that  no  person  had  received  a  majority  of  the  votes  given  for 
President  of  the  United  States ;  that  Andrew  Jackson,  John 
Quincy  Adams,  and  William  H.  Crawford  were  the  three 
persons  who  had  received  the  highest  number  of  votes,  and 
that  the  remaining  duties  in  the  choice  of  a  President  now 
devolved  upon  the  House  of  Representatives;  and  that  John 
C.  Calhoun  was  duly  elected  Vice-President. 


140 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


President. 

Vice-President. 

1 

d 

►i 

d 

§ 

& 

1 

OB* 

eg 

© 

CO 

fcq 

fc 

1 

h 

States. 

j 

1 

t 

6 

i 

i 
i 

eg 

"3 

! 

o 
2 

s 

n 

6 

2 

3 

n 

i 

J 

J 

* 
2 

1 

5 

a 

< 

•"9 

► 

K 

o 

I 

i 

3 

s 

a 

Maine 

9 

9 

New  Hampshire 

- 

8 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

i 

_ 

_ 

Vermont  .     .     . 

_ 

7 

_ 

_ 

7 

- 

_ 

_ 

«. 

_ 

Massachusetts 

_ 

15 

_. 

_ 

15 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

... 

Rhode  Island 

_ 

4 

_ 

_ 

3 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

«. 

Connecticut  . 

_ 

8 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

8 

_ 

_ 

New  York     . 

1 

26 

5 

4 

29 

7 

- 

• 

_ 

_ 

New  Jersey  . 

8 

- 

- 

- 

8 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Pennsylvania 

28 

- 

- 

- 

28 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Delaware  .     . 

_ 

1 

2 

_ 

1 

— 

- 

_ 

_ 

2 

Maryland .    . 

7 

3 

1 

- 

10 

- 

- 

1 

- 

_ 

Virginia    .     . 

- 

- 

24 

- 

- 

- 

24 

- 

- 

- 

North  Carolina 

15 

_ 

_ 

_ 

15 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

South  Carolina 

11 

_ 

_ 

_ 

11 

- 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

Georgia    .     . 

- 

- 

9 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

9 

- 

Alabama  .     . 

5 

- 

- 

_ 

5 

- 

- 

- 

_ 

_. 

Mississippi     . 

8 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Louisiana .     . 

3 

2 

- 

- 

5 

- 

- 

— 

- 

— 

Kentucky 

- 

- 

- 

14 

7 

7 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Tennessee 

11 

- 

- 

- 

11 

— 

- 

- 

- 

— 

Missouri    .     . 

_ 

_ 

_ 

3 

_ 

_ 

_ 

3 

_ 

_ 

Ohio     .    .    - 

- 

- 

_ 

16 

- 

16 

_ 

- 

_ 

_ 

Indiana     .     . 

5 

_ 

. 

_ 

5 

- 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

Illinois      .     . 

2 

1 

- 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Total     .... 

99 

84 

41 

37 

182 

30 

24 

13 

9 

2 

The  Senate  having  retired,  the  House  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  elect  a  President.  A  roll-call  showed  that  every 
member  of  the  House  except  Mr.  Garnett,  of  Virginia,  who 
was  sick  at  his  lodgings  in  Washington,  was  present.  Mr. 
Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Randolph,  of  Virginia, 
were  appointed  tellers.  The  House  conducted  the  election 
according  to  the  rules  already  adopted,  and  on  the  first  bal- 
lot John  Quincy  Adams  was  chosen.  The  votes  of  thirteen 
States  were  given  to  him,  those  of  seven  to  Jackson,  and  of 
four  to  Crawford.  The  Speaker  declared  Mr.  Adams  elected, 
and  notice  of  the  result  was  sent  to  the  Senate.     The  votes  of 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  "KING  CAUCUS" 


141 


the  States  are  shown  by  the  following  table,  which  indicates 
both  the  divisions  within  the  delegations  and  the  person  for 
whom  the  vote  of  each  State  was  given. 


States. 

Adams. 

Jackson. 

Crawford. 

Vote  for — 

Maine 

New  Hampshire .... 

Vermont     ...... 

Massachusetts     .... 

Rhode  Island .     .     .     .     . 

Connecticut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina    .... 
South  Carolina    .... 

Georgia 

Alabama    ...... 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Kentucky 

Tennessee  ...... 

Missouri 

Ohio 

Indiana ....... 

Illinois 

7 
6 
5 

12 
2 
6 

18 
1 
1 

5 
1 
1 

2 

8 

1 
10 

1 

1 

2 

5 

25 

3 

1 
2 
9 

3 
1 
1 

4 
9 

2 
3 

14 

1 
1 

19 
10 

7 
2 

Adams. 

Adams, 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Jackson. 

Jackson. 

Crawford. 

Adams. 

Crawford. 

Crawford. 

Jackson. 

Crawford. 

Jackson. 

Jackson. 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Jackson. 

Adams. 

Adams. 

Jackson. 

Adams. 

Total 

87 

71 

54 

The  inauguration  of  Mr.  Adams  took  place  in  the  Kepre- 
sentatives'  Hall.  A  military  escort  accompanied  the  retiring 
President  and  the  President-elect  to  the  Capitol,  where  all  the 
departments  of  the  government  and  representatives  of  foreign 
powers  had  assembled.  Mr.  Adams,  as  all  of  his  predecessors 
had  been  on  a  similar  occasion,  was  arrayed  in  a  full  suit  of 
plain  cloth  of  American  manufacture.  Mr.  Adams  rose  and 
read  his  inaugural  address  in  a  firm  voice,  after  which  the  oath 
was  administered  to  him  by  the  venerable  Chief  Justice  Mar- 
shall. Among  the  first  to  take  the  hand  of  Mr.  Adams,  after 
the  ceremony,  was  Senator  Andrew  Jackson. 


XII 

JACKSON'S  TKIUMPH 

Mr.  Adams  was  foredoomed  to  defeat  in  1828,  —  from  the 
day  of  his  inauguration.  His  political  enemies  were  the  most 
astute  managers  the  country  had  produced.  They  had  the 
chagrin  of  a  failure  to  wipe  out  and  avenge.  They  had  a  can- 
didate ready  for  the  canvass  for  whom  it  was  easy  to  arouse 
popular  enthusiasm.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Adams,  while  sup- 
ported by  faithful  and  trusty  statesmen,  was  surrounded  also 
by  officers  whom  he  retained  in  the  places  to  which  they  had 
been  appointed  by  his  predecessor,  although  he  was  fully  aware 
of  their  treachery  toward  himself.  Senators  came  to  him 
to  assure  him  that  they  were  friendly  to  his  administration, 
and  then  went  to  the  Capitol  and  voted  with  the  opposition, 
and  assisted  in  passing  some  of  the  most  malignantly  insulting 
resolutions  ever  spread  upon  the  records  of  the  Senate.  One 
member  of  the  President's  official  family,  the  Postmaster- 
General,  not  then  admitted  to  the  cabinet,  used  the  patronage 
of  his  office,  during  the  whole  of  the  four  years'  term,  to  the 
injury  of  the  administration.  More  than  once  the  members 
of  the  cabinet  united  in  an  earnest  request  to  Mr.  Adams  to 
remove  him ;  but  he  refused.  The  President  would  not,  even 
when  another  man  would  have  been  goaded  by  desperation  to 
turn  upon  his  perfidious  office-holders,  remove  any  man  because 
that  man  was  not  his  personal  supporter.  There  are  numerous 
entries  in  his  diary  showing  his  steady  adherence  to  a  policy 
which  is  most  completely  set  forth  in  this  passage :  "  I  see  yet 
no  reason  sufficient  to  justify  a  departure  from  the  principle 
with  which  I  entered  upon  the  administration,  of  removing  no 
public  officer  for  merely  preferring  another  candidate  for  the 
presidency." 

Another  fact  which  would  alone  have  been  fatal  to  Mr. 
Adams's  hopes  of  reelection,  if  he  had  entertained  such  hopes, 
was  his  lack  of  the  personal  qualities  that  attract  popular  sup- 
port.    At  best  he  had  been,  in  1824,  but  the  candidate  of  a 


JACKSON'S  TRIUMPH  143 

minority.  To  ensure  success  at  the  next  election  it  would 
have  been  necessary  to  find  new  friends  among  those  who  had 
been  rather  the  adherents  of  other  candidates  than  direct  oppo- 
nents of  himself.  He  was  not  the  man  to  conciliate.  He  was 
made  of  too  stern  and  uncompromising  stuff.  He  would  stoop 
to  none  of  the  arts  of  the  politician,  not  even  to  measures 
which  in  these  days  of  undoubtedly  greater  political  virtue  are 
deemed  innocent  and  harmless.  He  was  too  good  for  this 
wicked  world,  —  not  too  wise,  not  too  tactful,  not  too  tolerant. 
He  was  nevertheless  wise  enough  to  be  aware  that  he  had  little 
or  no  chance  of  reelection.  His  diary  during  1828  abounds 
in  comments  upon  the  hopeful  assurances  of  his  visitors,  stat- 
ing in  plain  language  that  he  was  not  deceived  by  them.  He 
remarks  upon  Mr.  Rush's  preference  for  the  mission  to  Eng- 
land to  the  chance  of  being  elected  Vice-President  on  the  ticket 
with  himself :  "  I  can  easily  conjecture  what  it  is  —  the  pre- 
ference of  the  harbor  to  the  tempest."  Again,  when  he  is 
communing  with  himself  upon  the  appointment  of  Governor 
Barbour  to  the  same  place  he  says,  May  1,  1828,  "  In  my  own 
political  downfall  I  am  bound  to  involve  unnecessarily  none  of 
my  friends."  He  thinks  the  effect  of  the  appointment  upon 
the  administration  will  be  bad,  —  "violent,  and  probably  deci- 
sive. But  why  should  I  require  men  to  sacrifice  themselves  for 
me?" 

The  political  questions  that  arose  during  Mr.  Adams's  ad- 
ministration were  by  no  means  of  such  importance  as  to  justify 
the  formation  of  parties  where  none  existed  before.  It  is 
impossible  to  comprehend  how  men  who,  at  the  outset,  had  no 
complaint  against  Mr.  Adams  save  that  he  had  been  successful 
over  their  own  candidate,  could  have  worked  themselves  into 
opposition  so  rancorous  as  they  manifested  to  the  proposi- 
tion of  the  Panama  mission,  —  a  conference  of  American  repub- 
lics. It  was  a  harmless  scheme  that  promised  good  results ; 
but  these  men  jumped  upon  it  and  trampled  it  under  their 
feet  with  fury,  for  no  better  reason  than  that  it  was  a  project 
which  the  President  and  Mr.  Clay  desired  most  earnestly  to 
see  carried  through.  It  was  upon  this  measure  that,  as  Mr. 
Adams  himself  records,  in  January,  1826,  the  first  attempt  was 
made  "  to  unite  the  Jackson,  Crawford,  and  Calhoun  forces." 
The  tariff  became  an  issue  in  politics  in  1828 ;  but  that  was 
long,  after  the  opposition  was  fully  organized  and  felt  itself  on 
the  eve  of  victory.     Mr.  Adams's  position  on  the  question  of 


144  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

internal  improvements  was  not  that  of  a  majority  of  those  who 
had  supported  other  candidates ;  but  the  question  was  not  one 
of  sufficient  importance  to  alienate  any  of  them.  It  was  an 
excuse  rather  than  a  reason  for  opposition.  Moreover,  General 
Jackson,  as  a  senator,  had  voted  for  internal  improvements, 
and  had  acted  throughout  with  the  protectionists  in  passing  the 
tariff  act  of  1824.  The  opposition  press  teemed  with  falsehoods, 
absurd  on  their  face  or  easily  disproved,  yet  repeated  in  spite 
of  ample  proof  of  their  untruth.  The  popular  outcry  against 
Freemasonry  that  arose  after  the  affair  of  Morgan  is  a  good 
example  of  the  misrepresentation  to  which  the  President  was 
subjected.  He  was  not  a  Freemason ;  indeed  he  was  actively 
opposed  to  the  order.  Yet  in  regions  where  the  anti-masonic 
feeling  was  strong,  he  was  published  as  being  a  member  of  the 
order,  and  a  pretended  transcript  from  the  records  of  a  lodge 
was  issued,  in  which  his  admission  was  recorded.  The  old 
and  oft  disproved  story  of  a  "  corrupt  bargain  "  between  him- 
self and  Clay  was  revived.  No  tale  was  too  preposterous  to 
be  invented  if  it  would  make  votes  against  this  honorable,  high- 
minded  man,  whose  intentions  were  as  good  and  whose  patriot- 
ism was  as  pure  as  that  of  any  man  who  ever  sat  in  the  Presi- 
dent's chair. 

The  canvass  of  1828  opened  in  October,  1825,  before  Mr. 
Adams  had  met  Congress  at  all,  and  before  he  had  indicated, 
except  in  his  inaugural  address,  what  was  to  be  his  policy. 
The  Tennessee  legislature  nominated  General  Jackson  for  the 
succession.  He  accepted  the  nomination  in  an  address  which 
he  delivered  before  the  two  Houses  of  the  legislature,  and 
resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate.  Other  legislatures,  conven- 
tions, caucuses,  and  public  meetings  in  all  parts  of  the  country 
also  nominated  the  general.  But  in  order  to  make  his  election 
certain  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  bring  to  his  support  the 
friends  of  Crawford.  This  is  supposed  to  have  been  effected 
by  a  mission  through  the  South  undertaken  after  the  close  of 
the  session  of  Congress  in  March,  1827,  by  Martin  Van  Buren 
and  Churchill  C.  Cambreling,  —  the  two  most  prominent  New 
York  politicians  of  the  time.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  on  his  way 
through  Washington  in  May,  called  on  the  President.  Mr. 
Adams  was  not  ignorant  of  the  object  of  the  tour.  "They 
are  generally  understood  to  have  been  electioneering,  and  Van 
Buren  is  now  the  great  electioneering  manager  for  General 
Jackson,  as  he.  was  before  the  last  election  for  Mr.  Crawford." 


JACKSON'S  TRIUMPH  145 

The  basis  of  the  campaign  was  the  alleged  "  wrong  "  done  to 
General  Jackson  in  1825  when,  having  the  largest  number  of 
electoral  votes  and  of  popular  votes,  he  was  set  aside  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Adams.  Those  who  made  this  complaint  paid  but  a 
poor  compliment  to  the  intelligence  of  those  to  whom  it  was 
addressed.  If  the  frame rs  of  the  Constitution  had  intended 
that  a  plurality  of  popular  or  of  electoral  votes  should  decide 
the  election  of  President  they  would  not  have  devised  the 
elaborate  system  of  election  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Those  who  desire  to  see  worked  out  the  flimsy  argument  that 
the  people  were  defrauded  in  1825  by  the  defeat  of  a  candi- 
date who  had  but  a  plurality  of  votes,  given  under  a  system 
that  did  not  contemplate  popular  elections,  will  find  it  in  Ben- 
ton's "  Thirty  Years'  View."  His  exposition  of  what  he  calls 
"  the  Demos  Krateo  principle  "  is  a  brilliant  specimen  of  rea- 
soning from  false  premises. 

The  candidacy  of  Mr.  Adams  for  reelection  was  taken  for 
granted.  If  there  were  any  meetings,  legislative  or  other,  at 
which  his  name  was  formally  presented,  the  nomination  was  of 
no  value  in  the  canvass.  The  question  of  the  vice-presidency 
was  much  discussed.  Calhoun,  of  course,  was  out  of  the  ques- 
tion. From  the  beginning  he  had  been  an  enemy  of  the 
administration ;  and  it  was  plain  to  see  that  he  was  to  be  the 
candidate  of  the  Jacksonians  for  reelection.  As  early  as 
February,  1826,  Mr.  Clay  mentioned  to  Mr.  Adams  that  he 
had  been  approached  by  many  persons  on  the  subject  of  the 
vice-presidency,  and  inquired  what  were  the  President's  wishes. 
For  his  own  part  he  preferred  to  retain  his  office  of  Secretary 
of  State,  but  he  was  willing  to  do  whatever  would  be  best  for 
the  administration.  Mr.  Adams,  without  making  a  final  deci- 
sion, was  inclined  to  think  Mr.  Clay  more  useful  in  the  State 
Department.  Mr.  Clay  reported  also  that  Governor  Barbour, 
the  Secretary  of  War,  was  much  considered  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency. Two  months  later  another  caller  upon  the  President 
referred  to  the  question  of  who  should  have  the  second  place 
on  the  ticket,  "  which,  he  says,  W.  H.  Harrison  looks  to  very 
earnestly."  Still  later  the  strange  suggestion  was  made  that 
Mr.  W.  H.  Crawford  should  be  nominated,  and,  more  remark- 
able still,  it  was  pressed  rather  urgently.  Mr.  Adams  gave  no 
countenance  to  this  proposition,  which  he  felt  sure  would  re- 
sult in  nothing  but  treachery.1  The  matter  was  finally  settled 
1  Mr.  Adams,  at  the  beginning  of  the  administration,  asked  Mr.  Crawford 


146  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Richard  Rush,  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  by  the  "  administration "  convention  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, which  met  at  Harrisburg,  January  4,  1828. 

The  friends  of  the  administration  believed,  or  professed  to 
believe,  to  the  last  moment,  that  Mr.  Adams  would  be  re- 
elected. They  classed  Pennsylvania  among  the  doubtful 
States,  counted  confidently  upon  the  new  States  of  the  north- 
west, —  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  —  and  were  encouraged,  by 
the  success  of  the  administration  party  at  the  state  election  in 
Kentucky,  as  late  as  August,  1828,  to  believe  that  Mr.  Clay's 
State  would  support  them.  The  administration  party  was 
grossly  deceived.  Mr.  Adams  received  fewer  electoral  votes 
than  he  had  in  1824  ;  and  not  one  of  the  votes  given  for  Clay 
four  years  before  was  transferred  to  him. 

The  last  days  of  the  canvass  were  made  noteworthy  by  a 
political  incident  highly  characteristic  of  Mr.  Adams,  —  an  inci- 
dent which,  in  these  times  of  rapid  dissemination  of  intelli- 
gence, would  have  destroyed  instantly  any  chances  which  a 
candidate  in  Mr.  Adams's  situation  might  have  had.  Probably 
it  actually  had  but  the  slightest  effect  on  the  vote,  and  of 
course  none  whatever  upon  the  result.  In  October,  1828,  the 
month  preceding  the  election,  Mr.  William  B.  Giles,  of  Vir- 
ginia, a  man  intensely  hostile  to  Mr.  Adams,  caused  to  be 
published  a  statement  regarding  the  circumstances  of  that 
gentleman's  secession  from  the  Federalist  party  in  1808,  and  a 
part  of  certain  correspondence  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and  him- 
self (Giles)  in  1825.  A  lack  of  candor  on  Mr.  Giles's  part 
and  a  failure  of  memory  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  placed  the  conduct 
of  Mr.  Adams  in  a  highly  unfavorable  light.  The  President 
authorized  a  reply  which  was  printed  in  the  "  National  Intelli- 
gencer," in  the  course  of  which  he  made  against  certain  lead- 
ers of  the  Federal  party  in  Massachusetts  the  grave  charge  of 
a  purpose  to  dissolve  the  Union.  Thirteen  gentlemen,  eleven 
of  whom  were  certainly  entitled  to  represent  themselves  as 

to  remain  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Some  time  afterward  he  learned, 
greatly  to  his  surprise,  that  just  before  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  term  Craw- 
ford had  had  a  wordy  altercation  with  the  President,  and  had  applied  to  him  a 
term  which  one  gentleman  never  addresses  to  another.  After  that  affair  the 
President  and  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  were  not  on  speaking  terms,  and 
transacted  the  public  business  through  an  intermediary.  Mr.  Adams,  record- 
ing these  facts  in  his  diary,  expresses  regret  that  he  had  proposed  to  take  Mr. 
Crawford  into  the  cabinet.  His  knowledge  of  the  affair  explains  his  objec- 
tion to  the  idea  of  the  candidacy  of  Mr.  Crawford  for  the  vice-presidency. 


JACKSON'S  TRIUMPH  147 

among  the  chief  Federalists  of  the  State  in  1808,  while  the 
others  were  sons  of  two  such  leaders,  demanded  that  he  should 
substantiate  his  charge,  or  retract  it.  An  acrimonious  corre- 
spondence ensued.  Mr.  Adams  never  gave  to  the  world  his 
final  word  on  the  subject,  which  he  wrote  at  enormous  length 
just  at  the  close  of  his  administration.  It  was  first  published 
in  his  grandson's  "New  England  Federalism."  A  candid 
view  of  the  case  seems  to  be  that  disunion  was  discussed  by 
some  of  the  members  of  what  was  long  known  as  the  "  Essex 
Junto  ;  "  but  that  the  discussion  was  in  an  extremely  narrow 
circle,  and  that  even  among  them  the  idea  found  but  the  most 
limited  acceptance.  At  all  events  Mr.  Adams  named  but  two 
or  three  men  who  had  ever  heard  of  the  scheme,  although  he 
hinted  at  a  larger  number.  Of  course  the  assault  by  Mr. 
Adams  upon  the  Federalists  generally,  when  those  who  had 
been  members  of  that  party  had  but  lately  and  reluctantly 
come  to  his  support,  was  calculated  to  make  them  anything 
but  zealous  in  his  cause.  Nevertheless  it  could  operate  upon 
the  minds  of  voters  in  that  community  only  where  the  name 
of  Jackson  symbolized  all  that  was  evil  in  politics ;  and  for 
that  reason  it  cost  Adams  few  popular  votes,  and  no  electoral 
votes. 

The  number  of  States  that  participated  in  the  election  of 
1828  was  unchanged,  —  twenty-four.  Since  the  preceding 
election,  however,  there  had  been  a  general  change  on  the  part 
of  those  States  which  had  previously  chosen  electors  through 
the  medium  of  the  legislature,  to  the  popular  system.  Of  the 
six  States  wherein  the  legislature  had  exercised  this  privilege 
in  1824,  four  changed  to  a  popular  election  before  1828,  — 
Vermont,  New  York,  Georgia,  and  Louisiana.  The  change  in 
New  York  was  not  effected  without  a  great  agitation  of  the 
people.  The  legislature  held  to  the  powers  it  exercised  as 
long  as  it  dared.  Governor  De  Witt  Clinton  recommended 
the  change  to  the  legislature  at  a  special  session  called  in 
1820,  on  which  occasion  the  Senate  of  New  York  refused  to 
perform  any  legislative  duty  whatever,  and  treated  the  Gov- 
ernor with  such  open  disrespect  as  has  hardly  ever  been  shown 
toward  a  state  executive  by  any  de'partment  of  government. 
A  bill  was  passed  once,  perhaps  twice,  by  one  branch  of  the 
legislature,  some  years  later,  to  confer  the  right  on  the  people, 
but  the  other  branch  rejected  it.  At  last,  the  legislature, 
affecting  a  doubt  whether  the  people  really  cared  for  the  privi* 


146 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


lege,  passed  an  act  formally  submitting  the  question  to  them. 
If  there  had  been  any  real  doubt  the  result  of  the  popular 
vote  speedily  dispelled  it,  and  the  legislature  reluctantly  yielded 
to  the  urgent  demand. 

But  there  still  existed  differences  in  the  systems  of  election, 
even  among  those  where  there  was  an  appointment  of  electors 
by  popular  vote.  In  the  following  States  the  election  of  1828 
was  by  general  ticket,  —  the  system  which  is  now  universal : 
New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con- 
necticut, New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Kentucky,  Ohio, 
Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Missouri,  —  eighteen.  Some  of  these, 
like  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  and  North  Carolina,  having 
tried  for  many  years  to  secure  the  district  system  by  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution,  had  despaired  of  success,  and  adopted 
the  general  ticket.  Of  the  six  States  not  named  above,  two, 
Delaware  and  South  Carolina,  clung  to  the  old  method  of  legis- 
lative appointment.      In    Maine  and   New  York,  an  elector 


States. 

Jackson. 

Adams. 

Mode  of  Election. 

Maine 

New  Hampshire .... 

Vermont 

Massachusetts     .... 

Rhode  Island 

Connecticut 

New  York 

New  Jersey 

Pennsylvania 

Delaware 

Maryland 

Virginia 

North  Carolina  .... 
South  Carolina   .... 
Georgia      ...... 

Alabama 

Mississippi 

Louisiana 

Kentucky 

Tennessee  ...... 

Missouri 

Ohio 

Indiana 

Illinois 

13,927 

20,922 

8,350 

6,016 

821 

4,448 

140,763 

21,951 

101,652 

24,565 
26,752 
37,857 

19,363 
17,138 

6,772 

4,603 
39,397 
44,293 

8,272 
67,597 
22,257 

9,560 

20,733 
24,134 
25,363 
29,876 
2,754 
13,838 
135,413 
23,764 
50,848 

25,527 
12,101 
13,918 

No  opposition. 

1,938 

1,581 

4,076 

31,460 

2,240 

3,400 

63,396 

17,052 

4,662 

Districts. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
Districts. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
Legislature. 
Districts. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
Legislature. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
Districts. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 
General  ticket. 

Total 

647,276 

508,064 

JACKSON'S  TRIUMPH 


149 


was  chosen  for  each  representative  district,  and  the  members 
so  appointed  chose  the  two  additional  electors.  In  Maryland 
and  Tennessee,  the  States  were  specially  divided  into  districts 
for  the  choice  of  all  their  electors.  There  was,  however,  a 
divided  vote  of  the  electors  in  three  only  of  the  States. 

The  table  on  page  148  shows  the  popular  vote  of  the  States, 
and  the  manner  of  choosing  electors  in  each  State. 

The  electoral  count  was  quite  devoid  of  incident.  The  re- 
sult, which  was  ascertained  and  declared  in  the  usual  manner, 
was  as  follows  :  — 


States. 


Maine  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  , 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
JSouth  Carolina 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Alabama  .  . 
Mississippi  .  . 
Louisiana  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Ohio  .... 
Indiana  .  .  . 
Illinois  .  .  . 
Missouri .     .     . 

Total  .     .     . 


President. 


20 


5 

24 

15 

11 

9 

5 

3 

5 

14 

11 

16 

5 

3 

3 

178 


Vice-President. 


20 

28 

5 

24 
15 
11 

2 
5 

a 

5 

14 

11 

16 

5 

8 


171 


150  A   HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

"  Hurrah  for  Jackson  !  "  had  been  the  rallying  cry  of  the 
campaign,  and  the  answer  to  every  campaign  argument  against 
him, —  some  of  them  true,  many  of  them  false.  Those  who 
had  worked  to  bring  him  in  felt  sure  that  they  were  to  be 
rewarded,  and  they  flocked  to  Washington  for  the  inauguration 
in  such  throngs  as  the  capital  had  never  before  seen.  General 
Jackson's  own  progress  from  Tennessee  to  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  one  prolonged  triumph.  Shouting  crowds  of  de- 
lighted partisans  were  at  every  steamboat  landing.  On  the 
day  of  the  inauguration  the  streets  were  so  blocked  that  the 
procession  which  accompanied  the  President-elect  could  hardly 
make  its  way  to  the  Capitol.  The  ceremonies  took  place  on 
the  eastern  portico  of  the  building,  in  the  presence  of  a  vast 
multitude  of  men  from  every  part  of  the  country,  who  could 
not  repress  their  joy  at  the  prospect  that  "  the  rights  of  the 
people  "  were  at  last  restored  to  them. 


XIII 

THE  "OLD  HERO"  RE-ELECTED 

There  will  always  be  two  opinions  concerning  the  character 
of  Andrew  Jackson  and  of  his  administration, — as  to  the  fit- 
ness of  the  man  for  the  position  of  President,  as  to  the  worthi- 
ness of  the  motives  which  actuated  his  official  conduct,  as  to 
his  influence  upon  the  political  morals  of  his  country.  His 
administration  was  a  period  of  turmoil,  and,  whether  he  was 
right  or  wrong,  he  caused  it.  Another  man  than  he  would 
have  taken  the  view  that  the  good  name  of  the  government 
was  of  greater  concern  to  him  as  its  chief  than  that  of  any 
man  —  or  woman ;  and  would  not  have  deemed  it  in  accord- 
ance with  a  dignified  and  high-minded  conduct  of  public  affairs 
that  the  smallest  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  greatest  —  govern- 
mental questions  should  be  involved  with  the  question  whether 
or  not  a  certain  woman,  however  unjustly  accused,  should  be 
received  in  the  society  of  the  capital.  Another  man  than  he 
would  not  have  sought  a  quarrel  with  the  officer  with  whom 
he  had  been  associated  on  the  national  ticket,  on  account  of  an 
opinion  by  that  officer  ten  years  before,  in  the  privacy  of  a 
cabinet  council,  upon  one  of  his  —  Jackson's  —  acts.  These  two 
incidents,  the  attempt  to  force  the  unwilling  wives  of  his  cab- 
inet officers  to  associate  with  Mrs.  Eaton,  and  the  breach  with 
Mr.  Calhoun  which  was  apparently  planned  deliberately  by 
the  President  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  are  striking  examples  of 
the  change  that  came  over  the  government  when  Mr.  Adams 
went  out  and  General  Jackson  came  in.  They  were  both 
characteristic  of  the  new  regime  ;  neither  would  have  been  pos- 
sible under  the  old. 

The  change  was  broad  as  well  as  deep.  It  began  with  the 
reign  of  terror  among  the  office-holders.  Yet  the  upheaval 
of  the  civil  service  effected  by  Jackson  was  the  most  logical 
and  consistent  change  that  was  introduced  at  this  time.  There 
had  been  no  reason  for  the  rejection  of  Mr.  Adams  and  the 
election  of  General    Jackson,  save  a  personal  preference  for 


152  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Jackson.  If  that  was  a  good  reason  for  substituting  one  Pre- 
sident for  another,  it  was  surely  sufficient  to  justify  "  rotation  " 
in  the  minor  offices,  rotating  out  those  who  did  not,  and  rotat- 
ing in  those  who  did,  approve  and  assist  in  making  the  greater 
substitution.  No  President  before  Jackson  had  so  good  reason 
as  he  to  regard  his  elevation  as  a  personal  triumph,  or  to  as- 
sume that  the  whole  responsibility  of  government  was  intrusted 
to  him.  That  fact  may  explain  why  he  felt  justified  in  dis- 
playing anger  when  the  Senate  exercised  its  constitutional 
right  to  reject  his  nominations ;  why  he  adopted  a  dictatorial 
tone  toward  Congress  ;  why  he  discarded  the  old  custom  of 
consulting  the  members  of  his  cabinet  on  momentous  public 
questions,  and  sought  the  advice  of  a  coterie  of  politicians,  his 
devoted  slaves,  who  were  derisively  styled  the  "  kitchen  cab- 
inet." 

He  was  conscious  of  no  scruples  in  violating  rules  which  he 
himself  had  laid  down  for  the  conduct  of  others.  In  the  letter 
in  which  he  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  in  1825,  he  put 
more  stress  upon  the  importance  of  rendering  the  executive 
independent  of  Congress  than  upon  anything  else.  This  les- 
son came  to  him  from  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Clay,  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  a  cabinet  office,  by  Mr. 
Adams.  He  urged,  and  argued  at  length  in  favor  of,  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  "rendering  any  member  of 
Congress  ineligible  to  office  under  the  general  government  dur- 
ing the  term  for  which  he  was  elected,  and  for  two  years  there- 
after." Yet  when  he  made  up  his  own  cabinet  he  took  four 
of  its  six  members  from  Congress.  A  morbid  suspicion  of 
others  ;  a  combativeness  of  disposition  that  led  him  to  see 
causes  of  quarrel  where  none  existed,  and  to  take  up  the  quar- 
rels of  others  in  the  intervals  of  his  own  ;  and  a  total  lack  of 
that  sense  of  proportion  which  might  have  informed  him 
what  was  and  what  was  not  worth  fighting  about ;  —  this  com- 
bination of  personal  qualities  in  the  President  had  the  effect  of 
making  his  administration  as  turbulent  a  period  as  has  been 
known  in  our  history,  and  one  on  which  those  who  enjoy  a 
quiet  life  can  never  dwell  with  pleasure. 

It  would  be  uncandid  not  to  add  that  most  of  those  who 
have  not  studied  the  history  of  the  time,  and  many  of  those 
who  have  studied  it,  take  a  radically  different  view  of  the 
matter  from  that  which  is  here  presented.  To  them  Jackson 
is  a  man  who  rescued  the  country  from  great  constitutional 


THE   "OLD  HERO"   RE-ELECTED  153 

errors  —  the  doctrines  of  his  immediate  predecessor  ;  who  at- 
tacked and  destroyed  the  "  Monster,"  —  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States ;  who  instituted  a  great  reform  when  he  made 
a  clean  sweep  of  the  office-holders,  and  filled  their  places  with 
"  true  Republicans  ; "  whose  policy  was,  to  use  the  words  of  one 
of  his  stanchest  admirers,  Mr.  Benton,  "  to  simplify  and  purify 
the  workings  of  the  government,  and  to  carry  it  back  to  the 
times  of  Mr.  Jefferson  —  to  promote  its  economy  and  efficiency, 
and  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  people  and  of  the  States  in 
its  administration."  That  he  was  the  sturdiest  and  most  faith- 
ful of  friends  to  those  whom  he  liked  and  who  were  true  to 
him,  is  attested  by  his  zeal  in  doing  favors  for  them  at  the 
sacrifice  of  his  own  dignity.  Moreover,  his  masterful,  over- 
bearing character  did  not  prevent  —  it  might  perhaps  have 
been  the  cause  of  —  a  personal  popularity  that  outlasted  his 
administration  and  his  life,  and  is  perpetuated  in  a  Jackson 
cult  to  this  day.  To  his  conduct  in  one  emergency,  nullifica- 
tion in  South  Carolina,  none  will  give  more  unqualified  and 
unstinted  praise  than  those  who  regard  the  period  of  his  ad- 
ministration as  one  of  national  demoralization. 

Undoubtedly  he  was  the  man  for  his  time.  He  had  not  the 
support  of  those  who  regarded  government  as  a  serious  busi- 
ness, to  be  conducted  from  high  motives  and  with  calmness 
and  decorum.  But  those  people  were  a  minority.  His  adop- 
tion of  the  principle  first  formulated  by  Marcy,  that  "  to  the 
victors  belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy,"  was  applauded  and 
approved.  He  degraded  national  politics  to  the  level  of  a 
game  wherein  the  shrewdest  and  the  strongest,  rather  than  the 
best  and  the  wisest,  were  to  come  off  the  victors ;  yet  he 
merely  extended  the  operation  of  a  principle  that  had  long 
been  dominant  in  the  affairs  of  the  great  States  of  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania,  and  gave  to  a  great  majority  of  the  people 
of  the  country  a  government  of  a  sort  which  they  preferred  to 
that  which  had  preceded  it.  Thus  he  attracted  more  than  he 
repelled  ;  he  pleased  more  of  the  men  of  his  generation  than 
he  offended  ;  and  when  the  appeal  was  made  to  the  voters  of 
the  country  to  pass  judgment  upon  his  doings,  a  compact,  en- 
thusiastic body  of  his  supporters  confronted  a  disorganized  and 
discordant  opposition. 

General  Jackson,  in  his  first  message  to  Congress,  December 
8,  1829,  expressed  the  opinion  that  "  it  would  seem  advisable 
to  limit  the  service  of  the  chief-  magistrate  to  a  single  term  of 


154  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

either  four  or  six  years."  *  Three  months  afterward,  in  March, 
1830,  Major  W.  B.  Lewis,  one  of  the  "kitchen  cabinet," 
wrote  to  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature,  urging  the 
importance  of  the  reelection  of  General  Jackson  in  1832.  He 
enclosed  a  draft  of  a  letter,  addressed  to  the  President,  begging 
him  to  stand  for  reelection,  to  be  signed  by  the  members  of  the 
legislature.  It  was  signed  by  sixty-eight  members,  and  sent 
to  the  general.  Although  he  thought  the  liberties  of  the  peo- 
ple would  be  safer  if  a  President  did  not  seek  reelection,  he 
evidently  did  not  fear  that  those  liberties  would  be  endangered 
by  his  own  reelection ;  for  he  acceded  tacitly  to  the  above- 
mentioned  spontaneous  demand. 

Few  of  the  measures  of  the  period  between  1829  and  1832 
had  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  question  of  the  presidential  suc- 
cession ;  for  that  was  already  settled.  But  they  did  have  a 
great  part  in  bringing  about  a  division  of  the  people  into 
parties,  and  in  determining  which  of  these  parties  should  be 
successful.  General  Jackson  made  the  question  of  internal 
improvements  one  of  leading  importance  by  his  veto  of  the 
Maysville-road  bill,  in  May,  1830.  He  thus  attached  to  the 
party  of  which  he  was  the  chief,  all  those  who,  in  this  par- 
ticular, favored  a  "strict  construction"  of  the  Constitution. 
He  took  the  part  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  in  their  effort  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  lands  owned  by  the  Creek  and 
Cherokee  Indians,  and  thereby  gave  encouragement  to  the 
Georgia  nullifiers,  which  he  afterward  more  than  neutralized 
by  his  courageous  and  patriotic  action  against  South  Carolina 
nullification.  Jackson's  attitude  on  the  question  of  the  dis- 
position of  the  public  lands  made  him  popular  in  the  western 
States;  although  a  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress  prevented  definite  action. 

The  tariff  of  1828,  styled  by  its  opponents  a  "  tariff  of 
abominations,"  had  been  passed  amid  great  excitement  during 
the  last  year  of  Adams's  administration,  but  was  by  no  means 
an  administration  measure.  It  was  most  bitterly  denounced 
at  the  South,  and  caused  the  first  steps  toward  nullification  in 
South  Carolina.  The  defiance  of  the  national  authority  by 
that  State  became  most  serious  when  the  tariff  act  of  1832  was 

1  He  repeated  this  recommendation,  in  conjunction  with  one  for  an  amend- 
ment of  the  Constitution  providing  for  an  election  of  President  by  the  people, 
in  the  five  succeeding  annual  messages. 


THE   "OLD  HERO"  RE-ELECTED  155 

passed,  leaving  untouched  the  protective  duties  that  had  caused 
the  greatest  offence. 

Jackson's  most  popular  act  was  his  assault  upon  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  It  is  not  to  the  purpose  to  urge  either 
that  he  was  right  or  that  he  was  wrong  ;  that  he  undertook 
the  "war"  because  he  thought  Mr.  Biddle,  the  president, 
wished  to  thwart  him,  or  because  he  believed  the  Bank  en- 
dangered the  liberties  of  the  people.  The  act  was  popular, 
as  assaults  upon  capitalists,  "  bloated  bondholders,"  "  trusts," 
and  "the  money  power"  have  always  been,  in  this  country. 

The  candidacy  of  General  Jackson  for  reelection  being 
predetermined,  the  only  matter  which  remained  for  the 
Democrats  to  consider  was  the  choice  of  a  candidate  for  Vice- 
President.  The  President  was  in  favor  of  Martin  Van  Buren, 
the  Secretary  of  State.  It  is  clear  that  he  allowed  Mr.  Van 
Buren  to  have  a  free  hand,  and  to  make  all  his  arrangements 
with  a  view  to  the  succession.  His  letter  resigning  his  seat 
in  the  cabinet,  April,  1831,  was  a  skilfully  worded  announce- 
ment that  he  was  a  candidate  for  the  place  when  General 
Jackson  should  retire.  The  President  nominated  him  as 
minister  to  England,  and  he  departed  for  his  post  during  the 
recess  of  the  Senate ;  the  Senate  rejected  the  nomination,  and 
Jackson  was  more  than  ever  determined  that  he  should  be 
tl  Vice-President  now,  and  President  afterward."  Parton  says 
that  there  was  a  ■"■  programme  "  laid  down  before  Jackson  had 
been  a  year  in  office,  — -  "  a  programme  of  succession  so  long 
that  it  would  have  required  twenty-four  years  to  play  it  out. 
It  was  divided  into  three  parts  of  eight  years  each :  Andrew 
Jackson,  eight  years  ;  Martin  Van  Buren,  eight  years  ;  Thomas 
H.  Benton,  eight  years,"  He  does  not  give  his  authority  for 
this  statement,  which  can  be  neither  proved  nor  disproved. 

The  chronological  order  of  events  requires  that  we  should 
mention  first  the  formal  nomination  of  opposition  candidates. 
The  alleged  abduction,  in  1826,  of  William  Morgan,  who  was 
supposed  to  have  revealed  the  secrets  of  Freemasonry,  caused 
the  origin  of  an  Anti-Masonic  party.  From  western  New 
York,  the  place  of  its  birth,  it  spread  over  a  large  part  of  the 
North  and  played  an  important  part  in  some  state  elections. 
In  September,  1830,  a  national  convention  of  Anti-Masons 
was  held  in  Philadelphia.  Four  New  England  States,  New 
York,  Ohio,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  Mary- 
land, —  ten    States  in  all,  —  together  with   the  Territory  of 


156  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Michigan,  were  represented  by  96  delegates.  It  was  voted  to 
hold  a  second  national  convention  in  Baltimore  on  the  26th  of 
September,  1831,  to  be  composed  of  delegates  equal  in  num- 
ber to  the  representatives  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  from 
each  State,  and  to  be  chosen  by  the  people  opposed  to  secret 
societies,  for  the  purpose  of  making  nominations  for  the  offices 
of  President  and  Vice-President. 

The  convention  was  held  at  the  time  and  place  designated. 
Delegates  to  the  number  of  113  were  present,  representing  all 
the  New  England  and  Middle  States,  Ohio  and  Indiana.  It  had 
been  intended  to  nominate  Judge  McLean,  of  Ohio.  McLean 
was  Postmaster-General  under  Mr.  Adams,  but  had  neverthe- 
less been  a  supporter  of  Jackson  all  through  the  administration. 
When  he  displayed  an  unwillingness  to  administer  the  Post- 
office  Department  as  a  part  of  the  "spoils"  with  which 
the  Democratic  workers  were  to  be  rewarded,  the  President 
appointed  him  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He  seems  to 
have  passed  at  once  to  the  opposition.  At  all  events,  after 
the  convention  of  Anti-Masons  in  1830,  he  had  consented 
provisionally  to  become  the  candidate  of  the  party,  if  nomi- 
nated. It  appears  that  certain  influential  "  National  Repub- 
licans," as  the  opposition  now  termed  itself,  gave  notice  that 
they  could  not  support  Judge  McLean,  and  he  accordingly 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  Baltimore  convention  withdrawing  his 
name.  It  was  the  avowed  purpose  of  the  Anti-Masons  to 
present  the  name  of  one  upon  whom  all  the  opponents  of 
Jackson  could  unite.  Their  course  was  somewhat  disingenu- 
ous, since  by  far  the  largest  section  of  the  opposition  desired 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Clay. 

The  convention  invited  Chief  Justice  Marshall,  who  was  in 
the  city,  to  sit  with  the  convention,  and  he  accepted  the  in- 
vitation. A  ballot  was  taken  for  a  candidate  for  President. 
William  Wirt,  of  Maryland,  received  108  of  111  votes  cast. 
Having  more  than  the  three  fourths  which  it  had  been  pre- 
viously voted  should  be  necessary  for  a  choice,  he  was  de- 
clared nominated.  A  committee  was  sent  to  inform  him  of 
his  nomination.  He  went  into  the  convention  and  delivered 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  speeches  ever  heard,  in  response 
to  such  a  notification.  He  avowed  that  he  had  been  made  a 
Mason;  confessed  that  he  never  saw  any  harm  in  the  order 
until  this  political  party  was  founded  on  the  principle  of 
opposition  to  secret  societies;  declared  that  Masonry  as  they 


THE   "OLD  HERO"  RE-ELECTED  157 

conceived  it  "was  not  and  could  not  be  Masonry  as  under- 
stood by  Washington ;  "  and  concluded  by  telling  the  dele- 
gates that  if  they  had  nominated  him  under  a  misapprehension 
he  would  permit  them  to  substitute  another  name  for  his  own. 
After  his  address  the  delegates  unanimously  voted  to  stand  by 
the  nomination.  They  completed  the  ticket  by  nominating 
Amos  Ellmaker,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  Vice-President.  The 
convention  adopted  no  platform,  but  issued  a  long  and  verbose 
address  to  the  American  people. 

The  next  convention,  that  of  the  National  Kepublicans,  was 
held  at  Baltimore  on  December  12,  1831.  Seventeen  States 
were  represented  by  167  delegates.  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  and  Illinois  were  unrepresented. 
How  many  delegates  attended  from  each  State,  and  how  they 
were  chosen,  cannot  be  ascertained.  That  it  was  not  a  gather- 
ing of  volunteers  is  evident  from  the  facts  that  a  committee  on 
credentials  was  appointed  and  that  the  convention  adjourned 
to  give  the  committee  time  to  do  its  work.  General  Abner 
Lacock,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  temporary  chairman  of  the 
convention,  and  Governor  James  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  the 
permanent  president.  The  members  voted  for  a  candidate  for 
President  by  rising  in  their  seats  as  their  names  were  called 
and  announcing  their  vote.  The  nomination  of  Henry  Clay 
was  unanimous.  In  the  same  manner  John  Sergeant,  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  unanimously  nominated  for  Vice-President. 
A  committee  was  raised,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each 
State,  to  inform  Mr.  Clay  of  the  nomination  ;  and  the  commit- 
tee was  constituted  by  the  delegation  from  each  State  naming 
its  own  member.  Thus,  in  the  earliest  days  of  the  convention 
system,  one  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the  nomination 
was  introduced  in  precisely  the  present  form.  In  1831,  how- 
ever, the  notification  was  by  mail  instead  of  by  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  residence  of  the  candidate.  The  convention  adopted  no 
resolutions,  but  it  issued  an  address  severely  criticising  the 
administration  for  its  corruption,  partisanship,  and  abuse  of 
power ;  for  the  hostility  it  had  manifested  to  internal  improve- 
ment, for  treachery  on  the  tariff  question,  for  the  war  on  the 
Bank,  and  for  the  humiliating  surrender  to  Georgia  in  the 
matter  of  the  Cherokee  Indians. 

By  recommendation  of  this  convention  a  national  assembly 
af  young  men  met  in  Washington  in  May,  1832,  which  accepted 
the  nominations  made  by  the  National  Republicans  and  adopted 


158  A   HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  following  series  of  resolutions,  —  the  first  platform  evei 
adopted  by  a  national  convention  :  — 

1.  Resolved,  That,  in  the  opinion  of  this  convention,  although 
the  fundamental  principles  adopted  by  our  fathers,  as  a  basis  upon 
which  to  raise  a  superstructure  of  American  independence,  can 
never  be  annihilated,  yet  the  time  has  come  when  nothing  short 
of  the  united  energies  of  all  the  friends  of  the  American  republic 
can  be  relied  on  to  sustain  and  perpetuate  that  hallowed  work. 

2.  Resolved,  That  an  adequate  protection  to  American  industry 
is  indispensable  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country ;  and  that  an  aban- 
donment of  the  policy  at  this  period  would  be  attended  with  conse- 
quences ruinous  to  the  best  interests  of  the  nation. 

3.  Resolved,  That  a  uniform  system  of  internal  improvements, 
sustained  and  supported  by  the  general  government,  is  calculated 
to  secure,  in  the  highest  degree,  harmony,  the  strength,  and  the 
permanency  of  the  republic. 

4.  Resolved,  That  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  is 
the  only  tribunal  recognized  by  the  Constitution  for  deciding  in 
the  last  resort  all  questions  arising  under  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  the  United  States,  and  that  upon  the  preservation  of  the 
authority  and  jurisdiction  of  that  court  inviolate  depends  the 
existence  of  the  nation. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  is  preemi- 
nently a  conservative  branch  of  the  federal  government;  that  upon 
a  fearless  and  independent  exercise  of  its  constitutional  functions 
depends  the  existence  of  the  nicely  balanced  powers  of  that  govern- 
ment ;  and  that  all  attempts  to  overawe  its  deliberations  by  the 
public  press  or  by  the  national  executive  deserve  the  indignant 
reprobation  of  every  American  citizen. 

6.  Resolved,  That  the  political  course  of  the  present  Executive 
has  given  us  no  pledge  that  he  will  defend  and  support  these  great 
principles  of  American  policy  and  the  Constitution ;  but,  on  the 
contrary,  has  convinced  us  that  he  will  abandon  them  whenever 
the  purposes  of  party  require  it. 

7.  Resolved,  That  the  indiscriminate  removal  of  public  officers, 
for  the  mere  difference  of  political  opinion,  is  a  gross  abuse  of 
power;  and  that  the  doctrine  lately  "boldly  preached"  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  that  "  to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils 
of  the  enemy,"  is  detrimental  to  the  interests,  corrupting  to  the 
morals,  and  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  this  country. 

8.  Resolved,  That  we  hold  the  disposition  shown  by  the  pre- 
sent national  administration  to  accept  the  advice  of  the  King  of 
Holland,  touching  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the  United  States, 
and  thus  to  transfer  a  portion  of  the  territory  and  citizens  of  a 
State  of  this  Union  to  a  foreign  power,  to  manifest  a  total  destitu 


THE  "OLD   HERO"  RE-ELECTED  159 

tion  of  patriotic  American  feeling,  inasmuch  as  we  consider  the 
life,  liberty,  property,  and  citizenship  of  every  inhabitant  of  every 
State  as  entitled  to  the  national  protection. 

9.  Resolved,  That  the  arrangement  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  relative  to  the  colonial  trade,  made  in  pursuance 
of  the  instructions  of  the  late  Secretary  of  State,  was  procured  in 
a  manner  derogatory  to  the  national  character,  and  is  injurious  to 
this  country  in  its  practical  results. 

10.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  of  this  repub 
lie,  who  regards  the  honor,  the  prosperity,  and  the  preservation  of 
our  Union,  to  oppose  by  every  honorable  measure  the  reelection 
of  Andrew  Jackson,  and  to  promote  the  election  of  Henry  Clay, of 
Kentucky,  and  John  Sergeant  ol  Pennsylvania,  as  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Democratic  convention,  which  was  held  at  Baltimore 
on  May  21,  1832,  was  a  striking  example  of  the  hold  which 
Jackson  had  on  his  party,  perhaps  still  more  of  the  authority 
which  the  general's  agents  were  allowed  to  exercise  in  his 
name.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  not  the  free  choice  of  the  Demo- 
crats for  the  office  of  Vice-President.  Every  contemporary 
authority,  except  Benton,  assures  us  of  that  fact.  Yet  Jack- 
son desired  his  nomination,  and  the  machinery  was  set  in 
motion  to  effect  it.  In  May,  1831,  Major  Lewis,  second  audi- 
tor of  the  Treasury,  wrote  from  Washington  to  Amos  Kendall, 
fourth  auditor  of  the  Treasury,  who  was  then  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, urging  the  propriety  of  having  a  convention  to  nominate 
a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  in  May  of  the  following  year  ; 
hinting  that  it  would  be  well  if  the  New  Hampshire  legislature 
were  to  propose  such  a  convention,  and  advising  him  to  "  make 
the  suggestion  to  our  friend  [Isaac]  Hill."  This  scheme  of 
the  "  kitchen  cabinet "  —  for  it  was  at  this  time  composed 
itf  the  three  men  named  in  the  last  sentence  —  was  carried  out. 
The  result  was  communicated  to  the  public  in  "  a  letter  of  a 
gentleman  "  in  New  Hampshire,  printed  in  the  "  Globe,"  the 
President's  organ,  in  June,  1831.  The  "  gentleman "  was 
Mr.  Kendall,  and  the  extract  printed  was  as  follows  :  — 

The  Republican  members  of  the  New  Hampshire  Legislature, 
to  the  number  of  about  169,  met  last  evening.  An  address  and 
resolutions  approving  of  the  principles  and  measures  of  the  present 
administration,  the  veto  of  the  President  on  the  Maysville  Road  bill, 
disavowing  the  doctrine  of  nullification,  disapproving  Clay's  Amer- 
ican system,  but  recommending  a  judicious  reduction  of  the  duties, 
disapproving  of  the  United  States  Bank,  passed  the  convention 


160  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

unanimously.  The  convention  also  recommended  a  general  conven- 
tion of  Republicans  friendly  to  the  election  of  General  Jackson,  to 
consist  of  delegates  equal  to  the  number  of  electors  of  President  in 
each  State,  to  be  holden  at  Baltimore  on  the  third  Monday  of  May, 
1832,  to  nominate  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  and  take  such 
other  measures  in  support  of  the  reelection  of  Andrew  Jackson  as 
may  be  deemed  expedient. 

The  suggestion  of  a  convention,  thus  put  forth  with  ap- 
proval in  the  newspaper  which  had  been  established  for  the 
express  purpose  of  being  the  mouthpiece  of  the  administration, 
was  seconded  by  all  the  party  organs ;  and  the  delegates  were 
chosen.  Most  of  them  were  ready  to  register  the  will  of  the 
President,  and  measures  were  taken  to  secure  the  acquiescence 
of  such  as  were  inclined  to  oppose  it.  Major  Eaton,  lately  the 
Secretary  of  War,  and  the  husband  of  the  famous  Mrs.  Eaton, 
already  referred  to,  was  a  delegate  from  Tennessee.  He  went 
to  Baltimore  determined  to  oppose  Van  Buren ;  but  he  found 
there  a  letter  from  Major  Lewis,  advising  him  to  support  that 
gentleman  "  unless  he  wished  to  quarrel  with  the  general." 
He  yielded,  and  voted  for  Van  Buren.  At  the  "  Jackson 
state  convention "  of  Pennsylvania,  held  in  March,  1832, 
Mr.  Van  Buren  had  no  supporters.  The  Democrats  of  the 
State  were  in  favor  of  the  Bank,  and  were  angry  at  Van  Buren 
because  the  New  York  legislature  had  adopted  resolutions 
against  the  institution.  There  was  a  long  contest  in  the  con- 
vention between  the  friends  of  Mr.  Dallas,  Mr.  Buchanan,  and 
Mr.  Wilkins,  which  resulted  in  favor  of  Mr.  Wilkins.  So 
strong  was  the  determination  not  to  accept  Mr.  Van  Buren 
that  the  electors  nominated  were  pledged  to  vote  for  Mr.  Wil- 
kins, and,  if  he  should  be  induced  to  withdraw,  or  if,  for  any 
other  reason  he  should  not  be  a  candidate,  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Dallas.  Yet  when  the  convention  was  held,  every  vote  of 
Pennsylvania  was  in  favor  of  Van  Buren.  The  electors  never- 
theless obeyed  their  instructions  and  gave  Mr.  Wilkins  their 
votes. 

The  convention  met  on  the  day  named  in  the  saloon  of  the 
Athenaeum.  Every  State  except  Missouri  was  represented; 
and  the  number  of  delegates  is  reported  to  have  been  326. 
But  according  to  the  rules  the  States  represented  were  entitled 
to  but  282  delegates.  The  number  of  votes  cast  for  a  candi- 
date for  Vice-President  exceeded  this  number  by  one.  Gen- 
eral Robert  Lucas,  of  Ohio,  was  the  temporary  and  also  the 


THE   "OLD  HERO"  RE-ELECTED  161 

permanent  president.      On  the  second  day  of  the  convention 
the  Committee  on  Rules  reported  the  following :  — 

Resolved,  That  each  State  be  entitled,  in  the  nomination  to  be 
made  of  a  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency,  to  a  number  of  votes 
equal  to  the  number  to  which  they  will  be  entitled  in  the  electoral 
colleges,  under  the  new  apportionment,  in  voting  for  President  and 
Vice-President ;  and  that  two  thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  the 
votes  in  the  convention  shall  be  necessary  to  constitute  a  choice. 

This  was  the  origin  of  the  famous  two-thirds  rule,  by  which 
all  subsequent  Democratic  conventions  have  governed  them- 
selves in  making  nominations.  On  the  first  ballot  for  a  can- 
didate for  Vice-President,  Martin  Van  Buren  had  208  votes, 
Philip  P.  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  49,  and  Richard  M.  Johnson, 
of  Kentucky,  26  votes.  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  voted 
solidly  for  Mr.  Barbour,  who  had  also  fifteen  votes  of  dele- 
gates from  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  and  Alabama.  Colonel 
Johnson  had  the  full  vote  of  Kentucky  and  Indiana,  and  two 
votes  from  Illinois.  Mr.  Van  Buren,  having  received  more 
than  two  thirds  of  all  the  votes,  was  declared  the  nominee. 
General  Jackson  was  recommended  in  the  following  resolu- 
tion :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  convention  repose  the  highest  confidence  in. 
tk  e  purity,  patriotism,  and  talents  of  Andrew  Jackson,  and  that  we 
most  cordially  concur  in  the  repeated  nominations  which  he  has 
received  in  various  parts  of  the  Union  as  a  candidate  for  reelection 
to  the  office  which  he  now  fills  with  so  much  honor  to  himself  and 
usefulness  to  his  country. 

No  other  resolution  was  adopted.  A  committee  was  ap- 
pointed to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  in  support  of  the 
action  of  the  convention ;  but  on  the  last  day  of  the  session 
a  report  was  made  that  the  time  had  been  too  short  to  fulfil 
that  duty  ;  and  this  was  accepted  as  satisfactory.  Possibly  the 
difficulty  of  saying  anything  upon  the  Bank  question  without 
sacrificing  the  electoral  vote  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  absurdity 
of  issuing  an  address  in  which  no  mention  should  be  made  of 
the  Bank,  had  more  to  do  than  had  the  lack  of  time  with  the 
failure  of  the  committee  to  put  the  principles  of  the  party  in  a 
fitting  form  of  words. 

The  convention  accomplished  the  object  for  which  it  was 
held,  although  it  did  not  wholly  overcome  the  repugnance  of 
Democrats  in  all  the  States  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  or  suppress  the 
movement  in  favor  of  rival  candidates.     A  Jackson-Barbour 


162  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

convention  was  held  in  Charlottesville,  Virginia,  in  June," 
by  which  Mr.  P.  P.  Barbour  was  formally  nominated  as  the 
candidate  for  the  vice-presidency  in  conjunction  with  General 
Jackson  for  President.  Later  in  the  same  month  a  similar  con- 
vention was  held  in  North  Carolina,  in  which  delegates  from 
eighteen  counties  participated.  The  candidacy  of  Mr.  Wilkins 
was  purely  local  in  Pennsylvania,  and  that  of  Mr.  Barbour 
came  to  nothing. 

The  tone  of  political  discussion  during  the  canvass  which 
preceded  and  followed  these  nominations  was  unexampled  for 
its  violence  and  rancor.  The  veto  by  the  President  of  the 
bill  rechartering  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  had 
been  passed  by  both  Houses  of  Congress  in  spite  of  executive 
opposition,  although  there  was  a  Democratic  majority  in  each' 
House,  intensified  the  bitterness  of  the  conflict.  It  also 
showed  the  strength  of  General  Jackson's  hold  upon  thu 
people,  that  he  could  still  retain,  not  only  the  support  of 
the  people,  who  were  probably  with  him  in  his  war  on  the 
Bank,  but  that  of  the  politicians  as  well,  —  including  that  of 
men  who  had  even  voted  to  pass  the  Bank  bill  over  the  veto. 
Mr.  Dallas  was  one  of  this  class.  He  had  introduced  the  bill 
for  a  new  charter  in  the  Senate,  had  supported  it  at  every 
stage,  and  voted  for  it  after  the  veto ;  and  yet,  within  a  month 
after  the  failure  of  the  bill,  he  was  found  addressing  a  meet- 
ing in  Philadelphia  which  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  refer- 
ring to  the  Bank  veto  and  expressing  thanks  to  the  President 
for  his  fearless  discharge  of  duty.  Nothing  was  too  severe  for 
the  opponents  of  Jackson  to  say  of  him ;  and  the  violence  of 
their  denunciations  was  equalled  by  the  angry  vituperation 
which  the  Democrats  poured  out  upon  the  National  Republi- 
cans  and  all  other  advocates  of  the  Bank. 

The  early  elections  were  not  clearly  indicative  of  the  re- 
sult in  November.  In  the  Kentucky  election,  which  took 
place  in  August,  a  "  Jackson  "  governor  and  a  "  Clay  "  lieu- 
tenant-governor were  chosen,  each  by  a  small  majority.  Maine 
was  carried  for  the  Jackson  ticket  in  September,  but  by  a 
greatly  "reduced  majority.  The  October  elections  also  gave 
the  opposition  hope,  which  the  result  in  the  ensuing  month 
was  not  to  justify ;  for  Ohio,  though  giving  a  plurality  to  the 
Jackson  ticket,  seemed  capable  of  being  captured  by  the  op- 
position if  it  could  be  united ;  and  Pennsylvania  gave  to  Gov- 
ernor Wolf,  the  Democratic  candidate,  but  a  few  thousand 


THE  "OLD   HERO"  RE-ELECTED 


163 


majority,  —  less,  in  fact,  than  a  third  of  that  two  years  before; 
New  Jersey  and  Maryland  gave  anti-Jackson  majorities.  The 
chance  of  success  in  defeating  the  President  led  to  fresh  com- 
binations' and  coalitions  where  there  was  not  already  union 
among  the  several  elements  of  the  opposition.  The  National 
Republicans  adopted  the  Anti-Masonic  electoral  ticket  in  New 
York,  and  there  was  a  combination  of  the  same  kind  in  Ohio 
and  elsewhere.  But  the  Democrats  professed  a  serene  confi- 
dence in  the  result,  and  they  were  not  mistaken.  The  doubt- 
ful States,  with  the  exception  of  Kentucky,  gave  majorities, — 
some  of  them  small  but  all-sufficient,  —  to  the  Jackson  and 
Van  Buren  ticket.  The  Jackson  party  had,  however,  wisely 
determined  not  to  put  up  a  ticket  in  opposition  to  the  Wilkins 
electors  in  Pennsylvania,  and  in  South  Carolina  the  contest 
for  the  legislature  had  been  wholly  between  the  Union  men 
and  the  Nullifiers ;  the  Nullifiers  carried  the  legislature  which 


States. 


Maine  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  . 
Massachusetts . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia .  .  . 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina  t 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Alabama  J  .  . 
Mississippi  .  . 
Louisiana  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Missouri .  .  . 
Ohio  .... 
Indiana  .  .  . 
Illinois    .     .     . 

Total  .    .    . 


Jackson. 


33,291 
25,486 

7,870 
14,545 

2,126 

11,269 

168,497 

23,856 

90,983 

4,110 
19,156 
33,609 
24,862 

20,750 

5,919 
4,049 
36,247 
28,740 
5,192 
81,246 
31,552 
14,147 


687,502 


Clay.* 


27,204 
19,010 
11,152 
33,003 

2,810 

17,755 

154,896 

23,393 

56,716 

4,276 
19,160 
11,451 

4,563 


No  opposition. 
2,528 
43,396 
1,436 


76,539 

15,472 

5,429 


530,189 


The  vote  for  Wirt  is  included  in  Clay's  vote. 

X  No  opposition  to  Jackson. 


t  By  legislature. 


164 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


was  to  appoint  the  electors.     On  the  whole  it  was  a  great  vie* 
tory  for  the  Democrats. 

As  before,  twenty-four  States  took  part  in  this  election,  but 
the  number  of  electors  was  enlarged  by  the  new  apportion- 
ment which  had  been  made  after  the  result  of  the  census  of 
1830  was  ascertained.  Delaware  joined  the  States  which 
permitted  the  people  to  choose  the  electors.  South  Carolina 
alone  followed  the  old  system  of  appointment  by  the  legis- 
lature ;  and  she  retained  it  until  and  including  the  election 
of  1860.  Maine,  New  York,  and  Tennessee  also  abandoned 
at  this  time  the  district  system  of  election.     Maryland  only 


President. 

Vice-Pbesident. 

1 

i 

1 

t 

H 

PL4 

& 

States. 

I 

1 

| 

£ 

1 

< 

6 

§ 

1 

A 

| 

a 

1 

1 
If 

a 

I 

« 

1 

a 
1 

1 

i 
1 
i 

a 

JS 

3 

a 
m 

1 

i 

I 

>» 

L 

a 
■ 
W 

i 

Maine 

10 

10 

New  Hampshire 

7 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

_ 

- 

Vermont  .     .     . 

- 

- 

_ 

7 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

7 

Massachusetts 

- 

14 

_ 

_ 

14 

_ 

_ 

Rhode  Island 

_ 

4 

_ 

_ 

_ 

4 

p. 

_ 

_ 

Connecticut  . 

_ 

8 

_ 

_ 

_ 

8 

_ 

_ 

_ 

New  York     . 

42 

_ 

_ 

_ 

42 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

New  Jersey  . 

8 

- 

- 

- 

8 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Pennsylvania 

30 

30 

- 

- 

Delaware .     . 

- 

3 

_ 

- 

_ 

3 

_ 

- 

_ 

Maryland .     . 

3 

5 

- 

- 

3 

5 

- 

- 

- 

Virginia    .     . 

23 

— 

- 

- 

23 

- 

-■ 

- 

- 

North  Carolina 

15 

- 

- 

- 

15 

— 

- 

- 

- 

South  Carolina 

- 

- 

11 

_ 

- 

_ 

- 

11 

- 

Georgia     .     . 

11 

- 

- 

- 

11 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Alabama  . 

7 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Mississippi 

4 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Louisiana . 

5 

— 

- 

— 

5 

- 

— 

— 

— 

Kentucky 

- 

15 

- 

- 

- 

15 

- 

- 

- 

Tennessee 

15 

- 

- 

- 

15 

— 

_ 

- 

- 

Ohio     .     . 

21 

- 

_ 

- 

21 

_ 

_ 

- 

_ 

Indiana     . 

9 

- 

_ 

_ 

9 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

Illinois 

5 

- 

- 

- 

5 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Missouri   . 

4 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

Total 

219 

49 

11 

7 

189 

49 

30 

11 

7 

THE   "OLD  HERO"  RE-ELECTED  165 

adhered  to  it.  With  the  exception  of  South  Carolina  and 
Maryland,  therefore,  the  method  of  choosing  electors  had  now 
become  uniform  throughout  the  country,  without  the  inter- 
position of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 

The  count  of  electoral  votes  was  conducted  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  precedent,  without  dispute  or  incident.  The  result 
of  the  popular  and  the  electoral  votes  is  exhibited  on  preceding 
pages. 


XIV 

THE   CONVENTION  SYSTEM 

Since  1836  the  system  of  nominating  candidates  for  Pre- 
sident and  Vice-President  by  general  party  conventions  has 
been  universal.  During  the  intervening  sixty  years  no  can- 
didate, in  whose  favor  an  electoral  ticket  has  been  presented 
to  the  voters  of  any  State,  has  been  otherwise  placed  in  nomi- 
nation. It  therefore  becomes  timely,  at  this  point,  to  consider 
how  the  national  convention  came  to  supersede  the  earlier 
modes  of  nomination,  and  how  it  developed  into  the  important 
adjunct  of  the  government  which  it  has  become.  Even  so  late 
as  the  time  when  the  revolt  against  the  congressional  caucus 
began,  a  national  convention,  supposing  it  to  have  been  pos- 
sible to  constitute  such  a  body  for  such  a  purpose,  would  have 
been  quite  unsuitable.  But  just  as  the  growth  of  our  modern 
civilization  has  rendered  necessary  the  invention  and  the  im- 
mediate utilization  of  the  improved  instruments  of  rapid  trans- 
portation, and  of  instantaneous  communication  between  people 
at  a  distance  from  each  other,  so  the  evolution  of  political 
parties  as  compact  and  disciplined  organizations  enforced  the 
adoption  of  the  convention  system.  Neither  could  those 
parties  exist  in  their  present  efficiency  without  a  central  au- 
thority;  nor  can  we  conceive  of  a  body  better  adapted  to 
the  purpose  than  is  the  national  convention.  It  is  capable 
of  improvement  in  details,  but  the  general  structure  is  a  case 
of  perfect  adaptation  to  the  end  sought.  Moreover,  the  pro- 
position may  be  maintained  that  this  extra-constitutional  and 
extra-legal  institution  supplements  the  electoral  system  in  such 
a  way  as  to  realize  and  make  effectual  the  plans  and  purposes 
of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution. 

Let  us  note  anew  the  successive  steps  in  the  process  by 
which  the  necessity  for  this  system  arose.  When  the  Con- 
stitution was  adopted,  the  divergent  interests  of  the  people 
of  the  thirteen  States  were  almost  as  many  and  as  important 
as  their  common  interests.      The  first  division  into  parties 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  167 

was  really  upon  the  question  whether  the  common  welfare 
or  the  individual  welfare  of  the  States  should  be  deemed 
paramount,  —  that  is,  whether  the  Constitution,  establishing 
a  more  perfect  Union,  should  be  adopted.  When  that  had 
been  decided,  the  public  men  of  the  country  fell  apart  over 
the  discussion  whether  the  Constitution  should  bind  the  States 
together  closely  or  loosely.  The  conditions  under  which  par- 
ties existed  were  widely  different  from  those  which  prevail 
now;  and  these  conditions  affected  every  election  in  which 
national  issues  were  involved.  Party  lines  did  not  cut  across 
families  and  neighborhoods  to  such  an  extent  as  they  do  now, 
Nor  would  it  be  true  to  say  that  they  followed  state  lines. 
Yet  party  association  was  to  a  degree  a  matter  more  of  state 
or  of  community  public  opinion  than  of  individual  opinion. 
A  few  leaders  determined  the  political  course  to  be  pursued, 
the  ground  to  be  taken  on  public  questions,  and  the  candi- 
dates for  office  to  be  supported.  The  majority  accepted  the 
programme  set  forth  by  the  leaders ;  and  since  the  minority, 
recognizing  the  fact  that  it  was  outnumbered,  rarely  made 
a  stubborn  contest,  and  consequently  did  not  force  the  domi- 
nant party  to  exhibit  its  full  strength,  the  number  of  votes 
polled  was  usually  small.  One  example  will  suffice  to  illus- 
trate this  fact.  So  late  as  1824,  when  the  most  fiercely 
contested  election  of  President  known  up  to  that  time  took 
place,  eighteen  States  appointed  electors  by  popular  vote.  In 
eight  of  those  States  the  candidate  locally  successful  had  more 
than  three  times  as  many  votes  as  the  other  three  candi- 
dates combined.  The  population  of  the  eighteen  States  was 
about  7,800,000,  and  their  total  vote  was  in  round  numbers 
355,000,  —  less  than  one  twentieth  of  the  population.  New 
York  and  New  Jersey,  having  in  1896  about  as  many  inhab- 
itants as  the  eighteen  States  in  1824,  gave  a  total  of  1,783,000 
votes.  New  Jersey  alone,  in  1896,  cast  more  votes  than  were 
polled  in  the  whole  country  in  the  great  contest  of  1824. 

The  framers  of  the  Constitution  expected  that  the  electors 
of  President  and  Vice-President  would  exercise  an  individual 
judgment  in  making  a  choice.  But  when  the  government  was 
first  formed,  the  only  people  who  possessed  a  sufficient  acquaint- 
ance with  the  public  men  of  the  land,  save  those  of  their  own 
State  or  part  of  the  country,  were  the  officers  at  the  seat  of 
government  and  the  members  of  Congress.  Both  of  these  classes 
were  excluded  from  service  as  electors.     Consequently,  if  the 


168  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

electors  were  left  to  themselves,  it  was  inevitable  that  they 
would,  in  their  lack  of  acquaintance  with  others,  vote  for  can- 
didates from  their  own  or  near-by  States,  and  so  fail  to  make  a 
choice  ;  and  the  election  would  always  be  thrown  into  the  House 
of  Representatives.  The  selection  of  Washington  was  obvious 
and  easy.  When  he  retired  it  seemed  so  natural  that  the 
electors  should  choose  Mr.  Adams  for  the  succession  that  mem- 
bers of  his  own  party,  exerting  themselves  against  him,  failed 
to  effect  his  defeat.  Thus  the  administration  party  was  united 
in  spite  of  itself.  The  opposition  took  the  course  of  a  nomi- 
nation by  caucus  of  its  party  members  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  who  were  not  merely  the  best  but  the  only  compe- 
tent directors  of  the  policy  to  be  pursued,  the  only  force  that 
could  prevent  the  strength  of  the  party  from  being  scattered 
and  wasted,  and  the  only  means  of  enlightening  the  provin- 
cialism of  the  electors.  Consequently  the  congressional  caucus 
was  in  these  times  something  more  than  a  pardonable  device 
for  concentrating  public  opinion  ;  it  was  an  instrument  with- 
out which  the  party  success  of  a  great  majority  of  the  people 
would  have  been  impossible. 

Nevertheless  the  congressional  caucus  outlived  its  useful- 
ness. It  ceased  to  be  a  necessity  when  national  concerns  at 
last  outweighed  local  interests,  and  when  the  people  became 
acquainted  with  the  character  and  ability  of  public  men  in  all 
parts  of  the  country.  Always  —  in  spite  of  its  usefulness  — 
contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  which  enjoined  a 
strict  separation  and  the  full  independence  of  the  three  depart- 
ments of  government,  it  became  a  menace  to  popular  liberty 
when  it  was  used  as  a  means  of  muffling  the  people,  —  depriv- 
ing them  of  a  voice  in  the  selection  of  those  who  should  fill 
the  first  places  in  the  state,  and  usurping  that  power  in  behalf 
of  men  chosen  for  a  different  purpose  altogether,  and  wholly 
irresponsible  with  reference  to  the  choice  of  a  President.  The 
revolt  came  immediately  upon  a  disregard  of  the  will  of  the 
people,  and  upon  the  selection  of  second-rate  men  as  candidates, 
to  be  accepted  at  the  peril  of  a  party  defeat. 

Nomination  by  state  legislatures  was  the  temporary  make- 
shift of  those  who  rebelled  against  the  caucus.  Save  that  it 
was  not  obnoxious  to  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  it  was 
inferior  to  the  caucus  in  every  respect.  Those  who  made  the 
.nominations  had,  like  the  members  of  Congress,  no  commission 
to  undertake  the  duty  ;  and  they  had  not  the  qualification  for 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  169 

the  duty  conferred  upon  congressmen  by  their  opportunity  to 
take  a  general  survey  of  the  field,  and  to  compare  the  merits 
of  candidates.  Nomination  by  state  legislature  was  either  a 
movement  to  bring  forward  a  conspicuous  citizen  of  the  State 
presenting  his  name,  or,  originating  in  that  State,  was  a  cun- 
ningly devised  scheme  to  create  an  appearance  of  the  candi- 
date's popularity  and  importance  by  procuring  his  nomination 
by  the  legislature  of  another  State. 

John  Quincy  Adams  and  Jackson  were  the  only  Presidents 
whose  nomination  came  exclusively  from  state  legislatures. 
Adams  was  one  of  four  candidates,  three  of  whom  were  named 
for  the  office  by  the  legislatures  of  their  respective  States ;  and 
he  owed  his  election  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  Jack- 
son's nomination  in  1825  by  the  legislature  of  Tennessee  merely 
gave  his  canvass  an  early  start.  He  would  have  been  elected 
in  any  event.  Of  the  Vice-Presidents  chosen  at  the  same  time 
as  these  two  Presidents,  Calhoun,  having  been  nominated  for 
the  first  place  by  the  South  Carolina  legislature,  was  indebted 
for  his  first  election  to  a  concentration  upon  him,  arranged  by 
correspondence  between  the  political  leaders  of  the  anti-caucus 
forces,  after  he  had  withdrawn  as  a  candidate  for  the  presi- 
dency. His  second  election  came  from  an  alliance  with  Jack- 
son, without  any  nomination.  Van  Buren  came  in  under  the 
convention  system.  By  no  other  means  could  he  have  been 
made  the  candidate  of  his  party.  The  caucus  was  discredited 
and  extinct.  Nominations  by  friendly  legislatures  could  be 
had  easily  ;  but  there  were  unfriendly  legislatures  to  be  en- 
countered, including  that  of  the  President's  own  State  of  Ten- 
nessee, which,  despite  Jackson's  great  political  influence  and 
strong  preference  for  Van  Buren,  was  never  favorable  to  him. 
The  first  Democratic  national  convention  was  called  to  impose 
the  President's  will  upon  the  whole  party.  From  that  time 
until,  but  not  including,  the  year  1896,  every  national  conven- 
tion of  the  party  in  power  for  the  time  being  has  been  more 
or  less  under  the  influence,  in  some  cases  under  the  control,  of 
the  administration  ;  but  the  tendency  has  been  and  is  toward 
freedom  from  dictation  by  President  or  Congress. 

The  idea  of  the  nominating  convention,  commonplace  as  it 
is  to  us,  was  neither  a  part  of  our  political  inheritance  from 
England,  nor  yet  an  early  fruit  of  the  new  institutions  that 
came  with  the  Constitution.  In  Great  Britain,  until  within 
a  few  years,  candidates  for  Parliament  offered  themselves  for 


170  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

election,  or  were  presented  to  the  constituency  by  the  owner  of 
the  M  pocket  borough  "  or  by  the  general  leader  of  his  party. 
The  system  of  self -nomination,  borrowed  from  Great  Britain, 
was  the  usual  mode  of  making  candidates  in  many  of  the 
Southern  States  down  to  the  time  of  the  Civil  War,  and  is  even 
yet  not  altogether  extinct.  In  the  North  a  caucus  presented 
candidates,  but  it  was  quite  a  different  thing  from  the  caucus 
as  we  understand  the  term.  The  principle  was  not  recognized 
that  all  voters  should  be  permitted  to  participate  in  the  selec- 
tion of  candidates  as  well  as  in  a  choice  between  the  candidates 
offered  for  their  suffrages.  The  caucus  was  therefore  a  select 
gathering,  to  which  those  only  were  admitted  who  were  in- 
vited. Its  chief  function  was  the  selection  of  candidates  for 
the  legislature.  In  many  of  the  States  the  governor  and  all 
other  state  officers  were  chosen  by  the  legislature.  Where 
they  were  elected  by  popular  vote,  the  nominations  were  made 
either  by  a  legislative  caucus  or  —  rarely  —  by  a  convention, 
which  was  not  composed  of  elected  delegates,  but  was  virtually 
an  enlarged  and  general  state  caucus,  consisting,  like  the  small 
local  caucus,  of  persons  bidden  by  the  leaders  and  managers. 

It  is  not  easy,  from  the  meagre  materials  at  hand,  to  recon- 
struct the  political  machinery  in  use  during  the  first  thirty 
years  under  the  Constitution.  Nor  must  it  be  supposed  that, 
where  many  communities  were  developing  political  institutions 
without  much  help  from  one  another,  because  not  in  close 
intercourse,  any  general  statement  regarding  their  practice  is 
true  of  all.  We  may  trace  back  nearly  to  their  origin  institu- 
tions that  have  since  been  universally  adopted.  It  may  be 
stated  —  with  some  caution  —  that  the  earliest  prototype  of 
the  delegate  state  convention,  from  which  no  doubt  the  na- 
tional convention  was  derived,  forms  a  part  of  the  political 
history  of  Pennsylvania.  Like  many  inventions  in  the  arts, 
it  was  originally  the  result  of  accidental  necessity  and  crude  in 
form,  but  was  afterward  developed  into  a  useful  and  efficient 
instrument.  The  Republican  party  of  Pennsylvania  was 
divided  into  two  factions,  one  of  which,  by*  the  help  of  the 
Federalists,  who  were  few  in  numbers,  kept  Governor  McKean 
in  office  from  1799  until  1808.  His  term  was  about  to  expire, 
and  the  war  between  the  two  factions  was  to  be  renewed. 
The  partisans  of  Governor  McKean  determined  to  resort  to  the 
usual  device  of  a  caucus  of  members  of  the  legislature,  where 
they  were  strong,  both  in  actual  numbers  and  in  the  fact  that 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  171 

most  of  the  counties  of  the  State  were  represented  by  one  or 
more  members  of  their  faction.  Their  opponents  also  called  a 
caucus ;  and,  in  order  to  make  up  the  deficiency  in  their  repre- 
sentation, invited  their  supporters  in  every  county  which  would 
not  be  represented  by  a  member  of  the  legislature,  to  send  del- 
egates to  the  "convention."  Although  it  is  not  essentially 
a  part  of  the  history  of  the  development  of  the  convention,  it 
may  be  mentioned  as  an  interesting  series  of  facts  that,  in 
that  year,  1808,  the  "  constitutionalists "  and  "  convention- 
alists "  had  a  lively  scramble  for  priority  in  adopting  Mr. 
Madison  as  a  candidate ;  that  they  composed  their  differences, 
put  up  a  joint  electoral  ticket,  united  on  Simon  Snyder,  the 
convention's  candidate  for  governor,  left  the  Federalists  out  of 
the  government  altogether,  and  ruled  the  State  for  more  than 
thirty  years  thereafter. 

The  idea  of  the  state  convention  was  adopted,  extended,  and 
improved  in  New  York  and  other  States,  and  had  already  be- 
come an  ordinary  means  of  concentrating  and  organizing  party 
action,  when  the  necessity  of  adapting  it  to  national  politics 
arose,  to  be  soon  followed  by  the  opportunity  to  introduce  it. 
So  far  as  can  be  ascertained,  the  first  suggestion  to  this  effect 
came  also  from  Pennsylvania,  in  a  resolution,  already  cited 
(p.  130),  adopted  by  the  Democrats  of  Lancaster  County  in 
1824.  The  difficulties  therein  mentioned  were  already  disap- 
pearing in  1832  with  the  construction  of  railway  lines,*  and, 
before  1840,  were  unworthy  a  moment's  consideration  in  com- 
parison with  the  great  advantages  of  the  new  system. 

The  national  convention  of  to-day  is  in  its  essentials  what 
it  was  at  the  beginning,  seventy  years  ago ;  but  it  has  been 
modified  and  reformed  as  the  increasing  refinement  of  party 
machinery  rendered  changes  necessary.  This  remark  is  more 
accurate  as  applied  to  conventions  of  the  older  parties  than  to 
those  of  the  newer.  The  aim  is  always  to  constitute  conventions 
consisting  wholly  of  duly  elected  delegates  from  every  State 
in  the  Union,  and  in  numbers  proportioned  to  the  representa- 
tion of  the  States  in  Congress.  The  national  and  universal 
character  of  the  assembly  has  from  the  first  been  the  prime 
requisite ;  and,  in  order  to  render  it  national,  it  has  been  the 
custom  of  parties  in  the  process  of  formation  to  relax  the  rigor 
of  rules  which  would  exclude  delegates  irregularly  chosen,  and 
volunteer  members,  from  States  that  would  otherwise  be  un- 
represented.     Indeed,  most  of  the  parties  which   have  been 


172  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

formed  during  the  last  half -century — most  of  them  to  con- 
tinue in  existence  but  a  few  years  —  have  been  forced  at  first 
to  resort  to  many  devices  to  create  an  impression  that  they 
-were  national  in  character.  In  the  extreme  youth  of  more 
than  one  party,  the  national  convention  has  consisted  mostly 
or  wholly  of  volunteers,  who  came  together  rather  as  represent- 
atives of  their  own  opinions  than  as  regularly  chosen  dele- 
gates. In  such  cases  it  has  been  usual  to  allow  all  the  persons 
from  any  State,  few  or  many,  to  cast  a  number  of  votes  propor- 
tioned to  the  electoral  vote  of  the  State.  The  first  Democratic 
convention,  that  of  1832,  consisted  of  one  delegate  for  each  elect- 
oral vote.  But  the  practice  came  gradually  into  vogue  of  enlar- 
ging the  number  of  actual  delegates,  although  their  voting  power 
could  not  so  be  increased.  It  was  a  device  for  exerting  "pres- 
sure "  upon  a  convention  in  favor  of  a  particular  candidate  or 
a  "  plank  "  for  the  platform.  In  1848,  Virginia  sent  seventy 
delegates  to  the  Democratic  convention,  to  cast  seventeen 
votes.  Inasmuch  as  the  system  resulted  in  giving  undue  in- 
fluence to  the  States  which  thus  enlarged  their  delegations,  since 
it  made  conventions  unwieldy,  and  led  to  competition  between 
the  States  by  this  means  to  increase  their  power,  a  reform  was 
introduced.  The  present  practice  of  all  the  national  parties 
except  the  Populists  is  to  constitute  conventions  of  double  the 
number  of  electors,  and  not  to  allow  a  larger  membership  than 
the  number  of  votes  to  be  cast.1 

It  is  not  easy,  perhaps  it  is  not  possible,  to  ascertain  how 
the  delegates  to  early  conventions  were  chosen.  There  was  no 
uniform  practice,  and  conventions  were  not  over-particular  in 
scrutinizing  credentials.  If  there  was  a  case  of  contesting  dele- 
gations, which  occasionally  happened,  the  decision  was  not  made 
according  to  an  established  rule,  —  for  in  the  variety  of  methods 
of  choice  no  rule  could  have  been  made,  —  but  in  favor  of  that 
faction  whose  votes  were  most  needed  by  the  majority  of  the 
convention.  Or,  if  it  were  desirable  to  placate  both  factions, 
the  two  delegations  were  admitted  to  the  convention,  each 
member  to  have  half  a  vote.  In  the  early  days,  delegates 
were  frequently  chosen  by  the  party  members  of  the  state 
legislatures.  So  late  as  1864,  some  of  the  delegates  to  the 
Republican  national  convention  were  thus  appointed.  Dele- 
gate  state  conventions   were   called,  from    the   beginning,  in 

1  Save  in  cases  where  both  rival  delegations  are  admitted,  with  the  priv* 
lege  to  each  member  of  giving  a  fraction  of  a  vote. 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  173 

some  parts  of  the  country,  to  select  delegates  to  national  con- 
ventions. In  such  cases  the  whole  delegation  for  the  State 
would  be  chosen  by  the  state  convention,  either  acting  as  a 
whole,  or  dividing  itself  into  groups  representing  the  several 
congressional  districts. 

These  and  other  irregularities,  which  it  is  needless  to  spe- 
cify, have  disappeared.  Delegates  are  now  almost  universally 
chosen  by  conventions  consisting  of  members  elected  in  pri- 
mary meetings  to  which  the  whole  body  of  the  party  is  admitted. 
Four  delegates  at  large  are  appointed  by  a  state  convention,  and 
two  by  a  convention  within  each  congressional  district.  The 
Republican  party  not  only  prescribes  this  system,  but  requires 
that  the  conventions  shall  be  held  between  two  specified  dates. 
The  Democratic  party  has  not  adopted  all  these  rules  formally. 
Yet  public  opinion  within  the  organization  requires  a  general 
conformity  to  them.  In  one  noteworthy  recent  case,  the 
Democratic  convention  for  New  York,  prior  to  the  national 
convention  of  1892,  was  held  long  before  the  natural  and 
usual  time,  in  order  to  exercise  a  powerful  influence  upon  the 
result.  It  caused  great  indignation,  and  failed  of  its  purpose 
after  all. 

In  another  important  respect  the  practice  of  the  two  parties 
is  different.  The  principle  of  the  "  general  ticket "  in  choos- 
ing electors  was  long  ago  introduced  into  national  conventions, 
where  it  is  known  as  the  "  unit  rule."  The  state  convention 
instructs  all  the  delegates  for  the  State  to  vote  "  as  a  unit " 
on  all  questions  that  may  arise.  Such  an  instruction  was 
necessary  to  prevent  confusion  and  collision  when  large  dele- 
gations, which  might  not  be  numerically  a  multiple  of  the 
votes  allowed  to  the  State,  were  sent  to  national  conventions. 
It  may  be  suggested,  although  it  is  not  asserted,  that  this  was 
the  origin  of  the  rule.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  unit  rule  is 
held  to  bind  the  district  electors  as  well  as  those  who  repre- 
sent the  State  "  at  large."  Its  effect  is,  obviously,  not  only 
to  nullify  the  will  of  any  district  which  dissents  from  the 
general  policy  of  the  party  in  the  State,  but  to  employ  its 
votes  in  carrying  measures  which  it  wishes  to  oppose.  The 
unit  rule  is  still  recognized  in  Democratic  conventions  as  of 
binding  force ;  and  the  presiding  officers  decline  to  permit  the 
instructions  of  state  conventions  to  be  disregarded.  By  no 
means  all  the  States  bind  their  delegates  by  an  injunction  to 
cast  all  their  votes  as  a  majority  may  decide ;  but  more  than 


174  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

once  in  the  history  of  the  party  important  results  have  been 
achieved  or  prevented  in  national  conventions  by  the  enforce- 
ment  of  this  rule.  The  Republican  party,  which  had  already, 
on  more  than  one  occasion,  permitted  individual  delegates  to 
cast  their  votes  in  disregard  of  "  unit "  instructions,  at  last,  in 
1880,  repudiated  the  rule  altogether. 

In  the  order  of  procedure  all  conventions  are  nearly  alike. 
There  is  a  temporary  organization,  under  which  committees 
are  appointed  —  all  committees  consist  of  one  member  from 
each  State,  named  by  the  delegation  thereof  —  (a)  to  examine 
and  report  upon  the  credentials  of  members ;  (b)  to  nominate 
permanent  officers ;  and  (c)  to  prepare  and  present  the  plat- 
form. The  business  is  transacted  in  the  above  order :  first, 
contested  elections  are  decided ;  next  the  permanent  president 
of  the  convention  is  presented  and  installed ;  and  then  the 
platform  of  principles  is  reported,  discussed,  and  adopted. 
Afterward  the  nominatiori  of  candidates  is  in  order.  The 
congressional  caucus  and  the  earliest  conventions  announced 
their  principles  in  an  address  to  the  people  of  the  country, 
which  was  not  reported  until  after  the  nominations  had  been 
made.  In  modern  times  the  issues  of  the  pending  campaign 
invariably  are  set  forth  before  the  candidates  are  named.  It 
has  become  a  custom  to  present  the  several  candidates  to  the 
convention  in  nominating  speeches,  which  are  studiously  con- 
trived to  have  a  dramatic  effect  upon  the  audience,  and  to 
evoke  enthusiasm.  In  cases  where  there  is  a  contest  for  the 
nomination,  the  partisans  of  each  candidate  endeavor  to  outdo 
their  rivals  in  the  loudness,  the  fervor,  and  the  duration  of 
their  applause.  When  the  time  comes  to  vote,  the  roll  of  the 
States  is  called  in  alphabetical  order,  and  the  vote  of  each  state 
delegation  is  announced  by  one  of  its  members.  The  Repub- 
lican p°rty  alone  forbids  the  changing  of  votes  once  given. 
The  pi  nibition  is  designed  to  allow  some  time  for  reflection 
when  a  sudden  impulse  seizes  the  members  to  "  stampede " 
in  favor  of  a  certain  candidate.  It  has  always  been  believed 
that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Polk,  in  1844,  was  carefully 
planned  before  the  Democratic  convention  met.  Few  per- 
sons were  in  the  secret,  if  the  common  belief  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  movement  is  to  be  accepted.  The  defeat  of  Van  Buren 
was  the  one  thing  to  be  accomplished;  how.it  was  effected  is 
told  in  the  history  of  the  election  of  1844.  There  was  a 
similar  occurrence  in  1852;  and  Seymour  was  nominated  in 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  175 

1868  by  a  stampede  which  was  probably  not  planned  long  be- 
fore  it  was  set  in  motion.  The  purpose  of  bringing  Pierce 
forward  in  1852  was  formed  before  the  delegates  came  to- 
gether, but  he  was  held  in  reserve,  and  his  name  was  not  pre- 
sented until  the  thirty-fifth  vote.  On  the  vote  preceding  that 
which  gave  him  the  nomination,  he  had  the  support  of  less 
than  one  fifth  of  the  convention. 
1  It  will  be  observed,  from  the  summary  just  made,  that  the 
I  Republican  party  has  adopted  several  reforms  in  the  consti- 
tution, the  election,  and  the  proceedings  of  national  conven- 
tions, which  have  not  commended  themselves  to  the  Democrats. 
Moreover,  the  Democrats  cling  still  to  one  rule  which  has  never 
been  a  part  of  the  code  of  any  other  party  ;  that,  namely,  which 
requires  that  a  nomination  shall  be  made  by  two  thirds  of  the 
convention.  The  origin  and  the  history  of  this  rule  may  be 
found  in  the  proper  places  in  this  book.  It  is  appropriate  to 
say  here,  that  it  is  a  singular  inconsistency,  in  a  party  which 
permits  the  majority  of  a  state  delegation  to  take  full  posses- 
sion of  all  the  votes  allotted  to  that  State,  to  refuse  to  a  ma- 
jority of  the  whole  convention  the  right  to  name  a  candidate, 
and  thus  to  enable  a  determined  minority  to  enforce  its  own- 
will  or  —  as  happened  in  1860  —  break  up  the  convention. 

It  is  easy  to  see  in  what  features  there  is  still  room  for 
useful  reform  in  the  convention  system.  The  time  favorable 
for  making  the  necessary  changes  is  not  when  a  nomination  is 
pending ;  for  then  there  will  assuredly  be  a  faction  that  stands 
to  gain  and  another  that  stands  to  lose  by  the  reform.  It  would 
be  well  for  a  carefully  prepared  scheme  to  be  presented  to  a 
national  convention,  to  be  submitted  to  the  conventions  of 
the  several  States  for  adoption  or  rejection,  somewhat  as 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  are  submitted.  For  example, 
the  Democratic  convention  of  the  yeav  1900  might  ask  the 
state  conventions  of  its  party  next  to  be  held  to  vote  whether 
the  two-thirds  rule  should  be  retained  or  dropped,  and  direct 
that  in  case  a  majority,  three  fifths,  two  thirds,  or  any  other 
specified  fraction  of  the  state  conventions  adopted  the  change, 
it  should  go  into  effect  in  the  convention  of  1904. 

As  for  general  reforms,  it  is  clear  that  the  undue  influence 
of  the  local  opinion  of  the  city  and  State  in  which  the  con- 
vention is  held  should  be  neutralized ;  that  the  "  pressure " 
exerted  by  the  too  numerous  outsiders,  who  constitute  some- 
times a  body  of  participators  in  the  proceedings,  rather  than  an 


176  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

audience,  should  be  done  away  with  altogether ;  and  that  the 
ordinary  basis  of  representation  is  not  defensible.  The  first- 
mentioned  evil,  that  of  undue  local  influence,  would  be  dimin- 
ished by  calling  all  national  conventions  to  meet  in  Wash- 
ington. A  rule  that,  representatives  of  newspapers  excepted, 
the  number  of  non-members  admitted  to  witness  the  conven- 
tion should  not  be  greater  than  that  of  the  members,  would 
put  a  stop  to  the  practice  of  overawing  conventions  by  an 
organized  claque.  With  reference  to  the  basis  of  representa- 
tion, it  requires  no  argument  to  show  that  a  system  that 
gives  to  Texas  (203,000  plurality  for  Bryan  in  1896),  which 
never  cast  a  single  electoral  vote  for  a  Republican,  and  Massa- 
chusetts (173,000  plurality  for  McKinley),  which  never  con- 
tributed a  Democratic  electoral  vote  save  at  Monroe's  second 
election,  an  equal  vote  in  both  the  Democratic  and  the  Repub- 
lican conventions,  is  not  a  scientific  system.  It  may  not  be 
well  to  base  representation  wholly  upon  the  number  of  party 
votes  cast ;  but  a  combination  of  the  representation  of  States 
and  districts,  and  of  supporters  of  the  party,  would  give  an 
improved  basis. 

"  Although  defective  in  minor  points,  the  national  conven- 
tion echoes  accurately  the  voice  of  the  party.  It  does  not 
result  either  always  or  usually  in  the  selection  of  the  foremost 
men  in  the  party  ;  but  that  is  the  fault  of  the  party  and  not 
of  the  convention.  Whenever  the  party  is  united  in  its  pre- 
ference for  one  man  it  succeeds  in  nominating  him.  When 
it  is  divided  the  result  is  commonly  the  selection  of  an  obscure 
candidate;  and  that  would  be  the  result  under  any  system, 
even  the  most  perfect. 

The  peculiar  excellence  of  the  convention  system  is  that  it 
renders  possible  the  election  of  a  President  and  Vice-President 
in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Constitution,  and  is  in  a  real 
sense  a  means  of  taking  an  informal  ballot.  No  doubt  the 
idea  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution,  that  the  electors  should 
express  their  individual  preferences  and  judgment,  is  impracti- 
cable. It  was  rendered  so  by  the  provision  that  the  votes  of 
the  electors  are  to  be  taken  within  the  State  for  which  they 
are  respectively  appointed,  and  on  the  same  day.  In  such 
circumstances  there  would  never  be  a  choice  by  a  majority 
of  electors,  unless  there  were  a  previous  agreement,  or  at  least 
a  consultation,  between  those  who  think  alike  on  public  ques- 
tions.    As  we  have  seen,  the  earliest  consultation  took  place 


THE  CONVENTION  SYSTEM  177 

"between  self-constituted  leaders  who  were  not  electors ;  next 
between  the  representatives  of  parties  in  Congress ;  after  that, 
until  the  convention  was  devised,  there  was  no  agreement, 
and  the  electoral  system  bade  fair  to  go  to  wreck.  But  the 
convention,  taking  its  commission  directly  from  the  people, 
and  giving  an  expression  through  one  party  or  another  to 
the  will  of  all  the  people,  furnishes  a  guide  to  the  judgment 
of  the  electors  which  they  do  not  and  should  not  disregard. 
It  is  based  really  although  unintentionally  upon  the  theory 
of  an  indirect  choice  of  the  President  by  electors  free  to 
choose,  which  was  the  theory  of  the  fathers  of  the  Consti- 
tution. So  long  as  the  preliminary  electors  perform  their 
duty  well,  it  is  not  to  be  deplored  that  the  official  and  final 
electors  have  merely  the  duty  of  giving  formal  effect  to  a 
choice  already  made  for  them.  "  The  King  reigns  but  does 
not  govern "  in  a  constitutional  monarchy.  It  is  not  to  be 
regretted  that  a  committee  of  the  two  Houses  of  the  British 
Parliament  carry  on  the  government  subject  to  the  will  of  the 
people,  and  that  the  nominal  sovereign  is  merely  an  agent 
who  gives  formal  assent  to  their  plans,  and  may  not  overrule 
them.  As  in  that  case  of  the  British  government,  so  in  this  of 
our  electoral  system,  safety  lies  in  purifying  and  keeping  pure 
the  source  of  actual  power,  —  not  ***  overturning  the  electoral 
system  because  the  intentions  of  the  Fathers  are  not  carried 
out  in  all  their  exactness.  Parties  have  acquired  great  power 
in  our  government.  That  power  would  not  be  diminished  by 
an  abolition  of  the  indirect  election.  And  yet  the  goodness 
or  badness  of  ifie  choice  of  a  President,  and  of  the  govern- 
ment as  a  who'le,  is  to  depend  upon  the  question  whether 
parties  are  honorable  or  corrupt.  They  are  self-governing 
fractions  of  the  State.  They  make  the  President,  and  will 
continue  to  make  him  under  any  system.  Consequently  it 
should  be  the  concern  of  all  good  citizens  to  make  the  na- 
tional convention,  through  which  parties  act  directly  upon 
the  government,  a  free  and  independent  body,  expressive  of 
the  best  thought,  the  highest  motives,  and  the  truest  patriot- 
ism of  the  party. 


XV 

VAN  BUREN 

General  Jackson's  first  term  ended  in  the  midst  of  a 
brief  period  during  which  he  enjoyed  almost  universal  popu- 
larity. His  vigorous,  patriotic,  and  effective  proclamation 
against  South  Carolina  nullification  won  for  him  unstinted 
praise  from  men  who  were  wont  to  find  in  his  acts  nothing  but 
evil.  Parton  quotes  William  Wirt  (see  p.  156)  as  saying  at 
this  time  :  "  My  opinion  is,  he  may  be  President  for  life  if  he 
chooses."  Yet  in  a  few  months  he  took  another  step  which 
caused  a  recurrence  of  the  opposition  in  more  than  its  former 
violence.  In  a  paper  read  to  the  cabinet  in  September,  1833, 
he  said :  u  Whatever  may  be  the  opinions  of  others,  the  Presi- 
dent considers  his  reelection  as  a  decision  of  the  people  against 
the  Bank."  No  doubt  he  had  a  right  so  to  consider  it.  But 
he  had  no  right  to  fight  eve^  the  "  monster,"  which  the  people 
had  condemned,  with  the  unfair  and  illegal  weapons  which  he 
employed.  He  had  resolved  to  remove  the  deposits  of  the 
United  States  from  the  Bank,  in  the  face  of  the  law  which 
made  the  Bank  the  custodian  of  the  public  funds,  and  of  a 
resolution  of  Congress,  passed  after  an  investigation,  that  the 
Bank  was  solvent  and  the  funds  safe.  He  was  forced  to  re- 
move Mr.  McLane,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  the  State 
Department,  because  he  was  opposed  to  the  removal  of  the 
deposits.  Mr.  Duane,  whom  he  chose  for  the  Treasury  De- 
partment with  the  express  purpose  of  ordering  the  removal, 
flatly  refused  to  be  the  President's  agent  in  the  transaction, 
and  was  curtly  dismissed  from  office.  Roger  B.  Taney,  after- 
ward Chief  Justice,  was  transferred  from  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral's office  to  the  Treasury,  and  gave  the  order.  This  step 
caused  the  greatest  excitement,  and  stirred  the  opponents  of 
the  President  to  a  pitch  of  anger  almost  unexampled  in  our 
history.  The  Senate  refused  to  confirm  Mr.  Taney  as  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  and  it  passed  a  resolution  that  the 
President,  by  his  removal  of  the  deposits,  "  has  assumed  upon 


VAN  BUREN  179 

himself  authority  and  power  not  conferred  by  the  Constitution 
and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of  both."  This  was  the  resolution 
which  Thomas  H.  Benton  soon  afterward  moved  to  "  expunge  " 
from  the  journal  of  the  Senate,  and  which,  three  years  later, 
was  publicly  expunged. 

Another  act,  which  marked  the  close  of  Jackson's  first  ad- 
ministration, should  be  mentioned  here.  Congress  passed  an 
act  directing  the  distribution  of  the  revenue  derived  from  the 
sale  of  public  lands  among  the  several  States.  The  policy  of 
this  act  had  been  discussed  long  and  earnestly.  The  opposition 
of  the  President  was  well  known ;  yet  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives passed  the  bill  by  a  vote  of  96  to  40  ;  and  the  vote  of 
the  Senate  in  its  favor  was  23  to  5.  The  bill  was  laid  before 
the  President  so  near  the  expiration  of  the  twenty-second  Con- 
gress that  less  time  remained  than  the  ten  days  which  the 
Constitution  allows  the  President  to  retain  a  bill.  General 
Jackson  neither  signed  nor  returned  the  bill,  and  thus  thwarted 
the  will  of  more  than  two  thirds  of  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
This  was  the  first  case  of  a  "  pocket  veto." 

Almost  all  the  measures  adopted  or  even  discussed  during 
Jackson's  second  term  arose  directly  or  indirectly  from  the 
war  on  the  Bank.  The  state  bank  question ;  the  "  Specie 
Circular,"  or  order  requiring  all  the  land  offices  to  receive  gold 
and  silver  only  in  payment  for  public  land ;  the  widespread 
commercial  distress  following  an  era  of  wild  speculation  ;  the 
distribution  of  the  surplus  revenue,  —  these  were  the  subjects 
that  engaged  the  attention  of  Congress.  The  personal  influ- 
ence of  the  President  was  constantly  felt  in  Congress,  where  he 
was  supported  by  a  strong  and  trustworthy  body  of  adherents 
composing  a  majority  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  but, 
owing  to  the  hostility  of  State-Rights  senators,  constituting  a 
minority  only  of  the  upper  branch.  Among  the  people,  too, 
he  was  regarded  as  a  demigod.  Not  only  were  his  acts  ap- 
proved, but  his  sturdy  obstinacy  and  fearless  pugnacity  gave 
him  favor  with  the  masses  of  the  people  such  as  no  other 
President  before  him  or  since  his  time  has  enjoyed. 

But  the  opposition  was  earnest  and  active.  The  largest 
section  of  it  was  organized  in  1834  as  the  Whig  party.  The 
name  is  not  found  in  the  public  prints  of  the  time  before  April 
of  that  year,  when  it  is  mentioned  in  Niles's  Register,  with  a 
remark  to  the  effect  that  the  opposition  party  was  so  styled  in 
Connecticut  and  New  York.     Horace  Greeley's  Whig  Almanac 


180  A  HISTORY  OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 

for  1838  describes  the  party  as  then  constituted,  consisting  of 
"  (1)  Most  of  those  who,  under  the  name  of  National  Republi- 
cans, had  previously  been  known  as  supporters  of  Adams  and 
Clay,  and  advocates  of  the  American  system  ;  (2)  Most  of 
those  who,  acting  in  defence  of  what  they  deemed  the  assailed 
or  threatened  rights  of  the  States,  had  been  stigmatized  as 
Nullifiers,  or  the  less  virulent  State-Rights  men,  who  were 
thrown  into  a  position  of  armed  neutrality  towards  the  admin- 
istration by  the  doctrines  of  the  proclamation  of  1832  against 
South  Carolina;  (3)  A  majority  of  those  before  known  as 
Anti-Masons ;  (4)  Many  who  had  up  to  that  time  been  known 
as  Jackson  men,  but  who  united  in  condemning  the  high- 
handed conduct  of  the  Executive,  the  immolation  of  Duane, 
and  the  subserviency  of  Taney ;  (5)  Numbers  who  had  not 
before  taken  any  part  in  politics,  but  who  were  now  awakened 
from  their  apathy  by  the  palpable  usurpations  of  the  Executive, 
and  the  imminent  peril  of  our  whole  fabric  of  constitutional 
liberty  and  national  prosperity." 

The  party,  at  the  beginning  of  the  presidential  canvass, 
was  purely  and  simply  an  opposition  party.  Some  of  the 
elements  of  its  composition,  enumerated  above,  were  never 
fully  fused  with  the  rest,  and,  under  the  stress  of  Tyler's  ad- 
ministration, drifted  back  into  the  Democratic  party.  It  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  the  agreement  of  all  the  factions,  in 
hearty  disapproval  of  General  Jackson's  policy,  would  hold 
them  together  sufficiently  to  enable  them  to  support  one  can- 
didate heartily.  Indeed,  the  sole  motive  to  opposition,  so  far 
as  a  large  body  of  the  so-called  party  was  concerned,  was  an 
objection  to  the  President's  quite  unconcealed  manoeuvring  to 
designate  his  own  successor.  Leaving  the  plans  of  the  oppo- 
sition for  a  time,  let  us  observe  the  course  of  events  in  the 
Democratic  party. 

It  was  no  secret  that  the  President  desired  that  Mr.  Van 
Buren  should  be  his  successor.  It  was  rumored  at  one  time, 
and  quite  generally  believed,  that  he  contemplated  resigning 
and  leaving  the  presidential  office  to  the  Vice-President,  but 
that  he  abandoned  this  project  in  order  the  better  to  secure 
the  succession  to  Van  Buren.  However  this  may  have  been, 
it  is  certain  that  an  opposition  to  Van  Buren,  not  unlike  that 
which  had  existed  in  1831  and  1832,  threatened  to  make  itself 
felt  and  to  thwart  the  President's  plans.  It  manifested  itself 
in  the  President's  own  State  of  Tennessee,  where,  in  January, 


VAN  BUREN  181 

1835,  the  legislature  formally  presented  Judge  Hugh  L.  White, 
then  a  senator  from  Tennessee,  as  a  candidate  to  succeed  Jack- 
son. On  the  day  when  this  action  was  expected  to  be  taken, 
there  was  placed  on  the  desk  of  every  member  of  the  Tennessee 
legislature  a  package  containing  three  copies  of  the  Washington 
"  Globe/'  in  which  was  a  series  of  gross  attacks  upon  Judge 
White.  The  peculiarity  of  this  circumstance  lay  in  the  fact 
that  these  precious  documents  bore  the  frank  of  the  President, 
and  some  of  them  were  addressed  in  his  own  hand.  The 
supporters  of  Judge  White  maintained  with  much  plausibility 
that  he  had  stood  by  the  administration,  that  he  was  as  good  a 
Democrat  as  the  President  himself ;  that  there  was  no  estab- 
lished mode  of  nominating  candidates  ;  and  that  General  Jack- 
son himself  owed  his  nomination  to  the  Tennessee  legislature. 
Eight  years  had  wrought  a  vast  change  in  the  general's  attitude 
as  to  the  respective  rights  of  President  and  people  ;  and  he 
could  see  in  his  old  colleague  and  supporter  only  a  "  traitor." 
With  characteristic  determination  he  set  about  carrying  into 
execution  his  purpose  to  seat  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  the  presiden- 
tial chair.  Prompt  action  was  necessary.  All  but  two  of 
the  Tennessee  delegation  favored  Judge  White,  and  the  legisla- 
ture of  Alabama  had  followed  Tennessee  in  giving  him  a  nomi- 
nation. 

In  February,  1835,  the  President  wrote  to  a  friend  suggest- 
ing the  holding  of  a  national  convention,  to  be  composed  of 
delegates  "fresh  from  the  people," — a  phrase  upon  which 
the  opposition  played  much  during  the  ensuing  canvass,  —  for 
the  purpose  of  nominating  candidates  for  President  and  Vice- 
President.  The  convention  was  called,  and  met  in  Baltimore 
on  the  20th  of  May,  1835.  Mr.  Andrew  Stevenson,  of  Vir- 
ginia, late  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  was 
called  to  the  chair,  and  presided  throughout  all  the  sessions  of 
the  convention.  Twenty-two  States  and  two  Territories  — 
Michigan  and  Arkansas  —  were  represented.  No  delegates 
were  present  from  Illinois,  South  Carolina,  or  Alabama.  The 
representation  of  the  States  would  amuse  those  who  are  accus- 
tomed to  the  exact  methods  of  the  present  day.  A  list  of 
those  who  took  part  contains  626  names.  Of  these,  422  came 
from  the  States  of  Maryland,  Virginia,  New  Jersey,  and  Penn- 
sylvania. Maryland  is  mentioned  first  because  it  contributed 
181  members.  The  state  convention,  called  to  select  dele- 
gates, was  apparently  unwilling  to  deny  any  of  its  own  members 


182  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

an  opportunity  to  take  part,  and  accordingly  resolved  that  all 
of  them  should  be  delegates.  Virginia  sent  108,  New  Jer- 
sey 73,  and  Pennsylvania  60,  being  two  contesting  delega- 
tions of  30  each.  On  the  other  hand,  Tennessee  sent  no  del- 
egates ;  but  a  citizen  of  the  State  who  would  vote  for  Van 
Buren,  chancing  to  be  in  Baltimore,  presented  himself,  was 
admitted,  and  cast  the  fifteen  votes  allotted  to  Tennessee. 
His  name  was  Rucker ;  and  he  achieved  fame  through  the 
verb  "  to  ruckerize,"  which  was  coined  at  the  time,  a  piece  of 
political  slang  long  since  forgotten.  Both  sets  of  delega- 
tions from  Pennsylvania  were  admitted.  The  vote  of  the 
State  was  allowed  when  they  were  on  the  same  side,  as  in  the 
choice  of  candidates,  and  excluded  when  they  were  on  opposite 
sides. 

The  rules  reported  by  the  committee  appointed  for  that 
purpose  included  one  that  each  State  should'  be  allowed  to  cast 
as  many  votes  as  its  number  of  electors ;  and  "  that  a  majority 
of  two  thirds  shall  be  required  to  elect  the  candidates  for  Pre- 
sident and  Vice-President."  The  two-thirds  rule  was  vigor- 
ously attacked  as  unrepublican.  Mr.  Saunders,  of  North 
Carolina,  who  reported  it,  defended  it.  He  explained  that  it 
was  designed  to  create  "  a  more  imposing  effect."  Continuing, 
he  said  that  "  it  was  to  be  presumed  that  no  one  had  the 
most  remote  desire  to  frustrate  the  proceedings  of  the  conven- 
tion ;  and  provided  a  majority  should,  on  the  first  or  second 
ballot,  fix  upon  an  individual,  it  was  reasonably  to  be  expected 
that  the  minority  would  be  disposed  to  yield  and  unite  with 
the  majority,  so  as  to  produce  the  effect  contemplated."  In 
this  view  it  seemed  harmless ;  but  Mr.  Saunders  did  not  fore- 
see that  nine  years  later  he  would  himself  employ  the  device, 
contrived  to  increase  the  "  effect "  of  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Van  Buren,  to  defeat  that  same  gentleman.  After  debate,  the 
two-thirds  rule  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  231  to  210 ;  but  the 
next  morning  the  vote  was  reconsidered,  and  the  rule  reported 
by  the  committee  was  adopted.  Nominations  were  then  in 
order.  Martin  Van  Buren  received  a  unanimous  vote  as  a 
candidate  for  President.  Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of 
Kentucky,  had  178  votes  for  Vice-President,  and  William  C. 
Rives,  of  Virginia,  87.  Before  the  voting  began,  Virginia  gave 
notice  that  she  would  support  no  candidate  who  did  not  up- 
hold the  principles  of  the  party ;  and  after  Colonel  Johnson 
had  received  the  necessary  two  thirds  and   been  declared  the 


VAN  BUREN  183 

nominee,  her  delegates  further  announced  that  she  would  not 
accept  him  as  a  candidate. 

The  opposition  derided  and  denounced  "the  Van  Buren  con- 
vention." The  office-holders  who  took  part  in  it  were  counted 
and  their  names  were  published.  The  convention  was  declared 
to  be  a  revival  of  the  caucus  in  an  equally  objectionable  form. 
The  truth  was  that  no  convention  could  have  brought  the  op- 
posing factions  into  even  a  semblance  of  union,  and  that  they 
did  not  wish  to  unite.  Their  idea  was  to  take  advantage  of 
all  the  local  elements  of  hostility  to  the  reigning  dynasty,  to 
throw  the  election  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  — 
to  trust  to  luck  for  the  rest.  A  Pennsylvania  state  conven- 
tion of  Anti-Masons  held  at  Harrisburg,  December  16,  1835, 
nominated  General  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  for 
President,  and  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent. The  legislature  of  Ohio  nominated,  for  President, 
Judge  John  McLean,  of  that  State,  who  was  "  mentioned " 
for  the  presidency,  off  and  on,  from  1832  until  1860.  The 
Whigs  of  Massachusetts  nominated  Daniel  Webster.  It  was 
a  cunning  scheme.  Tennessee,  and  perhaps  one  or  two  other 
Southern  States,  would  vote  for  White.  South  Carolina  was 
against  Jackson,  and  was  expected  to  throw  its  vote  away  on 
some  one  who  had  no  other  supporters.1  Harrison  or  McLean 
would  carry  several  States  in  the  West,  and  perhaps  Pennsyl- 
vania. Webster  would  hold  New  England.  For  Vice-Presi- 
dent, Granger  was  accepted  as  the  candidate  in  all  the  States 
where  Harrison  was  supported,  and  in  Massachusetts ;  while 
John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  went  on  the  ticket  with  Judge  White. 
Although  the  scheme  was  a  promising  one  and  came  near  suc- 
cess, the  margin  of  safety  was  on  the  side  of  the  Democratic 
party  once  more,  largely  owing  to  the  strictness  of  party  dis- 
cipline, and  the  determined  use  of  the  national  patronage  to 
perpetuate  the  Jackson  dynasty  under  a  new  head.  The 
battle  between  the  contesting  forces  was  a  bitter  one.  Mr. 
Van  Buren  was  the  embodiment  of  all  that  was  objected  to 
on  the  part  of  the  Whigs  against  General  Jackson ;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  Democrats,  honestly  believing  that  the 

i  The  expectation  was  realized,  for  on  December  7, 1836,  the  South  Carolina 
House  of  Representatives  instructed  the  electors  of  the  State  not  to  vote  for 
Van  Buren,  White,  or  Harrison  ;  and  then  both  branches  instructed  them  to 
vote  for  Willie  P.  Mangum,  of  North  Carolina,  for  President,  and  for  John 
Tyler,  of  Virginia,  for  Vice-President. 


184  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

administration  in  power  had  acted  for  the  best  interests  of 
the  country,  could  find  no  words  too  severe  to  denounce  those 
who  would  undo  its  work.  They  made  it  a  special  accusation 
against  the  Whigs  that  they  were  for  the  Bank.  While  it 
was  true  of  the  most  of  them,  —  and,  considering  what  the  Bank 
had  done  for  the  currency,  and  the  great  disasters  which  fol- 
lowed its  overthrow,  it  was  greatly  to  their  credit  that  it  was 
true,  —  they  had  not  quite  enough  courage  to  avow  their  prin- 
ciples in  the  face  of  the  manifest  but  strange  hostility  of  the 
people  to  "  Biddle's  Bank." 

As  had  happened  in  1832,  the  early  autumn  elections  did  not 
promise  a  sweeping  victory  for  the  Democrats  ;  they  even  gave 
hope  to  the  opposition  that  the  election  would  be  thrown  into 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Ohio  and  New  Jersey,  which 
had  given  their  votes  to  Jackson  four  years  before,  were  car- 
ried by  the  Whigs.  The  Democratic  majority  in  Pennsylvania 
was  uncomfortably  small,  and  in  Maine  there  was  no  choice  of 
a  congressman  at  the  September  election  in  any  one  of  the 
eight  districts.  But  the  Democrats  worked  with  extraordinary 
energy  after  these  preliminary  reverses  and  saved  the  day,  al- 
though they  came  out  of  the  contest  with  a  largely  reduced 
majority. 

Twenty-six  States  took  part  in  the  election.  Arkansas  had 
been  admitted  on  the  15th  of  June,  1836.  Michigan,  which 
had  applied  for  admission  as  early  as  1833,  chose  electors,  and 
their  votes  were  counted,  as  we  shall  see,  in  the  same  manner 
as  were  those  of  Missouri  in  1821.  The  State  was  formally 
admitted  on  the  26th  of  January,  1837,  so  that  she  was  a 
State  at  the  time  the  electoral  count  took  place.  All  the 
States  except  South  Carolina,  whose  electors  were  appointed 
by  the  legislature,  chose  them  by  a  popular  vote  and  by  gen- 
eral ticket.     The  popular  vote  is  given  on  page  185. 

The  usual  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to 
report  upon  the  manner  of  conducting  the  count  of  votes  was 
introduced  in  the  Senate  on  the  26th  of  January,  1837.  An 
amendment  offered  by  Mr.  Clay,  and  adopted  by  the  Senate, 
directed  the  committee  also  "  to  inquire  into  the  expediency 
of  ascertaining  whether  any  votes  were  given  at  the  recent 
election  contrary  to  the  prohibition  contained  in  the  second  sec- 
tion of  the  second  article  of  the  Constitution  ;  and,  if  such  votes 
were  given,  what  ought  to  be  done  with  them ;  and  whether 
any,  and  what,  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  securing  the 


VAN  BUREX 

185 

States. 

Van  Buren. 

Whig. 

Whig  Candidate. 

Maine 

22,990 

15,239 

Harrison. 

New  Hampshire 

18,722 

6,228 

Harrison. 

Vermont 

14,039 

20,996 

Harrison. 

Massachusetts 

33,542 

41,287 

Webster. 

Rhode  Island 

2,964 

2,710 

Harrison. 

Connecticut 

19,291 

18,749 

Harrison. 

New  York 

166,815 

138,543 

Harrison. 

New  Jersey 

25,592 

26,137 

Harrison. 

Pennsylvania 

91,475 

87,111 

Harrison. 

Delaware 

4,153 

4,733 

Harrison. 

22,168 

25,852 

Harrison. 

Virginia 

30,261 

23,468 

White. 

North  Carolina 

26,910 

23,626 

White. 

South  Carolina* 

— 

— 

— 

22,104 

24,876 

White. 

Alabama 

20,506 

15,612 

White. 

Mississippi 

9,979 

9,688 

White. 

Louisiana 

3,653 

3,383 

White. 

Arkansas 

2,400 

1,238 

White. 

Kentucky 

33,435 

36,955 

Harrison. 

Tennessee 

26,129 

36,168 

White. 

Missouri . 

10,995 

7,337 

White. 

Ohio 

96,948 

32,478 

105,404 
41,281 

Indiana 

Harrison. 

18,097 
7,332 

14,983 
4,045 

Michigan 

Harrison. 

Total 

762,978 

736,250 

*  Electora  chosen  by  the  legislature. 


faithful  observance,  in  future,  of  that  section  of  the  Constitu- 
tion." The  House  having  agreed  to  the  resolution  in  this 
form,  the  committee  reported  to  the  Senate  on  the  4th  of 
February.  After  remarking  that  the  shortness  of  the  time 
allowed  had  prevented  a  proper  investigation  of  the  matters 
referred  to  the  committee,  the  report  proceeds  :  — 

The  correspondence  which  has  taken  place  between  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee  and  the  heads  of  the  different  departments 
of  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  accompanies  this  report, 
from  which  it  appears  that  Isaac  Waldron,  who  was  an  elector  in 
New  Hampshire,  was,  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  as  elector, 
president  of  a  deposit  bank  at  Portsmouth,  and  was  appointed  and 
acting  as  pension  agent,  without  compensation,  under  the  authority 
of  the  United  States ;  that  in  two  cases  persons  of  the  same  names 
with  the  individuals  who  were  appointed  and  voted  as  electors  in 


186  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  State  of  North  Carolina  held  the  offices  of  deputy  postmasters 
under  the  general  government.  It  also  appears  that  in  New 
Hampshire  there  is  one  case,  in  Connecticut  there  is  one  case,  in 
North  Carolina  there  is  one  case,  in  which,  from  the  report  of  the 
Postmaster-General,  it  is  probable  that,  at  the  time  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  electors  in  these  States  respectively,  the  electors,  or  per- 
sons of  the  same  name,  were  deputy  postmasters.  The  committee 
have  not  ascertained  whether  the  electors  are  the  same  individuals 
who  held,  or  are  presumed  to  have  held,  the  offices  of  deputy 
postmasters  at  the  time  when  the  appointment  of  electors  was 
made ;  and  this  is  the  less  to  be  regretted  as  it  is  confidently  be- 
lieved that  no  change  in  the  result  of  the  election  of  either  the 
President  or  Vice-President  would  be  affected  by  the  ascertainment 
of  the  fact  in  either  way,  as  five  or  six  votes  only  would  in  any 
event  be  abstracted  from  the  whole  number ;  for  the  committee 
cannot  adopt  the  opinion  entertained  by  some  that  a  single  illegal 
vote  would  vitiate  the  whole  electoral  vote  of  the  college  of  electors 
in  which  it  was  given,  particularly  in  cases  where  the  vote  of  the 
whole  college  has  been  given  to  the  same  persons. 

The  committee  are  of  opinion  that  the  second  section  of  the 
second  article  of  the  Constitution,  which  declares  that  no  senator 
or  representative,  or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit 
under  the  United  States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector,  ought  to  be 
carried  in  its  whole  spirit  into  rigid  execution  in  order  to  prevent 
officers  of  the  general  government  from  bringing  their  official  power 
to  influence  the  elections  of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States.  This  provision  of  the  Constitution,  it  is  believed, 
excludes  and  disqualifies  deputy  postmasters  from  the  appointment 
of  electors ;  and  the  disqualification  relates  to  the  time  of  the  ap* 
pointment,  and  that  a  resignation  of  the  office  of  deputy  post- 
master after  his  appointment  as  elector  would  not  entitle  him  to 
vote  as  elector  under  the  Constitution. 

Should  a  case  occur  in  which  it  became  necessary  to  ascertain 
and  determine  upon  the  qualification  of  electors  of  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  the  important  question  would 
be  presented,  What  tribunal  would,  under  the  Constitution,  be 
competent  to  decide  ?  Whether  the  respective  colleges  of  electors 
in  the  different  States  should  decide  upon  the  qualifications  of 
their  own  members,  or  Congress  should  exercise  the  power,  is  a 
question  which  the  committee  are  of  opinion  ought  to  be  settled 
by  a  permanent  provision  upon  the  subject. 

It  may  be  remarked  here  that  only  in  1877  has  a  vote  ever 
been  challenged,  at  the  time  of  the  electoral  count,  on  the 
ground  that  the  person  giving  it  was  disqualified  under  the 


VAN  BUREN  187 

terms  of  the  Constitution.  In  recent  years  parties  have  been 
careful  not  to  place  upon  their  electoral  tickets  any  one  who 
was  even  constructively  "  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit 
under  the  United  States,"  —  as,  for  example,  a  director  in  a 
national  bank,  or  other  corporation  chartered  by  Congress.  In 
the  case  before  us  the  committee  reported  no  bill  or  resolution 
on  the  subject.  It  merely  reported  the  usual  resolution  for 
counting  the  vote,  together  with  a  second  resolution,  exactly 
like  that  which  had  been  adopted  in  1821  in  regard  to  the 
votes  of  Missouri,  to  cover  the  case  of  Michigan.  In  the  Sen- 
ate this  resolution  provoked  some  discussion.  Senators  were 
divided  over  the  question  whether  Michigan  was  or  was  not  a 
State  of  the  Union  for  the  purposes  of  the  election.  The 
resolution  was  finally  adopted  by  a  vote  of  34  to  9.  In  the 
course  of  the  debate  a  senator  asked  Mr.  Grundy,  of  Tennessee, 
who  reported  the  resolutions,  what  course  would  have  been 
pursued  if  the  vote  of  Michigan  would  have  varied  the  result  ? 
Mr.  Grundy  replied  that  the  gentleman  could  not  expect  him 
"  to  answer  a  question  which  the  wisest  of  their  predecessors 
had  purposely  left  undetermined.  What  might  be  done  under 
the  circumstances  adverted  to,  should  they  ever  occur,  the 
wisdom  of  the  day  must  decide." 

The  official  count  of  the  electoral  vote  may  be  found  on 
page  188. 

The  result  was  announced  in  the  alternative  form  prescribed 
by  the  joint  resolution,  concluding  with  the  declaration  that, 
whether  the  votes  of  Michigan  were  counted  or  not  counted, 
Martin  Van  Buren  was  elected  President,  and  that  no  person 
had  a  majority  of  votes  for  Vice-President ;  that  an  election 
to  that  office  had  not  been  effected  ;  that  Richard  M.  John- 
son, of  Kentucky,  and  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York,  were 
the  two  highest  on  the  lists  of  electoral  votes,  and  that  it  de- 
volved on  the  Senate  to  choose  a  Vice-President  from  these 
persons. 

On  returning  to  its  own  chamber,  the  Senate  adopted  a  re- 
solution prescribing  the  manner  in  which  an  election  should 
be  made.  The  names  of  the  senators  were  called  in  alphabeti- 
cal order,  and  they  voted  viva  voce.  On  the  first  trial,  Rich- 
ard M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  was  chosen  by  a  vote  of  33  to  16 
for  Francis  Granger.  This  is  the  only  occasion  in  our  politi- 
cal history  that  the  choice  of  the  Vice-President  has  devolved 
upon  the  Senate. 


188 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


President. 

Vice-President. 

States. 

to 

a 

■ 

3 

m 

1 

a 

© 

1 

§ 

H 

» 

1 

3 

1 

H 

■2 

3 

1 

■ 

'S 

* 

a" 

§ 

Pi 

6 

1 

I 

i 
i 

.2 

i 

4 

a 

i 

£ 

1 

to 

i 

3 

3 

£ 

tS 

Q 

* 

« 

fe 

>-s 

£ 

Maine  . 

10 

_ 

_ 

_ 

_ 

10 

_ 

_ 

_ 

New  Hampshire     . 

7 

- 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

- 

Vermont  .     .    ♦ 

- 

7 

- 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

— 

Massachusetts 

- 

- 

- 

14 

- 

- 

14 

- 

- 

Rhode  Island 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

— 

- 

Connecticut  . 

8 

- 

- 

- 

- 

8 

- 

- 

- 

New  York     . 

42 

- 

- 

- 

- 

42 

- 

— 

- 

New  Jersey  . 

- 

8 

- 

- 

- 

- 

8 

- 

- 

Pennsylvania 

30 

- 

- 

- 

- 

30 

- 

- 

— 

Delaware  .     . 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

— 

Maryland .     . 

- 

10 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

10 

- 

Virginia    .     . 

23 

23 

North  Carolina 

15 

- 

- 

- 

- 

15 

- 

- 

- 

South  Carolina 

- 

- 

- 

- 

11 

- 

- 

11 

— 

Georgia     .     . 

- 

- 

11 

- 

- 

- 

- 

11 

- 

Alabama  . 

7 

- 

- 

- 

- 

7 

- 

- 

- 

Mississippi 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

- 

Louisiana . 

5 

— 

— 

— 

- 

5 

- 

- 

— 

Arkansas  . 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

Kentucky 

- 

15 

- 

- 

- 

- 

15 

- 

- 

Tennessee 

- 

- 

15 

- 

- 

- 

- 

15 

- 

Missouri    . 

4 

- 

- 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

- 

Ohio     .     . 

- 

21 

- 

- 

- 

- 

21 

- 

- 

Indiana     . 

- 

9 

- 

- 

- 

- 

9 

- 

- 

Illinois 

5 

- 

- 

- 

- 

5 

- 

- 

- 

Michigan  . 

3 

- 

- 

- 

- 

3 

- 

- 

- 

Total 

170 

73 

26 

14 

11 

147 

77 

47 

23 

The  occasion  of  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  a 
great  triumph  for  the  "  old  hero."  It  was  what  Jackson's 
not  too  impartial  and  judicial  biographer,  James  Parton,  terms 
the  election  of  Van  Buren,  —  "  the  consummation  of  his  most 
cherished  hopes."  There  was  no  Jeffersonian  simplicity  in 
the  ceremony.  The  general  and  the  President-elect  rode 
together,  with  a  military  escort,  in  the  "  Constitution  phaeton," 
drawn  by  four  grays.  There  was  a  great  throng  to  witness 
the  taking  of  the  oath  and  to  listen  to  the  inaugural  address. 


VAN  BUREN  189 

General  Jackson,  infirm  and  ill  and  racked  with  pain,  but 
still  indomitable,  sat  uncovered  during  the  delivery  of  the  ad- 
dress. He  had  had  the  satisfaction  to  witness,  what  he  had 
anticipated  in  a  letter  written  to  a  friend  two  days  before, 
"  the  glorious  scene  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  once  rejected  by  the 
Senate,  sworn  into  office  by  Chief  Justice  Taney,  also  being 
rejected  by  the  factious  Senate." 


XVI 

TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO 

The  canvass  of  1840,  the  "  log  cabin  "  and  "  hard  cider  " 
campaign,  stands  unique  in  the  political  history  of  the  country. 
It  was  marked  by  intense  and  extraordinary  enthusiasm  on  the 
part  of  young  men  for  a  candidate  who  was  close  upon  seventy 
years  of  age.  The  party  which  won  the  victory  was  a  party 
in  name  only,  for  it  had  no  other  bond  of  union  than  opposi- 
tion to  the  administration  of  the  day.  It  announced  no  posi- 
tive principles,  it  had  no  definite  policy.  Yet  it  triumphed 
over  the  closely  organized  party  which  had  governed  the  coun- 
try since  the  beginning  of  the  century,  —  unless  the  four 
years'  term  of  the  second  Adams  is  to  be  excepted,  —  which 
was  strongly  intrenched  in  the  offices,  and  was  using  the  public 
patronage  without  scruple  to  perpetuate  its  own  power. 

Many  writers  have  put  on  record  their  estimate  of  Mr.  Van 
Buren's  character,  and  of  his  rank  in  the  list  of  those  who 
have  occupied  the  presidential  chair  ;  but  neither  his  warm 
partisans  nor  those  who  have  placed  the  lowest  estimate  upon 
him  as  a  statesman  attribute  the  disastrous  defeat  of  the 
Democracy  in  1840  to  causes  personal  to  him.  That  he  drew 
the  first  breath  of  his  public  life  in  the  atmosphere  of  political 
intrigue,  bargain,  •treachery,  and  confusion,  which  has  hung 
over  the  State  of  New  York  from  the  days  of  Washington  to 
the  days  of  McKinley,  explains  much  in  the  story  of  his  career. 
In  his  y<5ung  manhood  he  was  a  distinguished  party  manager, 
and  owed  his  advancement  to  the  arts  which  he  then  cultivated. 
His  adroitness  in  maintaining  a  non-committal  attitude  until  it 
was  practically  certain  which  side  was  to  win,  and  then  coming 
out  strongly  on  that  side,  was  proverbial.  Age,  responsibility, 
and  experience  made  him  almost  a  statesman.  He  intended 
to  make  his  administration  a  continuation  of  Jackson's.1     In 

1  William  Allen  Butler,  in  his  brief  but  beautiful  tribute  to  his  lifelong 
friend,  remarks:  "Mr.  Van  Buren  'followed  in  the  footsteps  of  his  illustrious 
predecessor.'  The  predecessor  had  been  too  illustrious,  and  his  footsteps  had 
so  shaken  the  whole  social  system  that  a  great  shock  was  inevitable." 


.    TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO  191 

adherence  to  the  political  principles  of  his  predecessor,  the 
purpose  was  carried  out.  But  Van  Buren  was  a  gentleman,  in 
the  sense  of  possessing  culture  and  polished  manners,  and  in 
preferring  peace  and  order  to  quarrel  and  turmoil ;  and  in  this 
he  differed  so  greatly  from  General  Jackson  that  his  adminis- 
tration could  not  be  the  same.  He  surrounded  himself  with 
gentlemen,  bore  himself  with  dignity,  and  evinced  a  most 
laudable  desire  to  efface  the  memory  of  his  achievements  in  the 
political  field  as  "  the  Little  Magician,"  and  the  subserviency 
to  Jackson  which  insured  him  the  succession.  It  was  not 
unlikeness  to  his  predecessor  that  caused  his  defeat.  It  had 
required  all  of  Jackson's  authority  to  carry  him  through  ik 
1836,  and  his  margin  was  small.  To  make  use  of  an  arith- 
metical calculation  much  in  vogue  at  the  present  day,  which 
is  of  little  significance  (see  p.  17),  a  change  of  2183  votes  in 
Pennsylvania  would  have  lost  him  the  electors  of  that  State 
and  thrown  the  election  into  the  House  of  Representatives. 
More  than  the  small  change  necessary  to  defeat  him  was  forth- 
coming in  1840,  and  the  opposition  had  learned  to  unite  for 
that  one  purpose.  It  was  Van  Buren's  misfortune  that  the 
storm  which  Jackson  had  called  from  the  sky,  by  his  reckless 
use  of  high  explosives,  burst  just  as  Jackson  reached  shelter 
and  as  the  "  Magician  "  stepped  forth  to  take  the  great  rain- 
maker's place.  The  terrible  panic  of  1837  began  when  the 
administration  was  but  two  months  old,  —  a  direct  consequence 
of  the  financial  disorder  produced  by  Jackson's  war  on  the 
Bank.  The  enforced  liquidation  of  the  greatest  monetary  in- 
stitution in  the  country  ;  the  transfer  of  the  public  funds  to 
banks  much  weaker  and  far  more  loosely  managed  than  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States;  a  wild  speculation  induced  by  the 
excessive  note-issues  of  state  banks  which  had  a  fictitious 
capital  only ;  and  the  inability  of  the  banks  to  respond  when 
called  upon  to  refund  the  sums  intrusted  to  them,  under  the 
law  for  "  depositing  "  the  surplus  revenue  with  the  States,  — 
such  were  the  events  which  brought  about  the  suspension  of 
specie  payments  on  the  10th  of  May,  1837. 

It  is  true,  as  the  defenders  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  say,  that  he 
met  the  crisis  with  courage.  No  man  in  his  position  was  ever 
known  to  admit  that  the  catastrophe  which  he  had  to  face  — 
and  which  in  this  case  dealt  his  administration  a  deadly 
blow  —  was  caused  by  the  measures  which  he  had  supported. 
Rather,  it  confirmed  him  in  his  former  opinions,  and  led  him  to 


192  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

recommend  more  radical  steps  in  the  direction  of  his  previous 
policy.  That  the  members  of  his  party  did  not  all  agree  with 
him  is  shown  by  the  political  history  of  his  administration. 
Although,  during  his  whole  term,  there  was  a  Democratic 
majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  he  suffered  repeated 
defeats  in  carrying  through  his  one  favorite  scheme  and  great 
measure,  the  establishment  of  the  Independent  Treasury,  —  a 
device  contrary  then  and  ever  since  to  all  sound  views  of 
public  and  private  finance.  Nevertheless,  it  would  be  a  mis- 
take to  represent  either  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  abandoned 
by  his  party,  or  that  his  administration  was  an  unpopular  one 
among  Democrats.  On  the  contrary,  a  large  majority  of  them 
believed  in  him,  approved  his  measures,  and  desired  his  re- 
election. They  were  in  favor  of  completing  the  work  which 
Jackson  had  begun,  by  divorcing  the  state  altogether  from 
private  banking  corporations.  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  then,  and 
to  the  end  of  his  life,  as  his  "  Political  History  "  shows,  an 
enemy  of  banks  as  well  as  of  The  Bank.  It  is  probable 
that  if  the  issue  in  the  canvass  of  1840  had  been  made  wholly 
upon  the  bank  question,  the  result  would  have  shown  that 
the  people  were  with  Van  Buren.  The  Whigs  were  too 
shrewd  to  avow  friendliness  to  the  Bank,  or  to  any  bank. 
They  took  advantage  of  the  opposition  to,  and  the  bad  re- 
sults of,  the  Jackson- Van  Buren  fiscal  plans,  without  declar- 
ing themselves  in  favor  of  restoring  what  had  been  destroyed ; 
and  they  also  profited  by  the  Southern  hostility  to  the  admin- 
istration, without  promising  to  reverse  or  even  to  modify 
the  policy  of  the  general  government  on  the  subject  of  State 
Rights.  In  short,  the  Democrats  had  principles  and  a  policy, 
right  or  wrong,  as  people  may  think ;  the  Whigs  were  united 
only  in  condemning,  and,  whatever  they  may  have  intended, 
whatever  they  may  have  done  or  attempted  to  do  when  they 
were  in  power,  did  not  venture  to  declare  principles  or  policy 
beforehand. 

The  state  elections  in  1837  and  1838  resulted  unfavorably 
to  the  Democrats.  The  most  of  the  elections  of  members  of 
the  twenty-sixth  Congress  took  place  in  1838 ;  and  they  were 
so  decidedly  adverse  to  the  Democrats  that  extraordinary  ex- 
ertions were  required  in  the  spring  elections  of  1839  to  rescue 
their  majority  from  extinction.  So  close  was  the  contest  that, 
when  the  House  assembled  in  December,  1839,  there  were  119 
Democrats,  118  opposition,  and  5  members  from  New  Jersey 


TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO  193 

whose  seats  were  contested.  The  certificates  were  held  by 
Whigs,  who  were  not  allowed  to  participate  in  the  organization. 
On  that  occasion  Mr.  Adams,  the  ex-President,  who  had  re- 
turned to  the  House  of  Representatives,  prevented  anarchy 
by  calling  the  members  to  order  and  persuading  them  to  choose 
a  temporary  chairman,  —  a  position  which  was  assigned  to  Mr. 
Adams  himself. 

Long  before  this  time,  the  plans  of  the  Whigs  had  been 
forming ;  and,  two  days  after  the  assembling  of  Congress,  the 
National  Whig  Convention  met  at  Harrisburg,  —  on  Decem- 
ber 4,  1839.  The  leaders  were  resolved  on  union,  and  the 
only  question  was  as  to  the  candidate  who  would  command 
the  largest  support.  Mr.  Clay  had  the  advantage  of  a  long 
public  service,  and  of  having  been  a  leader  in  national  affairs 
for  almost  thirty  years ;  but  he  also  labored  under  the  double 
disadvantage  of  being  a  Freemason,  and  as  such  not  acceptable 
to  the  faction  which  still  mustered  many  followers  in  the 
Eastern  States,  and  of  having  been  a  conspicuous  advocate 
of  the  "  American  system,"  or  protective  tariff,  which  was 
highly  unpopular  in  the  South  Atlantic  States.  General 
William  Henry  Harrison  was  not  a  great  leader ;  but  he  had 
been  more  or  less  in  the  public  service,  military  and  civil,  for 
nearly  half  a  century,  and  was  well  known  throughout  the 
country.  Moreover,  he  had  made  a  gallant  run  for  the  presi- 
dency in  the  Northern  States  in  1836,  and  was  open  to  neither 
of  the  objections  urged  against  Mr.  Clay.  It  was  evident  that 
one  of  these  two  would  be  selected  to  lead  the  Whig  opposi- 
tion. Each  had  his  strong  partisans.  Not  only  they,  but 
the  candidates  as  well,  were  anxious  chiefly  that  the  Whig 
party  should  carry  the  election.  Mr.  Clay's  earnest  and 
laudable  ambition  to  be  President  was  not  so  great  that  he 
would  put  it  before  the  cause.  Moreover,  he  was  aware  of 
the  objections  to  his  candidacy  which  some  Whigs  entertained. 
When  the  autumn  elections  of  1839  indicated  a  reaction  in 
favor  of  the  Democrats,  and  the  necessity  of  a  complete  union 
of  the  opposition,  he  wrote,  in  a  letter  which  was  read  at  the 
Harrisburg  Convention,  that,  "  if  the  deliberations  of  the  Con- 
vention shall  lead  them  to  the  choice  of  another  as  the  candi- 
date of  the  opposition,  far  from  feeling  any  discontent,  the 
nomination  will  have  my  best  wishes  and  receive  my  cordial- 
support."  He  further  begged  his  friends  to  "  discard  all 
attachment  or  partiality  to  me,  and  be  guided  solely  by  the 


194  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

motive  of  rescuing  our  country  from  the  dangers  which  now 
encompass  it."  Already,  during  the  preceding  summer,  he 
had  said  in  an  address  at  Butfalo :  "If  my  name  creates  any 
obstacle  to  union  and  harmony,  away  with  it,  and  concentrate 
upon  some  individual  more  acceptable  to  all  branches  of  the 
opposition."  The  action  of  the  great  "union  and  harmony" 
convention  of  Pennsylvania,  held  at  Harrisburg  on  the  4th  of 
September,  probably  did  much  to  concentrate  the  Whig  forces 
on  Harrison ;  for,  while  that  convention  extolled  Clay  in  ex- 
travagant phrases,  it  expressed  the  opinion  that  General  Harri- 
son was  the  only  man  who  could  unite  the  anti-Van  Buren  party. 
Two  hundred  and  fifty-four  delegates  attended  the  Whig 
convention,  from  twenty-two  States.  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  were  not  represented.  The  Whig 
committee  of  Arkansas  sent  a  letter  authorizing  Judge  Porter, 
of  Louisiana,  to  cast  the  vote  of  Arkansas  ;  but  the  remembrance 
of  the  Whig  derision  of  "  ruckerizing,"  at  the  Democratic  con- 
vention of  1835,  forbade  that  the  credentials  should  be  accepted. 
Isaac  C.  Bates,  of  Massachusetts,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  Governor  James  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  the  permanent  presi- 
dent, of  the  convention.  After  a  long  debate,  a  plan  of  nomi- 
nation was  agreed  upon.  As  this  scheme  was  peculiar,  and  is 
now  quite  obsolete,  the  order  of  the  convention  is  given  en- 
tire :  — 

That  the  delegates  from  each  State  be  requested  to  assemble  as  a 
delegation,  and  appoint  a  committee,  not  exceeding  three  in  num- 
ber, to  receive  the  views  and  opinions  of  such  delegation,  and 
communicate  the  same  to  the  assembled  committees  of  all  the 
delegations,  to  be  by  them  respectively  reported  to  their  principals. 
And  that  thereupon  the  delegates  from  each  State  be  requested  to 
assemble  as  a  delegation,  and  ballot  for  candidates  for  the  offices 
of  President  and  Vice-President,  and,  having  done  so,  to  commit 
the  ballot  designating  the  votes  of  each  candidate,  and  by  whom 
given,  to  its  committee.  And  thereupon  all  the  committees  shall 
assemble  and  compare  the  several  ballots,  and  report  the  result  of 
the  same  to  their  several  delegations,  together  with  such  facts  as 
may  bear  upon  the  nomination.  And  said  delegations  shall  forth- 
with reassemble  and  ballot  again  for  candidates  for  the  above 
offices,  and  again  commit  the  result  to  the  above  committees ;  and 
if  it  shall  appear  that  a  majority  of  the  ballots  are  for  any  one 
man  for  candidate  for  President,  said  committee  shall  report  the 
result  to  the  convention  for  its  consideration.  If  there  shall  be 
no  such  majority,  then  the  delegations  shall  repeat  the  balloting 


TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO  195 

until  such  a  majority  shall  be  obtained,  and  then  report  the  same 
to  the  convention  for  its  consideration.  That  the  vote  of  a  major- 
ity of  each  delegation  shall  be  reported  as  the  vote  of  that  State. 
And  each  State  represented  here  shall  vote  its  full  electoral  vote 
by  such  delegation  in  the  committee. 

It  will  be  observed  that  this  rule  bears  a  resemblance  to, 
although  it  is  not  precisely  like,  the  "  unit  rule,"  which  has 
caused  so  much  trouble  in  Republican  and  Democratic  con- 
ventions since  that  time.  The  action  of  the  committees  and  of 
the  delegations  was  not  to  be  binding  upon  the  convention 
until  accepted  by  it.  The  scheme  was  adopted  as  a  method  of 
learning  what  candidate  would  be  most  acceptable  to  the 
States.  An  effort  was  made  the  next  day,  by  Mr.  Cassius  M. 
Clay  of  Kentucky,  to  secure  a  reversal  of  the  decision ;  but 
the  convention  by  a  strong  vote  adhered  to  its  former  resolu- 
tion. The  action  of  the  committees  and  delegations  is  not  a 
part  of  the  official  record ;  but  it  is  known  that  on  the  first 
informal  ballot,  in  which  the  wish  of  each  delegate  was  ex- 
pressed, without  unifying  the  votes  of  the  States,  Mr.  Clay 
had  a  small  plurality.  On  the  first  ballot  by  States,  Mr. 
Clay  had  103,  General  Harrison  94,  and  General  Winfield 
Scott  57.  After  repeated  ballotings,  late  on  Friday  evening, 
the  third  day  of  the  convention,  a  report  was  made  by  the 
committees  that  they  had  agreed  upon  a  candidate.  General 
Harrison  had  148,  Mr.  Clay  90,  and  General  Scott  16.  On 
the  next  day  a  resolution  was  introduced  declaring  General 
Harrison  the  nominee  of  the  convention,  and  it  was  supported 
in  enthusiastic  speeches  by  many  of  the  friends  of  Clay. 
While  the  jubilee  was  still  going  on,  the  committees,  which 
had  been  considering  the  question  of  Vice-President,  made 
a  report  that  John  Tyler  had  received  the  unanimous  vote 
of  the  convention.1     His  name  was  thereupon  joined  to  that 

1  Henry  A.  Wise,  in  his  "  Seven  Decades  of  the  Union,"  asserts  that  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Tyler  was  prearranged,  — that  it  had  been  agreed  upon  a 
year  before.  Mr.  Tyler  had  resigned  as  senator  from  Virginia  rather  than 
obey  the  instructions  of  the  legislature,  and  William  C.  Rives  was  elected  to 
succeed  him.  The  senatorial  term  was  to  end  in  1839,  and  Mr.  Rives  and  Mr. 
Tyler  were  candidates.  Mr.  Tyler  discovered  that  the  Whigs  in  Congress 
were  favoring  the  election  of  Mr.  Rives,  in  the  hope  that  in  consideration  of 
their  support  he  would  act  with  them.  According  to  Governor  Wise  a  confer- 
ence took  place  ;  and  Mr.  Tyler  withdrew  from  the  contest  and  allowed  Mr. 
Rives  to  be  chosen,  under  an  agreement  —  Mr.  Clay  is  named  as  the  other 
contracting  party  —  that  Mr.  Tyler  should  be  the  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  1840.    Mr.  Rives  was  elected,  and  acted  with  the  Whigs. 


196  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

of  General  Harrison  in  the  pending  resolution,  and  the  vote  was 
carried  in  a  whirlwind  of  enthusiasm.  The  convention  then 
adjourned,  without  having  given  expression  in  any  form  to 
the  principles  of  the  party  which  it  represented.  Even  in  the 
many  speeches  made  during  the  four  days'  session,  there  was 
hardly  a  positive  assertion  of  a  principle  made  by  any  delegate. 
It  was  all  hatred  and  opposition  to  Van  Buren  and  the  "  Loco- 
Focos." 

The  nomination  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  the 
opposition.  Meeting  after  meeting  was  held  in  many  States, 
and  the  candidacy  of  the  "  Old  Hero  of  Tippecanoe "  was 
noisily  ratified.  The  Whigs  prepared  to  shout  and  sing  their 
candidate  into  office.  In  February,  1840,  the  Whig  Conven- 
tion of  Ohio,  at  Columbus,  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  great 
"demonstration,"  a  procession  with  banners,  representations 
of  log-cabins,  coon-skins,  pictures  of  the  U  old  hero  "  drinking 
a  mug  of  hard  cider,  and  other  equally  logical  appeals  to  the 
political  sound  sense  of  the  voters  of  Ohio.  A  still  more  im- 
posing affair  was  the  great  procession  in  Baltimore,  on  the  4th 
of  May,  in  connection  with  the  national  convention  of  young 
men,  which  was  nicely  timed  to  occur  simultaneously  with  the 
Democratic  Convention  in  the  same  city.  An  excellent  illus- 
tration of  the  political  eloquence  of  the  time  is  afforded  by  the 
ostentatious  failure  of  the  "  Baltimore  Patriot "  to  express  the 
emotions  which  this  great  procession  excited  ;  but  the  editor 
certainly  tried  to  do  his  subject  justice  :  — 

Monday  was  a  proud  day  for  Baltimore,  for  Maryland,  for  the 
Union.  It  was  a  day  on  which  the  Young  Whigs  of  all  the  States 
were  to  meet  in  grand  convention.  Never  before  was  seen  such  an 
assemblage  of  the  people,  in  whose  persons  are  concentrated  the 
sovereignty  of  the  government.  In  the  language  of  the  president 
of  the  day,  "  Every  mountain  sent  its  rill,  —  every  valley  its 
stream,  and,  lo !  THE  AVALANCHE  OF  THE  PEOPLE  IS 
HERE !  " 

It  is  impossible  to  convey  the  slightest  idea  of  the  sublime  spec- 
tacle presented  by  the  procession  as  it  moved  through  the  city. 
All  that  pen  could  write,  all  that  the  mouth  of  man  could  speak, 
all  that  the  imagination  can  conceive  of  beauty,  grandeur,  and  sub- 
limity, would  fall  short,  far  short,  of  the  reality.,  The  excitement, 
the  joy,  the  enthusiasm  which  everywhere  prevailed,  lighting  up 
the  countenance  of  every  man  in  the  procession ;  the  shouts,  the 
applause,  the  cheers,  of  those  who  filled  the  sidewalks  and  crowded 
the  windows;  the  waving  of  handkerchiefs  by  the  ladies;  the 


TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO  197 

responsive  cries  of  the  people  ;  the  flaunting  banners ;  the  martial 
music  ;  the  loud  roar,  at  intervals,  of  the  deep-mouthed  cannon,  — 
all  these  and  more,  much  more,  must  be  described,  seen  in  the 
mind's  eye,  vibrate  through  the  frame,  fill  the  heart,  before  the 
reader  can  approach  to  any  conception  of  the  reality ;  and  when 
all  these  are  done,  if  they  were  possible,  he  has  still  but  a  faint  and 
meagre  impression  of  the  scene  that  was  presented,  In  no  country, 
in  no  time,  never  before  in  the  history  of  man,  was  there  a  spec- 
tacle so  full  of  "  natural  glory."  The  aged  veteran,  whose  declining 
years  forbade  his  joining  the  procession,  looked  on  ;  his  feeble  voice 
went  to  swell  the  general  shout  that  penetrated  even  to  the  blue 
vault  of  heaven  ;  his  hand  waved  above  his  head,  whilst  down  his 
furrowed  cheek  ran  tears,  the  overflowing  of  a  heart  full  even  to 
bursting  with  joy  and  happiness  and  gladness,  of  all  that  goes 
to  make  up  life's  best  pleasures,  and  these  crowded,  as  it  were, 
into  one  moment.  The  father  who  brought  his  children  to  see 
the  patriots  of  the  land ;  the  mother  to  look  upon  her  son,  one  of 
the  patriot  crew ;  the  sister  to  behold  the  brother  give  vent  to  his 
youthful  and  extravagant  joy, —  were  all  there,  and  all  went  to  make 
up  the  spectacle.  Standing  on  an  eminence  commanding  a  view  of 
the  line  of  the  procession  in  the  whole  extent  of  Baltimore  Street, 
you  beheld  a  moving  mass  of  human  beings.  A  thousand  banners 
burnished  by  the  sun,  floating  in  the  breeze,  ten  thousand  hand- 
kerchiefs waved  by  the  fair  daughters  of  the  city,  gave  seeming  life 
and  motion  to  the  very  air.  A  hundred  thousand  faces  were  before 
you,  —  age,  manhood,  youth,  and  beauty  filled  every  place  where 
a  foothold  could  be  got,  or  any  portion  of  the  procession  be  seen ; 
and  you  gazed  on  the  pageant  with  renewed  and  increasing  delight, 
and  words  failed  to  express  what  your  heart  felt  or  your  eyes  be- 
held. Nothing  was  wanting,  nothing  left  to  be  desired,  —  the  cup  of 
human  joy  was  full.  The  free  men  of  the  land  were  there,  —  the 
fiery  son  of  the  South,  the  substantial  citizen  of  the  East,  the  hardy 
pioneer  of  the  West,  were  all  there.  It  was  the  epitome  of  a  great 
nation,  in  itself  realizing,  filling  up  the  imaginings,  and  may  have 
been  the  very  picture  which  the  poet  drew  when  he  described  our 
country,  our  institutions,  and  our  people  as  a  "  land  beyond  the 
oceans  of  the  West,"  where  "  freedom  and  truth  are  worshipped  " 
by  a  "  people  mighty  in  their  youth." 

That  land  is  like  an  eagle,  whose  young  gaze 

Feeds  on  the  noontide  beam;  whose  golden  plume 
Floats  moveless  on  the  storm,  and  in  the  blaze 

Of  sunshine  gleams  when  earth  is  wrapped  in  gloom. 

An  epitaph  of  glory  for  the  tomb 
Of  murdered  Europe,  may  thy  fame  be  made, 

Great  people !  as  the  sand  shalt  thou  become ! 
Thy  growth  is  swift  as  morn,  when  night  must  fade ; 
The  multitudinous  earth  shall  sleep  beneath  thy  shade 


198  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Thus  much  we  may  say  in  reference  to  what  words  can  describe 
the  procession  to  be,  not  what  it  was  ;  for  the  reality  we  musi)  give 
the  dry  details  of  the  programme  by  which  it  was  arranged.  We 
can  give  nothing  of  the  living  spectacle,  we  can  give  nothing  of 
the  joy  and  gladness  which  — 

Spread  through  the  multitudinous  streets  fast  flying 
Upon  the  wings  of  hope  — 

from  house  to  house  replying 
With  loud  acclaim;  the  living  shook  heaven's  cope, 
And  filled  the  earth  with  echoes! 

We  can  give  nothing  of  these,  and  here  all  fail ;  but  we  must 
essay  to  present  the  scene,  as  far  as  feeble  words  can  do  it. 

The  procession  does  really  seem  to  have  been  a  grand  affair, 
and  there  were  numerous  emblems  of  the  Whigs,  —  log-cabins, 
barrels  of  hard  cider,  brooms  to  sweep  the  Augean  stables,  and 
others  which  it  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate.  The  poet  was 
with  the  Whigs  that  year.  Among  the  mottoes  on  the  ban- 
ners was  this  :  — 

Farewell,  dear  Van, 
You  're  not  our  man ; 
To  guide  the  ship, 
We  'II  try  old  Tip. 

The  Democrats,  meanwhile,  were  in  a  situation  which  em- 
barrassed them,  but  gave  them  no  fear  that  they  were  about  to 
suffer  defeat.  They  had  had  the  people  with  them  at  every 
election  in  forty  years,  excepting  only  in  1824 ;  and  they 
maintained  that  even  then  the  popular  judgment  was  for  Jack- 
son. They  despised  the  opposition,  and  regarded  the  method 
of  the  canvass  the  Harrison  party  was  carrying  on  as  almost 
unworthy  of  the  notice  of  serious-minded  men.  They  had 
troubles  of  their  own  ;  but  Providence  had  always  come  to 
their  aid  at  the  critical  moment,  and  it  would  do  so  again. 
So  far  as  Van  Buren  was  concerned,  there  was  this  time  abso- 
lutely no  opposition  to  him  within  the  party.  Tennessee, 
before  unfriendly,  would  now  give  him  its  support ;  and  even 
South  Carolina,  which  had  sulked  for  eight  years,  was  ready 
to  vote  for  him.  But  there  was  a  bitter  opposition  to  the 
Vice-President,  Colonel  Johnson.  Party  discipline  was  not 
then  what  it  is  now.  So  hostile  were  many  of  the  party  to 
Johnson  that  it  was  certain  that  he,  at  least,  would  fail  to  be 
chosen  by  a  majority  of  electors,  whatever  might  be  Van 
Buren's  fate.  The  situation  was  such  that  it  seemed  wise  to 
many  of  the  leaders  not  to  hold  a  convention  at  all,  since  to  do 


TIPPECANOE  AND  TYLER  TOO  193 

so  would  merely  advertise  the  party  division.  The  Demo- 
crats were  all  in  favor  of  Van  Buren ;  the  people  had  nomi- 
nated him  spontaneously.  The  Senate,  which  had  once  elected 
Colonel  Johnson,  could  be  trusted  to  choose  that  Democratic 
candidate  who  received  the  most  electoral  votes.  It  was  as- 
serted that  there  were  ten  States  which  had  declined  or  would 
decline  to  send  delegates  to  a  convention.  By  some  of  them 
Mr.  Van  Buren  had  been  named  for  reelection  in  conjunction 
with  William  K.  King,  of  Alabama,  or  James  K.  Polk,  of 
Tennessee,  or  Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  or  Colonel 
Johnson  himself. 

There  was  then  no  such  body  as  a  national  committee  of  the 
party,  and  in  fact  no  constituted  authority  to  decide  whether  a 
convention  should  be  held  or  not.  The  conventions  of  1831 
and  1835  had  both  been  called  by  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  New  Hampshire  legislature  ;  and  once  again  they  issued  a 
call  for  a  convention  to  meet  at  Baltimore  on  the  4th  of  May, 
1840.  Delegates  were  present  from  twenty-one  States.  Con- 
necticut, Delaware,  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  and  Illinois  were 
unrepresented.  The  membership  corresponded  to  the  number 
of  votes  allowed  more  closely  than  had  ever  before  been  the 
case.  New  Jersey  alone  was  over-represented  by  fifty-nine 
delegates.  There  wras  but  one  member  to  cast  the  vote  of 
Massachusetts,  and  several  of  the  Western  States  were  thinly 
represented.  Governor  Isaac  Hill,  of  New  Hampshire,  was 
the  temporary  chairman,  and  Governor  William  Carroll,  of 
Tennessee,  the  permanent  president.  Pending  the  preparation 
of  business,  there  was  an  abundance  of  speech-making.  All 
who  addressed  the  convention  were  sure  that  a  great  victory 
for  the  Democratic  party  was  impending,  and  each  tried  to 
outdo  the  rest  in  jeering  at  the  Whigs.  The  great  procession 
of  the  day  before  was  referred  to  as  an  "  animal  show  ;  "  the 
Whigs  were  laughed  at  for  shutting  up  their  candidate  and  not 
allowing  him  the  use  of  pen  and  ink  ;  and  one  speaker  said 
that  he  had  tried  to  get  an  introduction  to  some  of  the  log- 
cabin  men  in  the  procession  "  for  the  purpose  of  feeling  their 
soft,  delicate  hands,"  but  "  as  soon  as  he  had  done  so  he  was 
pretty  careful  to  put  his  hand  on  his  purse." 

On  the  second  day  of  the  convention  the  committee  on  reso- 
lutions reported  the  following  platform  of  principles :  — 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  federal  government  is  one  of  limited 
powers  derived  solely  from  the  Constitution,  and  the  grants  of 


200  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

power  shown  therein  ought  to  be  strictly  construed  by  all  the 
departments  and  agents  of  the  government,  and  that  it  is  inexpe- 
dient and  dangerous  to  exercise  doubtful  constitutional  powers. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  upon  the 
general  government  the  power  to  commence  aud  carry  on  a  general 
system  of  internal  improvement. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  does  not  confer  authority 
upon  the  federal  government,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  assume  the 
debts  of  the  several  States,  contracted  for  local  internal  improve- 
ments, or  other  State  purposes  ;  nor  would  such  assumption  be  just 
or  expedient. 

4.  Resolved,  That  justice  and  sound  policy  forbid  the  federal 
government  to  foster  one  branch  of  industry  to  the  detriment  of 
another,  or  to  cherish  the  interest  of  one  portion  to  the  injury  of 
another  portion  of  our  common  country ;  that  every  citizen  and 
every  section  of  the  country  has  a  right  to  demand  and  insist  upon 
an  equality  of  rights  and  privileges,  and  to  complete  and  ample 
protection  of  person  and  property  from  domestic  violence  or  for- 
eign aggression. 

5.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  every  branch  of  the  govern- 
ment to  enforce  and  practise  the  most  rigid  economy  in  conducting 
our  public  affairs,  and  that  no  more  revenue  ought  to  be  raised 
than  is  required  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment. * 

6.  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power  to  charter  a  United 
States  Bank ;  that  we  believe  such  an  institution  one  of  deadly 
hostility  to  the  best  interests  of  the  country,  dangerous  to  our 
republican  institutions  and  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  calcu- 
lated to  place  the  business  of  the  country  within  the  control  of  a 
concentrated  money  power,  and  above  the  laws  and  the  will  of  the 
people. 

7.  Resolved,  That  Congress  has  no  power,  under  the  Constitu' 
tion,  to  interfere  with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the 
several  States,  and  that  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges 
of  everything  appertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by 
the  Constitution ;  that  all  efforts  of  the  Abolitionists  or  others, 
made  to  induce  Congress  to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery, 
or  to  take  incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead 
to  the  most  alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all 
such  efforts  have  an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness 
of  the  people,  and  endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the 
Union,  and  ought  not  to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  to  our 
political  institutions. 

8.  Resolved,  That  the  separation  of  the  moneys  of  the  govern- 
ment from  banking  institutions  is  indispensable  for  the  safety  of 
the  funds  of  the  government  and  the  rights  of  the  people. 


TIPPECANOE  AND   TYLER  TOO  201 

9.  Resolved,  That  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Consti- 
tution, which  make  ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the 
oppressed  of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in 
the  Democratic  faith ;  and  every  attempt  to  abridge  the  present 
privilege  of  becoming  citizens  and  the  owners  of  soil  among  us 
ought  to  be  resisted  with  the  same  spirit  which  swept  the  Alien 
and  Sedition  laws  from  our  statute-book, 

The  vote  was  put  on  each  of  these  resolutions  separately, 
and  every  one  of  them  was  adopted  by  a  unanimous  vote.  An- 
other committee  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people 
next  presented  its  report,  —  an  address  which  nearly  fills  a 
page  of  the  Washington  "  Globe,"  in  fine  type,  —  and  the  pages 
of  the  newspapers  of  that  day  were  of  generous  size.  The 
address  was  listened  to  impatiently,  for  the  convention  was 
anxious  to  get  at  the  question  of  nominations.  Senator  Cle- 
ment C.  Clay,  of  Alabama,  chairman  of  a  committee  to  which 
this  subject  had  been  referred  on  the  previous  day,  reported 
two  resolutions,  to  each  of  which  a  preamble  was  affixed.  The 
first,  having  set  forth  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  received  many 
nominations  for  the  position  which  he  already  filled  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  party  and  the  country,  and  that  he  was  the 
unanimous  choice  of  the  Democrats,  formally  presented  him 
for  reelection.  The  preamble  of  the  second  resolution  recited 
that  several  gentlemen  had  been  put  in  nomination  for  the  vice- 
presidency  ;  that  the  States  presenting  some  of  these  gentle- 
men had  no  representatives  in  the  convention ;  and  that  all 
the  candidates,  by  their  discharge  of  public  trusts,  had  shown 
themselves  worthy  to  be  elected  to  the  office.  The  resolution 
itself  was  as  follows  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  convention  deem  it  expedient  at  the  present 
time  not  to  choose  between  the  individuals  in  nomination,  but  to 
leave  the  decision  to  their  Republican  fellow-citizens  in  the  several 
States,  trusting  that,  before  the  election  shall  take  place,  their 
opinions  shall  become  so  concentrated  as  to  secure  the  choice  of  a 
Vice-President  by  the  electoral  colleges. 

The  first  resolution  was  adopted  unanimously  without  de- 
bate. The  second  was  opposed  and  was  warmly  discussed. 
The  friends  of  Colonel  Johnson  were  not  satisfied  that  he 
should  not  be  commended  to  the  electors,  if  a  two-thirds  vote- 
in  his  favor  could  be  had.  But  it  presently  appeared  that  the 
opposition   to   him  was  so  determined   that  it  would  not   be 


202  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

yielded  even  after  such  a  nomination ;  whereupon  opposition 
ceased  and  the  resolution  was  unanimously  adopted.  The 
Whigs  jeered  at  the  Democrats  as  not  being  sufficiently  united 
to  name  a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  They  hurled  back 
the  rather  neat  reply  that  if  they  were  not  agreed  upon  men, 
they  were  united  upon  principles.  That  was  more  than  the 
Whigs  could  say  for  themselves. 

There  was  another  convention,  small  in  numbers  and  local 
in  character,  which  made  a  third  nomination  for  the  office  of 
President.  Although  the  party  cast  but  few  votes  in  1840, 
it  is  mentioned  here  as  the  beginning  of  great  things.  The 
Abolition  party  held  a  convention  at  Warsaw,  Genesee  County, 
New  York,  at  the  beginning  of  December,  1839,  and  nominated 
James  G.  Birney  of  New  York  for  President,  and  Thomas  Earl 
of  Pennsylvania  for  Vice-President.  The  question  of  slavery 
had  been  much  discussed  in  Congress  and  by  the  press  for 
many  years,  but  the  issue  was  not  yet  a  really  important  one 
in  presidential  elections.  As  will  be  seen  from  the  platform 
of  the  Democrats,  that  party  was  ready  to  take  its  stand  against 
any  federal  interference  with  slavery ;  but  the  Whigs  were 
not,  so  long  as  they  constituted  a  party,  willing  to  make  an 
issue  with  the  Democrats  on  that  subject. 

What  the  canvass  had  been  from  the  beginning  it  continued 
to  be  to  the  end.  On  the  part  of  the  Whigs  it  was  a  season 
of  great  and  enthusiastic  meetings  and  stump-speeches.  Gen- 
eral Harrison  himself  appeared  on  the  stump,  and  spoke  at 
length  in  September  and  October,  1840,  at  Urbana,  Dayton, 
Chillicothe,  Columbus,  and  other  places.  In  an  address  at 
Carthage,  on  August  20,  he  explicitly  asserted  the  right  of 
the  people  to  discuss  any  subject,  and  to  petition  Congress  for 
the  redress  of  any  grievance,  including  that  of  slavery ;  and 
for  this  he  was  roundly  denounced  as  an  Abolitionist.  The 
Democrats  were  unable  to  understand,  and  still  more  unable 
to  look  with  patience  upon,  the  shouting  campaign  of  the  Har- 
rison men.  They  affected  to  treat  the  party  and  its  candidate 
with  contempt,  but  they  were  really  angry  and  alarmed.  As 
State  after  State  upon  whose  electoral  vote  they  had  counted 
gave  the  Whigs  a  majority,  they  became  more  desperate.  They 
could  not  and  would  not  believe  that  they  were  to  be  beaten, 
and  predicted  that  "  the  bubble  would  burst "  before  November. 
That  was  a  time  when  political  slang  was  more  current  than 
it  was  ever  before  or  has  been  since.     The  phrases,  "  Crow, 


TIPPECANOE  AND   TYLER  TOO 


203 


Chapman,  crow,"  "The  ball  is  rolling  on,"  "  Clear  the  kitchen," 
with  numerous  variations,  and  similar  expressions,  are  still  re- 
membered by  the  men,  now  old,  who  took  part  in  that  famous 
canvass.  The  Whig  song  to  the  tune  of  "  The  Little  Pig's 
Tail "  has  become  historical,  with  its  chorus :  — 

"  For  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too  —  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too; 
And  with  them  we  '11  beat  little  Van,  Van, 

Van  is  a  used  up  man ; 
And  with  them  we  '11  beat  little  Van." 

The  shouts  of  the  Whigs  over  their  success  in  Vermont, 
Kentucky,  Maine,  Ohio,  and  other  States  had  hardly  ceased 
ringing  when  the  presidential  election  began.  The  choice  of 
all  the  electors  was  still  made  on  any  day  within  thirty-four 
days  preceding  the  meeting  of  the  electors  that  might  be  fixed 
upon  by  the  state  legislature.     The  election  began  in  Penn- 


States. 


Maine  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
Vermont  .  .  . 
Massachusetts  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
Connecticut  .  . 
New  York  .  . 
New  Jersey .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  . 
North  Carolina . 
South  Carolina* 
Georgia  .  .  . 
Alabama .  .  . 
Mississippi  .  . 
Louisiana .  .  . 
Kentucky     .    . 


Missouri  , 
Arkansas , 
Ohio     .     , 
Indiana 
Illinois 
Michigan , 


Total 1,275,016         1,129,102 


Harrison. 

Van  Buren. 

Birney. 

46,612 

46,201 

194 

26,163 

32,761 

126 

32,440 

18,018 

319 

72,874 

51,944 

1,621 

5,278 

3,301 

42 

31,601 

25,296 

174 

225,817 

212,527 

2,808 

33,351 

31,034 

69 

144,021 

143,672 

343 

5,967 

4,874 

- 

33,528 

28,752 

- 

42,501 

43,893 

- 

46,376 

33,782 

- 

40,261 

31,921 

_ 

28,471 

33,991 

- 

19,518 

16,995 

— 

11,296 

7,616 

- 

58,489 

32,616 

- 

60,391 

48,289 

- 

22,972 

29,760 

- 

5,160 

6,766 

- 

148,157 

124,782 

903 

65,302 

51,604 

- 

45,537 

47,476 

149 

22,933 

21,131 

321 

7,069 


*  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


204 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


sylvania  and  Ohio  on  the  30th  of  October,  and  ended  in  North 
Carolina  on  the  12th  of  November,  so  far  as  popular  elections 
were  concerned.  South  Carolina,  whose  legislature  made  the 
choice  of  the  electors  for  that  State,  appointed  them  a  fort- 
night later.  But  it  was  evident  as  soon  as  the  returns  of  Penn- 
sylvania were  in,  showing  a  large  gain  for  the  Whigs,  even 
since  the  state  election,  four  weeks  before,  that  Harrison  was 
to  be  President.     The  popular  vote  is  given  on  page  203. 

The  electoral  count  was  conducted  in  the  usual  manner,  and 
there  was  no  incident  to  mark  the  proceedings.  The  result  was 
declared  as  follows :  — 


States. 


Maine 

New  Hampshire  . 
Vermont  .... 
Massachusetts  .  . 
Rhode  Island  .  . 
Connecticut  .  .  . 
New  York  .  .  . 
New  Jersey  .  .  . 
Pennsylvania  .  . 
Delaware  .  .  . 
Maryland  .  .  . 
Virginia  .... 
North  Carolina 
South  Carolina .  . 
Georgia  .  .  .  . 
Alabama  .... 
Mississippi  .  .  . 
Louisiana  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  .  . 
Tennessee  .  .  . 
Missouri  .  .  .  • 
Arkansas .... 

Ohio 

Indiana  .  .  .  . 
Illinois  .  .  .  . 
Michigan .     .     .    . 

Total    .     .    .    . 


President. 

Vice-Pbesident. 

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5 

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234 

60 

234 

48 

11 

1 

TIPPECANOE  AND   TYLER  TOO  205 

The  inauguration  on  the  Fourth  of  March,  1841,  was  a  great 
occasion  for  the  Whigs.  They  flocked  to  Washington  in  large 
numbers,  many  of  them,  alas !  attracted  thither  by  the  hope 
of  offices  to  be  distributed  by  the  new  President  to  his  party 
friends.  There  was  an  imposing  procession  of  volunteer  mili- 
tia to  escort  General  Harrison  to  the  Capitol.  The  President- 
elect had  himself  arrived  at  the  seat  of  government  on  the  last 
day  of  February,  apparently  in  the  enjoyment  of  perfect  ihealth. 
He  rode  upon  a  white  charger,  flanked  on  either  side  by  a  body- 
guard of  personal  friends.  The  ceremony,  which  was  witnessed 
by  a  vast  concourse  of  people,  was  preceded  by  the  inauguration 
of  Mr.  Tyler  as  Vice-President,  in  the  Senate  Chamber.  After 
the  long  line  of  official  and  non-official  witnesses  had  come 
from  the  building  to  the  eastern  portico,  General  Harrison 
rose  and  delivered  his  inaugural  address,  save  the  last  para- 
graph. Then  the  oath  of  office  was  administered  by  Chief 
Justice  Taney,  and  the  President  pronounced  the  closing  sen- 
tences of  his  address.  While  the  cheers  of  the  victorious 
Whigs  were  still  rising,  he  retired,  entered  his  private  car- 
riage, and  drove  to  the  White  House. 


XVII 
THE  FIRST  "DARK  HORSE" 

No  election  ever  caused  more  disappointment,  both  to  vic- 
tors and  to  vanquished,  than  that  of  1840.  It  would  be 
difficult  to  describe  the  feelings  of  the  Democrats.  They  were 
puzzled,  they  were  grieved,  they  were  angry.  They  honestly 
did  not  believe  the  Whigs  capable  of  governing  the  country. 
It  was  almost  too  great  a  strain  upon  their  trust  in  the  fitness  of 
the  people  for  self-government  that  confidence  had  been  with- 
drawn from  them.  As  for  the  conduct  of  the  campaign  in 
which  they  were  defeated,  with  its  claptrap  of  processions, 
songs,  emblems,  and  slang,  words  failed  to  express  their  dis- 
gust. They  declared  that  the  victory  had  been  won  by  fraud, 
by  the  momentary  madness  of  the  people,  by  the  power  of 
money,  —  the  first  but  not  the  last  complaint  of  the  sort,  — 
by  anything  and  everything  except  the  excellent  influences 
that  had  always  carried  elections  for  the  Democrats.  However 
much  they  might  differ  among  themselves,  and  even  with 
themselves,  as  to  the  cause  of  the  defeat,  upon  one  thing  they 
were  resolved,  —  that  they  would  bring  Van  Buren  forward 
again  and  elect  him.  The  canvass  of  1844  began,  therefore, 
before  Harrison  was  inaugurated.  A  St.  Louis  paper,  almost 
as  soon  as  the  result  of  the  election  was  known,  placed  Van 
Buren's  name  at  the  head  of  its  columns  as  candidate  for  1844, 
and  "  nailed  its  colors  to  the  mast."  Senator  Benton  there- 
upon wrote  a  letter  to  the  editor  commending  his  course,  say- 
ing that  twice  before  the  Democratic  party  had  won  a  victory, 
after  its  only  two  national  defeats,  by  adopting  at  once  the 
candidate  in  whose  person  it  had  suffered  a  reverse.  This 
.  was  the  general  sentiment  of  the  party.  In  the  three  years 
K  ensuing,  as  the  Washington  "Globe"  asserted  just  before  the 
convention  of  1844,  twenty-four  of  the  twenty-six  States,  in 
their  state  Democratic  conventions,  pronounced  in  favor  of 
Van  Buren,  and  more  than  three  fourths  of  the  conventions 
instructed  their  delegates  to  Baltimore  to  support  him. 


THE   FIRST   "DARK   HORSE"  207 

The  disappointment  of  the  Whigs  was  of  a  different  charac- 
ter. It  lay  in  the  "  Tyler  too "  part  of  their  election  pro- 
gramme. One  month  after  General  Harrison  took  the  oath  of 
office  he  died,  and  John  Tyler  became  President.  Congress 
was  summoned  in  extraordinary  session  on  the  31st  of  May, 
1841.  Among  the  first  subjects  to  which  the  attention  of 
Congress  was  called  by  the  President  was  the  question  what 
should  be  substituted  for  the  sub-treasury  system,  —  a  finan- 
cial device  which  had  certainly  been  condemned  by  the  popular 
voice  in  the  recent  elections.  The  Whigs  took  this  to  mean 
also  the  creation  of  a  bank.  Mr.  Tyler  held  a  different  view. 
His  course  in  Congress  had  never  been  favorable  to  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  The  Whig  leaders  supposed  that  Mr. 
Tyler  had  given  them  an  assurance  that  he  was  in  favor  of  a 
bank  erected  on  a  proper  basis.  Mr.  Tyler  did  not  admit  that 
he  had  done  so.  The  truth  of  the  matter  will  never  be  known. 
When  a  bill  creating  a  bank,  which  the  Whigs  supposed  to 
have  been  drawn  in  accordance  with  his  views,  was  presented 
to  him  for  approval  he  vetoed  it,  and  the  Whig  majority  was 
not  strong  enough  to  pass  it  over  the  veto.  A  second  bill  was 
prepared,  after  a  conference  with  the  President,  submitted  to 
him  after  it  was  drafted  and  approved,  and  then  passed  with- 
out the  alteration  of  a  word.  The  President  vetoed  that  bill 
also,  possibly  in  a  fit  of  natural  anger  at  a  letter  written  by 
John  M.  Botts,  a  leading  Whig  member  from  Virginia,  —  its 
publication  was  a  breach  of  confidence,  —  in  which  Mr.  Botts 
spoke  with  contempt  of  Mr.  Tyler's  "  turns  and  twists." 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  this  act  was  received  with  uncon- 
trollable indignation  by  the  Whigs  throughout  the  country. 
All  the  members  of  the  cabinet  resigned,  except  Mr.  Webster, 
the  Secretary  of  State,  who  retained  office  for  reasons  which 
were  approved  by  many  of  the  Whigs.  A  caucus  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  adopted  an 
address  in  which  they  announced  that  all  political  alliance  be- 
tween them  and  John  Tyler  was  at  an  end,  and  that  hence- 
forth "  those  who  brought  the  President  into  power  can  no 
longer,  in  any  manner  or  degree,  be  justly  held  responsible  or 
blamed  for  the  administration  of  the  executive  branch  of  the 
government."  It  is  matter  of  history  that  Mr.  Tyler  con- 
tinued to  the  end  of  his  term  to  be  what  his  early  acts  as 
President  had  indicated  that  he  would  be.  In  fact  his  course 
was  what  his  whole  political  life  had  indicated  that  it  would 


208  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

be.  Ho  relied  throughout  upon  those  who  had  opposed  him, 
and  thwarted  the  measures  of  those  who  had  elected  him.  The 
only  inconsistency  of  which  he  was  guilty  was  in  supposing, 
honestly  no  doubt,  that  he  was  "  a  firm  and  decided  Whig,'* 
when  he  was  opposed  to  a  bank,  opposed  to  a  protective  tariff, 
opposed  to  the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands, 
opposed  to  internal  improvements,  and  devoted  to  the  princi- 
ple of  "  strict  construction  "  of  the  Constitution.  The  Whigs 
had  not,  to  be  sure,  formally  professed  different  principles 
from  his  in  resolutions  adopted  by  a  national  convention  ;  but 
they  were  really  unanimous,  or  substantially  so,  in  holding 
all  the  views  from  which  he  dissented. 

Whatever  part  an  ambition  to  be  reelected,  not  by  the 
Whigs,  but  by  the  Democrats,  had  in  determining  Mr.  Tyler's 
course,  he  did  not  gain  new  political  friends  when  he  lost 
old  ones.  The  Democrats  were  glad  enough  that  the  fruits 
of  victory  were  snatched  away  from  the  Whigs ;  but,  though 
they  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  which  chance  threw 
in  their  way,  they  made  no  pretence  of  taking  the  President 
up  as  their  own  man.  They  loved  the  sin,  but  hated  the 
sinner.  There  were  some  Democrats  and  Democratic  papers 
slightly  tinctured  with  "  Tylerism,"  but  they  were  few  and 
uninfluential.  By  far  the  largest  number  of  the  Democrats 
were  zealous  and  unwavering  in  their  adherence  to  the  fortunes 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  Yet  it  was  not  their  unanimous  senti- 
ment. South  Carolina  was  in  favor  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  so 
was  Georgia ;  and  that  gentleman  carried  his  sense  of  pro- 
priety so  far  that,  in  the  autumn  of  1843,  he  declined  an  in- 
vitation to  visit  Ohio  in  a  semi-public  way,  on  the  ground  that 
he  ought  not  to  do  so  while  his  name  was  before  the  country 
as  a  candidate  for  its  highest  office.  Colonel  R.  M.  Johnson, 
then  lately  Vice-President,  was  also  advocated  by  the  anti- 
Benton  men  of  Missouri,  as  well  as  by  partisans  in  his  own 
State  of  Kentucky.  He  had  no  such  scruples  as  those  which 
restrained  Mr.  Calhoun,  for  he  made  a  tour  through  the 
North,  as  far  as  Boston,  in  the  course  of  which,  if  he  was  not 
belied,  he  assured  the  people  that  nothing  could  prevent  the 
election  of  Mr.  Clay  in  1844  but  his  own  candidacy.  His 
belief  in  himself  is  shown  by  a  letter  written  early  in  January, 
184^,  wherein  he  said  that  he  had  worn  a  certain  "  red  vest " 
-c_  "  when  called  upon  to  respond  to  my  third  unanimous  nomi- 
nation for  the  presidency  by  the  annual  convention  of  my 


THE  FIRST  "DARK  HORSE"  209 

native  State."  His  friends  always  spoke  of  him  as  "the  old 
hero "  and  "  old  Tecumseh."  His  willingness  to  be  before 
the  people  was  further  exemplified  in  a  letter,  written  in  an- 
swer to  an  inquiry,  in  which  he  said  plainly  that  he  would 
accept  the  second  place  on  the  ticket  if  he  did  not  get  the 
first.  The  claims  of  General  Lewis  Cass  were  urged  by  some 
of  those  who  did  not  think  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren 
advisable.  Finally,  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  James  Buchanan 
was  brought  forward  as  a  "  favorite  son." 

In  point  of  fact,  while  a  most  decided  preference  was  shown 
for  Mr.  Van  Buren  before  any  and  all  others,  those  who 
opposed  him  were  bitter  and  determined.  They  declared  that 
he  could  not  be  elected,  and  that  it  would  be  suicide  for  the 
party  to  nominate  him.  When  the  question  of  a  convention 
was  under  discussion,  South  Carolina  refused  to  send  dele- 
gates ;  and  hot  discussions  arose  in  the  Democratic  newspapers 
whether  delegates  should  be  chosen  by  districts  or  by  general 
ticket,  and  whether  Virginia,  which  was  for  Van  Buren,  should 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  convention  with  her  delegation  num- 
bering five  times  the  votes  she  would  be  allowed  to  cast. 

Such  was  the  situation  late  in  1843.  The  Democrats 
seemed  to  be,  and  were,  in  hopeless  discord.  The  Whigs 
counted  upon  an  easy  victory,  for  they  were  absolutely  united 
in  supporting  Mr.  Clay,  while  the  alleged  treachery  of  Mr. 
Tyler  had  given  them  what  was  better  than  unanimity  in  re- 
spect of  a  candidate,  —  political  union.  The  next  succeeding 
events  seemed  to  work  in  their  favor,  for  they  were  as  con- 
fident of  their  ability  to  defeat  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  were  that 
gentleman's  enemies  in  his  own  party  that  he  could  not  be 
elected.  Mr.  Buchanan  formally  withdrew  his  name  in  De- 
cember, 1843;  and  in  the  following  month  Mr.  Calhoun  pub- 
lished a  letter  which  was  at  first  taken  as  a  withdrawal, 
but  was  afterwards  seen  to  be  only  a  refusal  to  allow  his  name 
to  go  before  the  convention.  His  friends  were  thus  left  free  to 
give  him  their  independent  support  if  they  would.  Mean- 
while many  state  conventions  were  instructing  their  delegates 
to  vote  for  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  his  nomination  seemed  to  be 
inevitable.  A  clear  majority  of  all  the  delegates  could  be 
counted  for  him  beyond  a  question,  and  it  was  not  doubted 
that  he  would  receive  the  necessary  two  thirds. 

But  the  situation  was  changed  as  if  by  magic.     The  ques-     «■,. 
tion  <of  the  annexation  of  Texas  loomed  up  suddenly.     An 


^ 


210  A   HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

overture  by  Texas  for  absorption  had  been  once  rejected,  years 
before ;  a  suggestion  from  the  government  of  the  United 
States  that  annexation  might  be  acceptable,  some  time  later, 
had  come  to  nothing ;  and  now  Mr.  Tyler  thrust  the  matter 
again  before  the  people  by  submitting  to  the  Senate  a  treaty 
with  Texas  providing  for  its  annexation  to  the  United  States. 
"  jfte-annexation  "  was  the  cry.  Texas  had  been  exchanged 
for  Florida  in  a  negotiation  with  Spain  ;  it  had  in  common  with 
Mexico,  of  which  it  formed  a  part,  been  separated  from  Spain ; 
it  had  been  colonized  by  filibusters  from  the  United  States,  had 
declared  and  achieved  its  independence  in  a  war  with  Mexico, 
and  was  now  a  republic  by  itself.  But  Mexico  had  only  sus- 
pended, not  ceased,  its  efforts  to  reconquer  Texas,  and  had  not 
acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  republic.  To  annex  it, 
therefore,  was  to  assume  the  obligation  of  a  war  with  Mexico, 
or  to  overawe  her  weakness  by  our  own  strength. 

The  sentiment  of  the  South  was  very  strong  in  favor  of 
"immediate  re-annexation,"  for  obvious  reasons,  chief  among 
them  being  the  additional  strength  which  would  thereby  be 
acquired  for  the  slavery  interest.  The  question  suddenly 
became  a  political  issue  of  the.  first  magnitude.  Mr.  Tyler 
sent  the  treaty  to  the  Senate  on  the  22d  of  April,  1844,  but 
the  fact  that  such  a  treaty  was  under  consideration  was  made 
public  some  weeks  earlier.  At  the  beginning  of  May,  letters 
were  published  from  Henry  Clay  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  in 
which  these  two  gentlemen,  almost  universally  regarded  as  the 
two  prospective  rivals  for  the  presidency,  answered  inquiries  as 
to  their  views  on  the  Texas  question  at  length.  Singularly 
enough,  their  views  were  similar  in  this,  —  that  they  both  fore- 
saw that  annexation  meant  war  with  Mexico ;  that  they  re- 
garded annexation  without  the  consent  of  Mexico  as  dishonor- 
able ;  and  that,  consequently,  both  were  opposed  to  the  pending 
measure.  Mr.  Clay  went  further,  and  expressed  grave  doubts 
as  to  the  wisdom  of  annexation  at  all,  for  reasons  partly  finan- 
cial (Texas  having  a  debt  which  must  be  assumed)  and  partly 
political  (the  strong  opposition  that  existed  throughout  New 
England,  and  the  North  generally).  Mr.  Van  Buren's  letter, 
perhaps  the  most  courageous  act  of  a  public  life  which  was  not 
characterized  by  great  courage,  and  therefore  one  of  the  most 
creditable,  cost  him  the  nomination.  It  was  dated  April  20, 
1844,  and  made  public  a  week  later ;  and  the  convention  met 
at  Baltimore  on  May  27.    The  time  was  short,  but  it  was  long 


THE   FIRST   "DARK  HORSE"  211 

enough  to  defeat  him.  The  editor  of  the  Richmond  "En- 
quirer," who  had  been  as  firm  and  steadfast  a  Van  Buren  man 
as  Senator  Benton  himself,  presided  at  a  meeting  intended  to 
bring  about  a  change  in  the  instructions  to  the  Virginia  dele- 
gates, who  had  been  directed  to  support  Van  Buren,  and  to 
instruct  them  to  vote  for  a  candidate  in  favor  of  immediate 
annexation.  Some  delegates  from  Southern  States  resigned 
rather  than  obey  the  instructions  already  given  them  to  vote 
for  Van  Buren.  Others  declared  Jthat,  although  so  instructed, 
they  knew  that  the  wishes  of  their  constituents  would  be  mod- 
ified by  the  disclosure  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  opinions,  and  that 
they  should  support  another  candidate. 

The  convention  was  one  of  the  most  interesting  ever  held  in 
the  country.  The  excitement  among  the  arriving  delegates 
was  intense.  A  great  majority  of  them  came  with  instructions 
to  support  Van  Buren ;  but  it  was  known  that  many  of  them 
would  disobey,  and  how  far  the  treachery  —  for  so  the  real 
advocates  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  regarded  it  —  extended  made  men 
suspicious  and  anxious.  Mr.  Clay  had  already  been  nominated, 
and  the  Whigs  were  earnest,  enthusiastic,  and  confident.  The 
party  organ  of  the  Democrats  at  the  capital,  the  Washington 
"  Globe,"  said  truly,  just  before  the  convention  met,  that  the 
assertion  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  had  lost  his  standing  with  the 
people  by  reason  of  his  Texas  letter  was  not  supported  by 
evidence.  Many  politicians  had  turned  against  him,  but  the 
rank  and  file  of  the  party  would  be  for  him  still,  unless  their 
leaders  advised  them  to  desert  him.  The  "  Globe  "  attributed 
the  whole  anti-Van  Buren  movement  to  Calhoun.  "  It  is  the 
last  card  of  his  desperate  competitor,  who  has  been  playing  for 
twenty-five  years  for  the  presidency  with  the  frenzy  of  a  game- 
ster.    It  cannot  win." 

Three  hundred  and  twenty-five  delegates  appeared  at  the 
convention  at  Baltimore  on  May  27, 1844.  Virginia  and  Ken- 
tucky only  were  greatly  over-represented.  For  the  most  part, 
the  States  sent  exactly  as  many  delegates  as  the  electoral  votes 
to  which  they  were  entitled.  South  Carolina  being  unrepre- 
sented, there  were  266  votes  in  the  convention.  Hendrick 
B.  Wright,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and 
was  also  appointed  as  the  permanent  president.  As  soon  as 
the  temporary  organization  had  been  effected,  General  Saun- 
ders, of  North  Carolina,  who  had  championed  the  two-thirds 
rule  in  Van  Buren's  interest  in  the  convention  of  1835,  moved 


212 


A  HISTORY   OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


that  the  rules  of  the  convention  of  1832  be  adopted  for  the 
government  of  this  convention.  The  significance  of  the  mo- 
tion was  recognized  at  once.  It  was  a  motion  for  the  two- 
thirds  rule.  If  it  were  not  adopted,  Van  Buren  was  sure  to 
be  nominated  ;  if  it  were  adopted,  he  might  be  defeated.  Con- 
sideration of  the  motion  was  postponed  as  premature ;  but 
General  Saunders  persisted  in  bringing  it  forward,  and  at  last  it 
was  taken  up.  A  warm  debate  ensued.  The  vote  was  taken 
at  about  noon  of  the  second  day  of  the  convention.  The  rule 
was  adopted  by  148  votes  against  118.  Nearly  two  thirds  of 
the  Northern  votes  were  in  the  negative ;  six  sevenths  of  the 
Southern  votes  were  in  favor  of  the  rule.  The  Northern  dele- 
gates had  it  in  their  power  to  defeat  the  rule,  and  yet,  being 
perfectly  well  aware  that  the  adoption  of  the  two-thirds  require- 
ment handicapped  the  candidate  they  professed  to  support,  they 
lent  themselves  to  the  scheme  of  his  opponents.  The  conclu- 
sion is  inevitable  that  they  were  willing  that  he  should  be  sac- 
rificed, but  that  they  did  not  quite  venture  to  appear  with 
daggers  in  their  own  hands. 

"Balloting"  for  a  candidate,  as  it  was  called, — although 
the  voting  was  viva  voce,  —  began  in  the  afternoon.  It  will 
be  seen  from  the  table  below  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  received  a 
majority  of  26  on  the  first  trial.  He  would  have  lacked  but 
ten  votes  of  a  nomination  had  all  those  who  came  to  the  con- 
vention, instructed  for  him,  given  him  their  votes.  He  received 
but  12  votes  of  the  105  from  Southern  States ;  from  the  North, 
134  votes  out  of  151.  Seven  trials  took  place  before  adjourn- 
ment for  the  day,  resulting  as  follows :  — 


Whole  number  of  votes .     .     . 
Necessary  for  a  choice    .     .     . 
Martin  Van  Buren,  New  York 
Lewis  Cass,  Michigan     .     .     . 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  Kentucky 
James  Buchanan,  Pennsylvania 
Levi  Woodbury,  New  Hampshire 
Commodore  Stewart,  Pennsylvania 
John  C.  Calhoun,  South  Carolina 


1st. 


266 

178 

146 

83 

24 

4 

2 

1 

6 


2d. 


266 

178 

127 

94 

33 

9 

1 

1 

1 


3d. 


266 

178 

121 

92 

38 

11 

2 


265 
177 
111 
105 
32 
17 


265 
177 
103 
107 
29 
26 


6th. 


265 
177 
101 
116 
23 
25 


7th. 

265 

177- 

99 

123 

21 

22 


Early  in  the  session  on  the  following  day  an  Ohio  delegate 
moved  a  resolution  that  Martin  Van  Buren,  having  received  a 
majority  of  votes  on  the  first  ballot,  be  declared  the  candidate. 


THE  FIRST  "DARK  HORSE"  213 

It  was  ruled  that  this  would  require  a  two-thirds  vote,  as 
rescinding  an  order  of  the  convention.  An  angry  and  confused 
debate  took  place  over  the  point  of  parliamentary  law,  but  an 
appeal  from  the  decision  of  the  chair  was  withdrawn,  and  the 
convention  began  once  more  to  vote  for  a  candidate. 

The  time  had  come  to  spring  the  sensation  carefully  prepared 
in  advance  of  the  convention.  The  States  were  called  in 
geographical  order,  beginning  with  Maine.  When  New  Hamp- 
shire was  called,  the  delegates  from  that  State  gave  all  their 
votes  to  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee.  A  member  of  the 
Maine  delegation  had  remarked,  just  before  the  voting  began, 
that  "it  was  time  to  draw  the  fire  of  Tennessee."  Seven 
Massachusetts  delegates,  all  those  of  Alabama  and  Tennessee, 
and  a  few  others,  followed  the  lead  of  New  Hampshire.  The 
result  was  announced :  Van  Buren,  104  ;  Cass,  114  ;  Polk,  44. 
The  ninth  trial  began  without  great  evidence  of  excitement, 
until,  upon  the  call  of  New  York,  the  chairman  of  that  delega- 
tion asked  permission  to  retire  for  consultation.  Meanwhile 
the  roll-call  proceeded.  When  the  New  York  delegation 
returned,  Mr.  B.  F.  Butler  made  a  speech,  in  the  course  of 
which  he  produced  a  letter  from  Mr.  Van  Buren  which  he  had 
received  before  the  convention  met,  authorizing  the  withdrawal 
of  his  name,  if  it  would  conduce  to  harmony.  Accordingly 
Mr.  Butler  withdrew  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  cast  the  entire  vote 
of  New  York  for  Mr.  Polk.  Then  ensued  a  "stampede,"  — a 
scene  repeated  many  times  since  that  day  in  national  conven- 
tions. Delegation  after  delegation  changed  its  vote,  and  when 
the  result  was  announced  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  had 
every  vote,  and  was  nominated.  A  scene  of  wild  confusion 
ensued.  A  despatch  was  sent  by  telegraph  to  Washington,  — 
the  first  line  built  in  the  country  had  not  long  before  been 
opened  between  the  two  cities,  —  and  a  congratulatory  reply 
was  received  from  the  Democratic  members  of  Congress  twenty 
minutes  after  the  nomination. 

In  the  afternoon  the  convention  voted  for  a  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  and  nominated  Silas  Wright,  then  a  Senator 
from  New  York,  almost  unanimously,  by  256  votes.  Nine 
members  of  the  Georgia  delegation  refused  to  vote  for  him, 
and  supported  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire.  Mr. 
Wright  was  notified  by  telegraph,  and  declined  the  nomination 
peremptorily.  Although  he  was  requested  to  reconsider,  and 
was  waited  upon  that  night  by  a  committee  of  the  convention, 


k 


214  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

he  persisted  in  his  refusal  to  be  a  candidate.  This  is  the  only 
case  in  the  history  of  the  country  where  a  nomination  for  either 
the  first  or  the  second  place  on  a  presidential  ticket,  by  one  of 
the  great  parties,  has  been  declined  after  it  was  made.  Mr. 
Wright  felt  that  he  could  not,  in  honor,  accept  the  candidacy. 
V  He  had  been  a  sincere  advocate  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  nomina- 
tion. Moreover,  a  few  days  before  the  convention,  he  had 
been  approached  by  some  of  his  own  personal  friends,  who 
suggested  that  the  two-thirds  rule  might  be  adopted,  that  it 
might  result  in  the  defeat  of  Van  Buren,  and  that  it  might  be 
possible  to  turn  the  convention  in  his  own  favor.  He  rejected 
the  overture,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  be  used  in  case  the  contin- 
gency suggested  were  to  arise.  It  did  arise  when  New  York 
was  about  to  withdraw  Van  Buren,  and  the  letter  was  read  at 
the  private  meeting  of  the  delegation.  His  determination  was 
conveyed  explicitly  in  these  words :  "I  am  not  and  cannot 
under  any  circumstances  be  a  candidate  before  your  convention 
for  that  office."  The  whole  letter  is  published  in  Hammond's 
"  Life  of  Silas  Wright,"  which  forms  a  part  of  the  third  vol- 
ume of  his  "  Political  History  of  New  York,"  and  is  highly 
creditable  to  Mr.  Wright's  sense  of  honor.  He  explained 
afterward  that  he  felt  that  he  could  not  accept  the  second 
place  and  so  gain  a  profit  from  the  defeat  of  his  friend,  Mr. 
Van  Buren. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  convention  the  members  proceeded 
to  vote  again  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  On  the  first 
trial,  Governor  John  Fairfield,  of  Maine,  had  107  votes ;  Levi 
Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire,  44 ;  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan, 
39  ;  R.  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky,  26  ;  Commodore  Stewart,  of 
Pennsylvania,  23;  George  M.  Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania,  13; 
William  L.  Marcy,  of  New  York,  5.  An  inquiry  was  made 
whether  Governor  Fairfield  was  in  favor  of  annexation,  but 
the  question  could  not  be  answered  authoritatively,  and  he 
was  dropped.  The  convention  was  evidently  in  a  less  con- 
ciliatory frame  of  mind  than  when  it  nominated  Mr.  Wright, 
who  shared  the  views  of  Mr.  Van  Buren.  On  the  second  vote 
George  M.  Dallas  had  220  votes ;  Governor  Fairfield,  30 ;  Mr. 
Woodbury,  6 ;  and  Mr.  Dallas  was  nominated. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  morning  session,  before  the  nomi- 
nation of  Mr.  Dallas,  the  following  platform  was  reported 
and  adopted.  In  most  of  our  political  text-books  the  plat- 
form appears  in  a  mutilated  form,  and  does  not  contain  the 


THE  FIRST   "DARK  HORSE"  215 

first  resolution,  with  its  sarcastic  allusion  to  the   canvass  of 
1840 :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their  trust,  not 
in  factitious  symbols,  not  in  displays  and  appeals  insulting  to  the 
judgment  and  subversive  of  the  intellect  of  the  people,  but  in  a 
clear  reliance  upon  the  intelligence,  patriotism,  and  the  discrimi- 
nating justice  of  the  American  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  this  as  a  distinctive  feature  of  our 
political  creed,  which  we  are  proud  to  maintain  before  the  world, 
as  the  great  moral  element  in  a  form  of  government  springing 
from  and  upheld  by  the  popular  will ;  and  we  contrast  it  with  the 
creed  and  practice  of  Federalism,  under  whatever  name  or  form, 
which  seeks  to  palsy  the  will  of  the  constituent,  and  which  con- 
ceives no  imposture  too  monstrous  for  the  popular  credulity. 

Resolved,  therefore,  That,  entertaining  these  views,  the  Demo- 
cratic party  of  this  Union,  through  the  delegates  assembled  in 
general  convention  of  the  States,  coming  together  in  a  spirit  of 
concord,  of  devotion  to  the  doctrines  and  faith  of  a  free  represent- 
ative government,  and  appealing  to  their  fellow-citizens  for  the 
rectitude  of  their  intentions,  renew  and  reassert  before  the  Ameri- 
can people  the  declaration  of  principles  avowed  by  them  on  a  for- 
mer occasion,  when,  in  general  convention,  they  presented  their 
candidates  for  the  popular  suffrage. 

[Here  follow  all  the  resolutions  adopted  by  the  convention 
of  1840;  see  p.  199.] 

Resolved,  That  the  proceeds  of  the  public  lands  ought  to  be 
sacredly  applied  to  the  national  objects  specified  in  the  Constitu- 
tion ;  and  that  we  are  opposed  to  the  laws  lately  adopted,  and  to 
any  law,  for  the  distribution  of  such  proceeds  among  the  States,  as 
alike  inexpedient  in  policy  and  repugnant  to  the  Constitution. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  decidedly  opposed  to  taking  from  the 
President  the  qualified  veto  power  by  which  he  is  enabled,  under 
restrictions  and  responsibilities  amply  sufficient  to  guard  the  pub- 
lic interest,  to  suspend  the  passage  of  a  bill,  whose  merits  cannot 
secure  the  approval  of  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Re- 
presentatives, until  the  judgment  of  the  people  can  be  obtained 
thereon,  and  which  has  thrice  saved  the  American  people  from 
the  corrupt  and  tyrannical  domination  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States. 

Resolved,  That  our  title  to  the  whole  of  the  territory  of  Oregon 
is  clear  and  unquestionable;  that  no  portion  of  the  same  ought 
to  be  ceded  to  England  or  any  other  power;  and  that  the  r€>- 
occupation  of  Oregon  and  the  re-annexation  of  Texas  at  the  ear» 
liest  practicable  period  are  great  American  measum*,  which  this 


216  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

convention  recommends  to  the  cordial  support  of  the  Democracy 
of  the  Union. 

After  a  formal  resolution  naming  Polk  and  Dallas  as  the 
party  candidates,  the  platform  concludes  with  the  following 
resolution :  — 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  hold  in  the  highest  estimation 
and  regard  their  illustrious  fellow-citizen,  Martin  Van  Buren,  of 
New  York ;  that  we  cherish  the  most  grateful  and  abiding  sense 
of  the  ability,  integrity,  and  firmness  with  which  he  discharged 
the  duties  of  the  high  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
especially  of  the  inflexible  fidelity  with  which  he  maintained  the 
true  doctrines  of  the  Constitution  and  the  measures  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  during  his  trying  and  nobly  arduous  administration  ; 
that  in  the  memorable  struggle  of  1840  he  fell  a  martyr  to  the  great 
principles  of  which  he  was  the  worthy  representative,  and  we  revere 
him  as  such ;  and  that  we  hereby  tender  to  him,  in  honorable  re- 
tirement, the  assurance  of  the  deeply  seated  confidence,  affection, 
and  respect  of  the  American  Democracy. 

In  order  to  present  the  events  of  the  opening  of  the  Demo- 
cratic canvass  without  a  break,  chronological  order  has  been 
somewhat  disregarded.  Two  conventions  had  already  been 
held  when  that  of  the  Democrats  met.  The  Abolitionists 
had  assembled  at  Buffalo  at  the  end  of  August,  1843,  and  had 
nominated  James  G.  Birney,  of  New  York,  for  President,  and 
Thomas  Morris,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President.  This  action  was 
to  have  a  most  important  effect  upon  the  ensuing  canvass,  un- 
worthy of  notice  as  the  convention  seemed.  Only  one  hun- 
dred and  forty-eight  delegates  were  present,  from  twelve  States. 
It  adopted  the  following  platform :  — 

Resolved,  That  human  brotherhood  is  a  cardinal  principle  of 
true  democracy,  as  well  as  of  pure  Christianity,  which  spurns  all 
inconsistent  limitations;  and  neither  the  political  party  which 
repudiates  it,  nor  the  political  system  which  is  not  based  upon  it, 
can  be  truly  democratic  or  permanent. 

Resolved,  That  the  Liberty  Party,  placing  itself  upon  this  broad 
principle,  will  demand  the  absolute  and  unqualified  divorce  of  the 
general  government  from  slavery,  and  also  the  restoration  of  equal- 
ity of  rights  among  men,  in  every  State  where  the  party  exists  or 
may  exist. 

Resolved,  That  the  Liberty  Party  has  not  been  organized  for  any 
temporary  purpose  by  interested  politicians,  but  has  arisen  from 
among  the  people  in  consequence  of  a  conviction,  hourly  gaining 
ground,  that  no  other  party  in  the  country  represents  the  true 


THE  FIRST   "DARK  HORSE"  217 

principles  of  American  liberty,  or  the  true  spirit  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  .That  the  Liberty  Party  has  not  been  organized  merely 
for  the  overthrow  of  slavery.  Its  first  decided  effort  must  indeed 
be  directed  against  slaveholding  as  the  grossest  and  most  revolting 
manifestation  of  despotism,  but  it  will  also  carry  out  the  principle 
of  equal  rights  into  all  its  practical  consequences  and  applications, 
and  support  every  just  measure  conducive  to  individual  and  social 
freedom. 

Resolved,  That  the  Liberty  Party  is  not  a  sectional  party,  but  a 
national  party ;  was  not  originated  in  a  desire  to  accomplish  a  single 
object,  but  in  a  comprehensive  regard  to  the  great  interest  of  the 
whole  Country ;  is  not  a  new  party  nor  a  third  party,  but  is  th< 
party  of  1776,  reviving  the  principles  of  that  memorable  era,  and 
striving  to  carry  them  into  practical  application. 

Resolved,  That  it  was  understood  in  the  times  of  the  Declara- 
tion and  the  Constitution  that  the  existence  of  slavery  in  some  of 
the  States  was  in  derogation  of  the  principles  of  American  liberty, 
and  a  deep  stain  upon  the  character  of  the  country  and  the  implied 
faith  of  the  States ;  and  the  nation  was  pledged  that  slavery  should 
never  be  extended  beyond  its  then  existing  limits,  but  should  be 
gradually,  and  yet  at  no  distant  day  wholly,  abolished  by  state 
authority. 

Resolved,  That  the  faith  of  the  States  and  the  nation  thus 
pledged  was  most  nobly  redeemed  by  the  voluntary  abolition  of 
slavery  in  several  of  the  States,  and  by  the  adoption  of  the  Ordi- 
nance of  1787  for  the  government  of  the  territory  northwest  of 
the  River  Ohio,  then  the  only  territory  in  the  United  States,  and 
consequently  the  only  territory  subject  in  this  respect  to  the  con- 
trol of  Congress,  by  which  ordinance  slavery  was  forever  excluded 
from  the  vast  regions  which  now  compose  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indi- 
ana, Illinois,  Michigan,  and  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin,  and  an 
incapacity  to  bear  up  any  other  than  free  men  was  impressed  on  the 
soil  itself. 

Resolved,  That  the  faith  of  the  States  and  nation  thus  pledged 
has  been  shamefully  violated  by  the  omission  on  the  part  of  many 
of  the  States  to  take  any  measures  whatever  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  within  their  respective  limits  ;  by  the  continuance  of  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  the  Territories  of  Louisiana 
and  Florida;  by  the  legislation  of  Congress;  by  the  protection 
afforded  by  national  legislation  and  negotiation  to  slaveholding  in 
American  vessels,  on  the  high  seas,  employed  in  the  coastwise  slave 
traffic ;  and  by  the  extension  of  slavery  far  beyond  its  original 
limits  by  acts  of  Congress  admitting  new  slave  States  into  the 
Union. 


<- 


213  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Resolved,  That  the  fundamental  truth  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  that  all  men  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness,  was  made  the  fundamental  law  of  our  national 
government  by  that  amendment  of  the  Constitution  which  declares 
that  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  with- 
out  due  process  of  law. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  as  sound  the  doctrine  maintained 
by  slaveliolding  jurists,  that  slavery  is  against  natural  rights  and 
strictly  local,  and  that  its  existence  and  continuance  rest  on  no 
other  support  than  state  legislation,  and  not  on  any  authority  of 
Congress. 

Resolved,  That  the  general  government  has,  under  the  Consti- 
tution, no  power  to  establish  or  continue  slavery  anywhere,  and 
therefore  that  all  treaties  and  acts  of  Congress  establishing,  con- 
tinuing, or  favoring  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  the 
Territory  of  Florida,  or  on  the  high  seas,  are  unconstitutional,  and 
all  attempts  to  hold  men  as  property  within  the  limits  of  exclusive 
national  jurisdiction  ought  to  be  prohibited  by  law. 

Resolved,  That  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  which  confers  extraordinary  political  powers  on  the  owners 
of  slaves,  and  thereby  constituting  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand slaveholders  in  the  slave  States  a  privileged  aristocracy  ;  and 
the  provision  for  the  reclamation  of  fugitive  slaves  from  service, 
are  anti-republican  in  their  character,  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of 
the  people,  and  ought  to  be  abrogated. 

Resolved,  That  the  practical  operation  of  the  second  of  these 
provisions  is  seen  in  the  enactment  of  the  act  of  Congress  respect- 
ing persons  escaping  from  their  masters,  which  act,  if  the  construc- 
tion given  to  it  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  in  the 
case  of  Prigg  v.  Pennsylvania  be  correct,  nullifies  the  habeas  corpus 
acts  of  all  the  States,  takes  away  the  whole  legal  security  of  per- 
sonal freedom,  and  ought  therefore  to  be  immediately  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  the  peculiar  patronage  and  support  hitherto  ex- 
tended to  slavery  and  slaveholding  by  the  general  government 
ought  to  be  immediately  withdrawn,  and  the  example  and  influence 
of  national  authority  ought  to  be  arrayed  on  the  side  of  liberty  and 
free  labor. 

Resolved,  That  the  practice  of  the  general  government,  which 
prevails  in  the  slave  States,  of  employing  slaves  upon  the  public 
works,  instead  of  free  laborers,  and  paying  aristocratic  masters, 
with  a  view  to  secure  or  reward  political  services,  is  utterly  inde- 
fensible and  ought  to  be  abandoned. 

Resolved,  That  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  the 
right  of  petition  and  the  right  of  trial  by  jury,  are  sacred  and 


THE  FIRST  "DARK  HORSE"  219 

inviolable  ;  and  that  all  rules,  regulations,  and  laws  in  derogation 
of  either  are  oppressive,  unconstitutional,  and  not  to  be  endured 
by  free  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  voting,  in  an  eminent  degree,  as  a 
moral  and  religious  duty,  which,  when  exercised,  should  be  by 
voting  for  those  who  will  do  all  in  their  power  for  immediate 
emancipation. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  recommend  to  the  friends  of  lib- 
erty in  all  those  free  States  where  any  inequality  of  rights  and 
privileges  exists  on  account  of  color,  to  employ  their  utmost  ener- 
gies to  remove  all  such  remnants  and  effects  of  the  slave  system. 

Whereas,  The  Constitution  of  these  United  States  is  a  series  of 
agreements,  convenants,  or  contracts  between  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  each  with  all  and  all  with  each  ;  and 

Whereas,  It  is  a  principle  of  universal  morality  that  the  moral 
laws  of  the  Creator  are  paramount  to  all  human  laws ;  or,  in  the 
language  of  an  Apostle,  that  "  we  ought  to  obey  God  rather  than 
men  ;  "  and  *— ^ 

Whereas,  The  principle  of  common  law,  that  any  contract, 
covenant,  or  agreement  to  do  an  act  derogatory  to  natural  rights  is 
vitiated  and  annulled  by  its  inherent  immorality,  has  been  recog- 
nized by  one  of  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  who  in  a  recent  case  expressly  holds  that  any  "  contract  that 
rests  upon  such  a  basis  is  void ;  "  and 

Whereas,  The  third  clause  of  the  second  section  of  the  fourth 
article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  when  construed  as 
providing  for  the  surrender  of  a  fugitive  slave,  does  "  rest  upon  such 
a  basis  "  in  that  it  is  a  contract  to  rob  a  man  of  a  natural  right, 
namely,  his  natural  right  to  his  own  liberty,  and  is,  therefore, 
absolutely  void ;  therefore 

Resolved,  That  we  hereby  give  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  by 

this  nation  and  the  world  that,  as  Abolitionists,  considering  that ^ 

the  strength  of  our  cause  lies  in  its  righteousness,  and  our  hope  for  / 
it  in  our  conformity  to  the  laws  of  God  and  our  respect  for  the 
rights  of  man,  we  owe  it  to  the  Sovereign  Ruler  of  the  universe,  as 
a  proof  of  our  allegiance  to  him  in  all  our  civil  relations  and  offices, 
whether  as  private  citizens  or  as  public  functionaries  sworn  to  sup- 
port the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to  regard  and  to  treat 
the  third  clause  of  the  fourth  article  of  that  instrument,  whenever 
applied  to  the  case  of  a  fugitive  slave,  as  utterly  null  and  void,  and 
consequently  as  forming  no  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  whenever  we  are  called  upon  or  sworn  to'  support  it. 

Resolved,  That  the  power  given  to  Congress  by  the  Constitution, 
to  provide  for  calling  out  the  militia  to  suppress  insurrection,  does 
not  make  it  the  duty  of  the  government  to  maintain  slavery  by 


220  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

military  force,  much  less  does  it  make  it  the  duty  of  the  citizens  to 
form  a  part  of  such  military  force.  When  freemen  unsheathe  the 
sword  it  should  be  to  strike  for  liberty,  not  for  despotism. 

Resolved,  That,  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  citizens  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  freedom,  the  legislature  of  each  of  the  free  States 
ought  to  keep  in  force  suitable  statutes  rendering  it  penal  for  any 
of  its  inhabitants  to  transport,  or  aid  in  transporting,  from  such 
State,  any  person  sought  to  be  thus  transported  merely  because 
subject  to  the  slave  laws  of  any  other  State ;  this  remnant  of  in- 
dependence being  accorded  to  the  free  States  by  the  decision 
of  the  Supreme  Court  in  the  case  of  Prigg  v.  The  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania. 

The  Whigs,  as  has  been  said  already,  were  enthusiastic  and 
completely  united  in  the  support  of  Mr.  Clay.  No  other 
candidate  was  mentioned  or  thought  of  in  connection  with  the 
nomination.  The  convention  was  held  in  Baltimore  on  the 
1st  of  May,  1844.  Every  State  in  the  Union  was  represented 
by  a  full  delegation.  The  whole  business  of  the  convention 
was  completed  in  a  single  sitting.  Andrew  F.  Hopkins,  of 
Alabama,  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  Ambrose  Spencer, 
of  New  York,  the  permanent  president.  Henry  Clay  was  nom- 
inated unanimously  by  resolution,  with  the  utmost  enthusiasm. 
Four  ballots  were  taken  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President. 
On  the  first,  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  of  New  Jersey  had  101 ; 
John  Davis  of  Massachusetts,  83  ;  Millard  Fillmore  of  New 
York,  53 ;  and  John  Sergeant  of  Pennsylvania,  38.  Mr.  Fre- 
linghuysen gained  on  every  ballot,  and  on  the  fourth  received 
155,  against  116  for  Fillmore  and  Davis  combined.  After 
numerous  speeches  had  been  made,  in  which  the  candidates 
were  most  highly  commended  and  the  triumph  of  the  party 
was  confidently  predicted,  Mr.  Reverdy  Johnson  of  Mary- 
land moved  the  following  series  of  resolutions,  which  were 
adopted  :  — 

Resolved,  That,  in  presenting  to  the  country  the  names  of  Henry 
Clay  for  President,  and  of  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  this  convention  is  actuated  by  the  con- 
viction that  all  the  great  principles  of  the  Whig  party  —  principles 
inseparable  from  the  public  honor  and  prosperity  —  will  be  main- 
tained and  advanced  by  these  candidates. 

Resolved,  That  these  principles  may  be  summed  as  comprising  : 
A  well-regulated  currency ;  a  tariff  for  revenue  to  defray  the  neces- 
sary expenses  of  the  government,  and  discriminating  with  special 


THE   FIRST  "DARK  HORSE"  221 

reference  to  the  protection  of  the  domestic  labor  of  the  country ; 
the  distribution  of  the  proceeds  from  the  sales  of  the  public 
lands ;  a  single  term  for  the  presidency ;  a  reform  of  executive  usur- 
pations ;  and  generally  such  an  administration  of  the  affairs  of 
the  country  as  shall  impart  to  every  branch  of  the  public  service 
the  greatest  practical  efficiency,  controlled  by  a  well-regulated  and 
wise  economy. 

Resolved,  That  the  name  of  Henry  Clay  needs  no  eulogy.  The 
history  of  the  country  since  his  first  appearance  in  public  life  is  his 
history.  Its  brightest  pages  of  prosperity  and  success  are  identified 
with  the  principles  which  he  has  upheld,  as  its  darkest  and  more 
disastrous  pages  are  with  every  material  departure  in  our  public 
policy  from  those  principles. 

Resolved,  That  in  Theodore  Frelinghuysen  we  present  a  man 
pledged  alike  by  his  Revolutionary  ancestry  and  his  own  public 
course  to  every  measure  calculated  to  sustain  the  honor  and  inter- 
est of  the  country.  Inheriting  the  principles  as  well  as  the  name 
of  a  father  who,  with  Washington  on  the  fields  of  Trenton  and  of 
Monmouth,  perilled  life  in  the  contest  for  liberty,  and  afterwards, 
as  a  senator  of  the  United  States,  acted  with  Washington  in  estab- 
lishing and  perpetuating  that  liberty,  Theodore  Frelinghuysen,  by 
his  course  as  attorney-general  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey  for  twelve 
years,  and  subsequently  as  a  senator  of  the  United  States  for  sev- 
eral years,  was  always  strenuous  on  the  side  of  law,  order,  and  the 
Constitution  ;  while,  as  a  private  man,  his  head,  his  hand,  and  his 
heart  have  been  given  without  stint  to  the  cause  of  morals,  educa- 
tion, philanthropy,  and  religion. 

The  second  only  of  these  resolutions  is  printed  in  the  politi- 
cal text-books,  and  always  with  a  faulty  punctuation,  —  the 
omission  of  a  colon  after  the  first  phrase,  —  which  makes  non- 
sense of  the  whole  resolution.  The  first  resolution  of  the 
series  is  essential  even  to  an  understanding  of  the  second, 
which  stated  the  principles  of  the  Whig  party. 

Although  Mr.  Tyler  had  not  been  mentioned  as  a  candidate 
in  the  Democratic  Convention,  he  had  friends,  —  chiefly  office- 
holders, it  was  said,  by  both  Whigs  and  Democrats,  —  who 
held  a  convention,  also  in  Baltimore,  on  the  same  day  that  the 
Democrats  met  there.  It  was  a  mass  convention,  rather  than 
one  of  elected  delegates.  Mr.  Tyler  was  unanimously  nomi- 
nated for  the  presidency,  and  accepted  the  nomination  ;  but 
the  movement  fell  dead,  and  Mr.  Tyler  withdrew  his  candi- 
dacy in  a  long,  argumentative,  and  somewhat  bitter  letter,  dated 
on  the  20th  of  August. 


222  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  Democrats  recovered  themselves  quickly  from  the  sur- 
prise to  which  their  convention  had  treated  them.  Van 
Buren's  wrongs  were  soon  forgotten.  Immediately  after  his 
overthrow,  Horace  Greeley  wrote  in  the  New  York  "  Tribune  :  " 
"  We  can  with  difficulty  realize  that  this  active,  skilful,  in- 
domitable man,  accustomed  to  organize  victories  out  of  the 
ruins  of  defeats  which  to  another  would  seem  annihilating, 
is  to  be  henceforth  a  reminiscence.  Verily,  what  shadows  we 
are,  what  shadows  we  pursue !  "  The  Democrats  wasted  no 
time  even  in  reminiscence.  The  canvass  began  immediately, 
and  it  was  to  some  extent  a  repetition  of  the  campaign  of 
1840,  with  the  difference  that  this  time  there  were  shouting 
and  enthusiasm  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Clay  was  undoubtedly 
the  most  popular  man  in  the  United  States ;  but  personal  popu- 
larity did  not  decide  the  issue.  The  Democrats  were  much 
in  earnest,  both  about  the  election  and  about  Texas.  Mr. 
Polk  was  a  comparatively  unknown  man,  although  he  had 
served  as  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives.  He 
therefore  excited  no  antagonisms.  He  was  particularly  accept- 
able to  the  South ;  and  the  Northern  Democrats  had  nothing 
against  him.  It  was  believed  and  asserted  that  the  movement 
in  his  favor  in  the  convention  had  not  been  so  spontaneous  as 
its  managers  wished  people  to  suppose,  but  that  the  matter 
had  been  carefully  canvassed  beforehand,  and  that  the  plan,  as 
carried  out,  was  laid  some  time  before  at  Nashville.  While, 
therefore,  the  Whigs  made  an  enthusiastic  canvass,  there  were 
not  wanting  signs  that  a  majority  of  the  people  were  still 
Democratic,  and  that  the  reverse  of  1840  was  merely  a 
brief  and  half-thoughtless  revulsion  against  certain  abuses 
which  had  crept  in,  which  the  people  did  not  like  at  the  time, 
but  to  which  they  have  since  reconciled  themselves  most 
bravely.  The  early  elections  gave  indications  here  and  there 
of  a  slight  Whig  gain  from  the  result  in  1842,  when  the  Demo- 
crats had  been  again  successful  in  carrying  a  majority  of  Con- 
gress ;  but  these  gains  were  partially  offset  by  Democratic  suc- 
cesses, and  were  nowhere  great  enough  to  give  the  Whigs  good 
ground  for  hope  of  a  victory  in  November.  Yet  they  contin- 
ued to  hope  and  to  fight  to  the  last. 

The  number  of  States  voting  was  twenty-six,  as  before  ; 
but  owing  to  the  new  apportionment,  by  which  the  number 
of  representatives  was  cut  down  from  242  to  223,  the  number  of 
electors  was  reduced  to  275.     The   popular  and  the  electoral 


THE  FIRST  "DARK  HORSE 


228 


votes  are  included  in  the  same  table,  inasmuch  as  all  the  elec- 
tors voted  for  both  candidates  of  their  respective  parties :  — 


Popular  Vote. 

Electors. 

States. 

6 

■ 

i 

I 

1 

i{ 

SI 

§ 

a 

a 

i 

JM 

8 

^■3 

3 

K 

>? 

£ 

^ 

Maine 

45,719 

34,378 

4,836 

9 

_ 

New  Hampshire 

27,160 

17,866 

4,161 

6 

- 

Vermont    .     .     . 

18,041 

26,770 

3,954 

- 

6 

Massachusetts 

52,846 

.  67,418 

10,860 

- 

12 

Rhode  Island 

4,867 

7,322 

107 

- 

4 

Connecticut    . 

29,841 

32,832 

1,943 

- 

6 

New  York . 

237,588 

232,482 

15,812 

36 

- 

New  Jersey 

37,495 

38,318 

131 

- 

7 

Pennsylvania 

167,535 

161,203 

3,138 

26 

— 

Delaware  . 

5,996 

6,278 

-  • 

- 

3 

Maryland  . 

32,676 

35,984 

- 

- 

8 

Virginia     . 

49,570 

43,677 

— 

17 

- 

North  Carolina 

-      39,287 

43,232 

- 

- 

11 

South/Carolina  * 

- 

- 

- 

"9 

- 

Georgia      .     . 

44,177 

42,100 

- 

10 

- 

Alabama    . 

37,740 

26,084 

- 

9 

— 

Mississippi 

25,126 

19,206 

- 

6 

- 

Louisiana  . 

13,782 

13,083 

- 

6 

- 

Kentucky  . 

51,988 

61,255 

- 

- 

12 

Tennessee  . 

59,917 

60,030 

- 

- 

13 

Missouri     . 

41,369 

31,251 

- 

7 

- 

Arkansas   . 

9,546 

5,504 

- 

3 

- 

Ohio.     .     . 

149,117 

155,057 

8,050 

- 

23 

Michigan   . 

27,759 

24,337 

3,632 

5 

- 

Indiana 

70,181 

67,867 

2,106 

12 

— 

Illinois  .     . 

57,920 

45,528 

3,570 

9 

- 

Totals    . 

1,337,243 

1,299,062 

62,300 

170 

105 

*  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 

It  was  not  the  closest  election  ever  known  in  the  country, 
but  it  was  extremely  close.  There  were  but  four  States  in 
which  the  plurality  of  Polk  reached  ten  thousand;  one  State 
only  gave  Clay  so  large  a  plurality  as  that.  Three  States  gave 
less  than  a  thousand  plurality  each.  Although  Mr.  Polk  had 
65  majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  a  change  of  7918  votes, 
carefully  distributed  in  the  States  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 


224 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


Georgia,  and  Indiana,  would  have  given  Clay  a  majority  of 
103  electoral  votes.  These  were  not  the  only  peculiar  features 
of  the  election.  The  Abolitionists  defeated  Clay.  The  Whigs 
were  wroth  against  the  new  political  faction  before  the  elec- 
tion. The  New  York  "  Tribune  "  brought  forward  evidence 
satisfactory  to  itself  that  Birney  sought  a  Democratic  nomina- 
tion in  New  York,  and  tried  to  catch  Democratic  votes.  In  all 
probability  there  was  no  truth  in  the  charge,  but  it  was  be- 
lieved at  the  time.  Had  the  Abolitionists  voted  for  Clay  he 
would  have  had  a  popular  majority  of  24,119;  he  would  have 
received  the  electoral  votes  of  New  York,  36,  and  Michigan,  5 ; 
and  he  would  have  been  elected  by  146  electoral  votes  against 
129  for  Mr.  Polk.  No  doubt  the  Abolitionists  acted  with 
entire  consistency  in  refusing  to  vote  for  Henry  Clay,  and  no 
doubt  it  is  as  impossible  to  tell  what  might  have  happened  if 
Clay  had  been  elected  as  it  would  be  to  guess  what  would  have 
been  the  course  of  history  if  Van  Buren  had  not  written  his 
Texas  letter ;  but  at  all  events  the  election  of  Clay  would  have 
,  postponed  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  possibly  it  would 
<-X"""have  averted  the  Mexican  war. 

Another  noteworthy  incident  of  the  election  was  what  was 
known  as  the  Plaquemines  fraud.  It  will  be  noticed  in  the 
above  table  that  the  Polk  majority  in  Louisiana  is  699.  The 
parish  of  Plaquemines,  below  New  Orleans  on  the  Mississippi, 
had  voted  in  previous  years,  and  was  returned  as  voting  in 
1844,  as  follows  :  — 


Democrat. 

Whig. 

Election  of  1840 

250 

179 

310 

1,007 

40 

Election  of  1842 

93 

Election  of  1843 

36 

Election  of  1844 

37 

The  Democratic  vote  was  larger  by  697  than  ever  before,  — 
almost  exactly  the  whole  Democratic  majority  in  the  State. 
The  vote  was  also  suspicious  in  this,  that  the  Democratic  vote 
returned  was  greater  in  number  than  the  entire  white  male 
population,  of  all  ages,  in  the  parish  in  1840.  The  explana- 
tion that  was  given  by  the  Whigs  was  that  the  steamboat 
Agnes  went  down  from  New  Orleans  with  a  load  of  passengers 


THE  FIRST   "DARK  HORSE"  225 

under  the  charge  of  a  political  magnate  of  Plaquemines,  and 
that  these  passengers  stopped  at  three  different  places  and  cast 
each  time  a  unanimous  vote  for  Polk  and  Dallas.  The  steam- 
boat Planter  took  down  one  hundred  and  forty  others,  who 
also  voted  early  and  often  for  the  same  ticket.  These  asser- 
tions were  not  only  made,  but  sworn  to,  by  many  witnesses, 
including  some  persons,  one  of  them  a  minor,  who  voted  several 
times  each,  under  the  direction  of  the  learned  judge  who  man- 
aged the  affair.  The  story  bears  all  the  marks  of  truth.  If  it 
is  not  true,  it  is  at  least  singular  that  it  was  ten  years  after 
1844  before  Plaquemines  parish  could  muster  half  as  many 
Democratic  votes  as  it  gave  that  year  to  Polk. 

Though  the  Whig  newspapers  rang  with  the  charges  of 
fraud,  and  though  the  accusation  was  supported  by  strong  tes- 
timony, nothing  was  done  about  it.  The  election  was  lost, 
and  a  rectification  of  the  fraud  would  not  have  changed  the 
result.  The  Whigs  submitted  quietly  ;  and  when  the  electoral 
count  took  place  in  1845,  in  the  usual  manner,  no  objection 
whatever  was  made,  and  Polk  and  Dallas  were  in  due  form 
declared  elected. 

The  inauguration  took  place  in  the  form  which  had  now 
become  usual.  The  President  and  the  President-elect  rode 
together,  this  time,  in  an  open  carriage ;  and  a  feature  of 
the  procession  was  a  small  band  of  Revolutionary  veterans  on 
foot.  Inasmuch  as  this  ceremony  took  place  sixty-two  years 
after  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  political  enthusiasm  of  these 
aged  men  was  as  remarkable  as  was  the  inhumanity  of  the 
managers  who  suffered  them  to  take  such  a  part  in  the  dis- 
play of  the  day. 


xvm 

THE  "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN  OF  1848 
i 

The  slavery  question,  which  had  been  growing  in  impor- 
tance fitfully,  as  a  political  issue,  since  the  contest  and  com- 
promise on  the  admission  of  Missouri  in  1820,  dominated  the 
politics  of  the  country  in  the  election  of  1844,  and  thereafter 
until  it  was  decided  by  secession,  war,  and  emancipation.  Not 
that  parties,  statesmen,  and  politicians  ranged  themselves  as 
advocates  or  opponents  either  of  slavery  as  an  existing  institu- 
tion or  of  the  extension  of  slavery,  until  the  critical  moment 
of  the  struggle  was  near  at  hand.  But  every  great  measure, 
beginning  with  the  annexation  of  Texas,  was  considered  and 
decided  with  chief  reference  to  the  extension,  the  maintenance, 
the  restriction,  or  the  overthrow  of  the  " peculiar  institution" 
of  the  South.  The  opponents  of  slavery  became  bolder  and 
more  aggressive  ;  its  defenders  more  vigilant,  more  resentful  of 
attacks  upon  it,  more  rigid  in  their  ostracism  of  public  men  at 
the  North  who  did  not  accept  their  principles,  more  resolute, 
in  the  event  of  a  denial  of  their  "  rights,"  in  their  purpose  to 
seek  those  rights  by  a  separation  from  the  Union.  As  the 
feeling  grew  more  intense,  and  the  language  of  extreme  parti- 
sans increased  in  violence,  well-meaning  men  tried  to  prolong 
the  peace  by  compromises  and  by  endeavors  to  turn  the  current 
of  political  thought  to  other  subjects.  How  vain  it  was  to 
attempt  to  reconcile  irreconcilable  things,  to  repress  the  "  irre- 
pressible conflict,"  the  history  of  the  next  few  years  shows 
most  plainly. 

The  South  was  better  prepared  for  the  conflict  when  it  be- 
came acute  than  was  the  North.  It  was  more  united.  It  had 
control  of  one  of  the  parties  ;  it  terrorized  the  other.  It  knew 
what  it  desired,  and  was  ready  to  make  demands  and  to  in- 
sist upon  them,  no  matter  what  might  be  the  consequences. 
Thus  it  won  the  first  victory  of  the  great  campaign,  in  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  and  followed  it  up  during  the  next 
administration  by  the  war  with  Mexico  and  the  acquisition  of 


THE   "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN   OF  1848         227 

more  territory  available,  as  was  supposed,  for  the  spread  of 
the  slavery  system.  Soon  after  the  shocking  accident  on  the 
"  Princeton,"  on  February  28,  1844,  in  which  the  Secretary  of 
State,  Mr.  Upshur,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Mr.  Gil- 
mer, lost  their  lives,  Mr.  Calhoun  was  made  Secretary  of  State. 
Henry  A.  Wise  asserts,  in  his  "  Seven  Decades  of  the  Union," 
that  he  offered  the  position  to  Mr.  Calhoun  without  authority 
from  the  President,  who  nevertheless  acquiesced  in  the  selec- 
tion so  irregularly  made  of  the  most  important  member  of  his 
cabinet.  Mr.  Calhoun  negotiated  a  treaty  for  the  annexation 
of  Texas,  and  was  believed  to  be  the  active  agent  in  defeating 
the  nomination  of  Van  Buren,  who  opposed  the  measure.  The 
Senate  rejected  the  treaty,  16  senators  only  favoring  and  35 
opposing  it.  Subsequently  joint  resolutions  were  offered,  and 
passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  providing  for  the 
annexation.  The  resolutions  would  surely  have  failed  in  the 
Senate  but  for  the  addition  of  an  amendment  giving  the  Pre- 
sident discretionary  power  to  bring  in  Texas  under  a  new 
treaty  to  be  submitted  to  the  Senate.  Even  this  could  not 
secure  the  bare  majority  required  until  Mr.  Polk,  the  Presi- 
dent-elect, was  known  to  have  pledged  himself  to  act,  not 
under  the  House  resolutions,  but  under  the  Senate  amendment. 
Mr.  Tyler  affixed  his  signature  to  the  resolutions  on  March  1, 
1845.  The  same  night  he  dispatched  a  special  messenger  to 
Texas  to  consummate  the  annexation.  Mr.  Polk,  inaugurated 
three  days  afterward,  refused  to  recall  the  messenger.  The 
opponents  of  annexation  regarded  the  proceeding  as  a  case  of 
remarkably  sharp  practice. 

Mr.  Polk  was  not  a  great  man.  His  Democratic  supporters, 
and  particularly  the  Southern  men  who  controlled  the  party, 
had  no  cause  of  complaint  either  of  unwillingness  on  his  part 
to  take  the  radical  views  they  entertained  on  questions  between 
the  South  and  the  North,  or  of  lack  of  courage  in  acting  upon 
those  views.  The  Mexican  war,  which  every  one  knew  to  be 
an  inevitable  consequence  of  the  intrigue  to  annex  Texas,  was 
entered  upon  without  hesitation.  The  Independent  Treasury, 
—  Van  Buren's  pet  measure,  —  which  had  been  overthrown  by 
the  Whigs,  was  reestablished.  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
Mr.  Eobert  J.  Walker,  was  given  a  free  hand  in  drafting  a 
tariff  bill,  and  Congress  passed  it,  —  the  famous  tariff  of  1846, 
framed  in  the  most  strict  conformity  to  the  wishes  of  the 
Southern  Democrats.    In  the  platform  of  the  party  the  title  of 


228  A  HISTOKY  OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 

the  United  States  to  "  the  whole  of  the  territory  of  Oregon  "  was 
asserted  to  be  "  clear  and  unquestionable  ;  "  and  the  "  reoccu- 
pation "  of  Oregon  was  linked  with  the  "  reannexation "  of 
Texas,  as  "  great  American  measures."  The  whole  of  Oregon, 
as  spoken  of  in  those  times,  meant  the  territory  lying  north 
of  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  and  Washington,  to  the  line  of 
54°  40'  north  latitude.  "  Fifty  -four  forty,  or  fight,"  was  a 
Democratic  rallying  cry  in  the  North,  as  the  acquisition  of 
Texas  was  in  the  South.  After  the  election  there  was  no  en- 
thusiasm on  the  Oregon  question ;  an  agreement  was  made, 
without  a  murmur  of  Democratic  dissatisfaction,  upon  the  line 
of  49°. 

On  every  one  of  the  three  questions  the  Whigs  were  de- 
cidedly against  the  administration.  They  deprecated  the 
Mexican  war ;  they  opposed  the  sub-treasury  and  the  ad  va- 
lorem low  tariff  of  1846 ;  they  jeered  at  the  government  for 
the  meekness  shown  in  accepting  the  northern  boundary  line 
offered  by  Great  Britain.  Yet  slavery  was  to  decide  the  can- 
vass of  1848,  not  as  a  direct  issue  between  the  two  great  par- 
ties, but  by  dividing  one  of  them  and  so  giving  the  victory  to 
the  other.  The  opportunity  of  the  anti-slavery  men  came  to 
them  from  a  peculiar  situation  developed  in  the  politics  of  the 
State  of  New  York.  It  would  be  almost  true  to  say  that 
there  has  never  been  a  time  when  the  Democrats  of  New 
York  have  not  been  divided  into  at  least  two  factions.  They 
have  exhibited  a  remarkable  power  of  getting  together  on  elec- 
tion day,  but  at  all  other  times  they  have  been  at  war  with 
each  other.  Some  of  their  dissensions  have  already  been 
mentioned.  In  the  early  days  of  the  republic  the  contests  were 
largely  personal  struggles  between  rival  leaders,  —  Burr,  the 
Clintons,  and  the  Livingstons.  During  the  second  administra- 
tion of  Jackson  a  large  faction  was  formed,  professing  ex- 
tremely radical  views,  which  called  itself  the  Equal  Rights 
party,  but  was  termed  by  its  adversaries  the  Loco-foco  party. 
The  name  originated  in  an  incident  that  occurred  in  New 
York  city  just  before  the  election  in  1835. l  It  was  the 
custom  to  submit  nominations  to  a  general  meeting  of  Demo- 
cratic citizens.  The  Equal  Eights  men,  determined  to  oppose 
the  Tammany  nominations,  appeared  in  large  numbers  at  the 
meeting  called  in  Tammany  Hall.     A  scene  of  great  confusion 

1  Some  authorities  give  the  date  erroneously  as  1834.    See  History  of  the 
Loco-foco  Party,  by  F.  Byrdsall,  chap.  i. 


THE   "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN  OF  1848         229 

between  tfce  two  factions  ensued.  At  last  the  Tammany  men 
withdrew,  and  as  they  left  the  hall  extinguished  the  gaslights. 
The  radicals,  anticipating  this,  had  provided  themselves  with 
candles  and  the  then  new  "  loco-foco  "  matches,  by  means  of 
which  the  hall  was  relighted  and  the  meeting  proceeded.  Some 
years  later  the  Whigs  called  all  Democrats  "  Loco-focos." 

The  division  of  the  party  continued,  with  some  changes  in 
the  causes  of  dissension,  as  well  as  changes  in  their  designa- 
tions. During  Polk's  administration  they  were  known  as 
"  Hunkers  "  and  "  Barnburners,"  —  Hunkers,  because  they 
"  hunkered "  for  office ;  Barnburners,  because  they  were  so 
much  in  earnest  for  the  reforms  they  advocated  that,  as  one 
of  their  orators  put  it,  they  were  willing  to  imitate  the  Dutch- 
man who  burned  his  barn  in  order  to  destroy  the  rats  which 
infested  it. 

It  was  narrated  in  the  last  chapter  that  Silas  Wright  re- 
fused to  profit  by  the  intrigue  that  defeated  his  friend  Van 
Buren's  nomination  for  the  presidency.  Nevertheless,  as  a 
good  party  man,  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  help  the  Polk 
and  Dallas  ticket,  and  at  the  solicitation  of  the  Democrats 
accepted  reluctantly  a  nomination  as  governor  of  New  York. 
He  was  elected  by  about  twice  the  majority  given  to  Mr.  Polk. 
Whether  intentionally  or  not,  every  step  of  the  administration 
was  hostile  to  the  faction  represented  by  Governor  Wright 
and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  in  favor  of  the  Hunkers.  Governor 
Marcy,  a  leader  of  the  Hunkers,  was  Secretary  of  War;  all 
the  federal  office-holders  appointed  were  of  the  same  faction. 
Silas  Wright  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  promising  can- 
didates for  the  nomination  in  1848 ;  and  if  it  had  been  the 
intention  of  the  administration  to  prevent  his  success,  it  could 
not  have  employed  more  effectual  measures  than  it  did.  When 
he  was  again  a  candidate  for  governor  in  1846,  he  was  de- 
feated. His  friends  all  believed  that  his  defeat  was  the  act 
of  the  President  and  his  friends,  although  at  the  last  moment 
a  great  show  was  made  of  anxiety  for  his  election.  Indeed, 
a  circular  was  sent  to  all  office-holders  in  New  York  forbid- 
ding them,  under  penalty  of  dismissal,  to  vote  against  Gov- 
ernor Wright. 

This  long  explanation  of  the  situation  in  New  York  has 
been  necessary  because  the  Democratic  division  in  that  State 
lost  the  election  of  1848.  It  not  only  deprived  the  Democrats 
of  electoral  votes  which  would  have  changed  the  result,  but 


230  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

it  gave  to  the  anti-slavery  wing  of  the  party  in  other  States 
an  opportunity  to  rally  for  their  cause.  Mr.  Wright  died 
suddenly  in  August,  1847 ;  but  his  death,  instead  of  bringing 
the  serious  party  dissension  to  a  close,  aggravated  it.  As  the 
war  with  Mexico  drew  to  a  close,  the  contest,  minus  its  per- 
sonal elements,  extended  into  other  States.  David  Wilmot, 
a  Democratic  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  from 
Pennsylvania,  proposed,  as  an  amendment  to  a  bill  placing 
three  million  dollars  at  the  disposal  of  the  President  for  the 
negotiation  of  a  treaty  extending  the  territory  of  the  United 
States,  a  proviso  that  slavery  should  not  exist  in  any  territory 
so  acquired.  The  "  Wilmot  Proviso  "  played  a  great  part  in 
the  debates  of  Congress,  in  the  general  struggle  over  the  slavery 
question,  and  especially  in  the  ensuing  election  of  1848. 

Meanwhile  all  was  not  union  and  harmony  in  the  Whig 
ranks.  Henry  Clay  was  still  the  most  popular  man  in  the 
party;  but  there  was  gradually  springing  up  a  feeling  that, 
after  his  repeated  defeats,  and  in  the  face  of  the  uncompro- 
mising objections  to  him  in  anti-slavery  quarters  in  the  North, 
he  could  not  be  elected.  Moreover  there  were  those  who 
thought  that  he  should  not  have  a  permanent  mortgage  on 
the  Whig  party.  Mr.  Webster  had  strong  friends  and  sup- 
porters to  urge  his  pretensions.  Judge  McLean,  General 
Scott,  Mr.  Clayton,  of  Delaware,  and  Thomas  Corwin,  of  Ohio, 
were  also  put  forward.  But  the  movement  in  favor  of  General 
Taylor  was  of  a  character  to  disarrange  all  the  calculations  of 
the  politicians.  The  campaign  in  his  favor  opened  on  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1848,  when  a  state  convention  of  Louisiana,  con- 
sisting of  delegates  from  thirty-six  parishes  (counties),  elected 
in  primary  meetings  "  without  regard  to  party  distinction," 
brought  forward  General  Taylor,  and  "  decreed  "  in  the  name 
of  their  constituents  that  they  nominated  him  as  a  candidate 
for  President.  Shortly  afterward  a  mass  meeting  in  Alabama, 
and  the  Whig  members  of  the  legislature  of  that  State,  nomi- 
nated General  Taylor,  and  recommended  that  the  Whigs  of 
Alabama  should  not  send  delegates  to  the  national  conven- 
tion. A  non-partisan  mass  meeting  in  Taylor's  interest  was. 
also  held  in  Baltimore.  These  movements  created  a  serious 
situation.  Apparently  the  nomination  was  to  be  taken  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  party.  Taylor's  supporters  threatened  to 
run  him  as  a  candidate  whatever  the  Whig  convention  might 
do.     It  became  important  to  know  how  far  General  Taylor 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"   CAMPAIGN  OF  1848         231 

lent  himself  to  this  feature  of  the  canvass  in  his  favor.  Let- 
ters were  addressed  to  him  to  ascertain  his  purpose.  Two  of 
his  replies  were  made  public.  In  the  first  (April  20)  he 
said  that  if  nominated  by  the  Whigs  he  "  should  not  refuse 
acceptance,"  provided  he  were  left  free  of  all  pledges,  and  per- 
mitted to  maintain  his  independence  of  parties ;  that  he  did 
not  design  to  withdraw  his  name  if  Mr.  Clay  should  be  nomi- 
nated, nor  in  fact,  "  whoever  may  be  the  Whig  or  the  Demo- 
cratic candidate  ;  "  and  —  denying  certain  charges  made  against 
him  —  that  he  never  said  he  was  in  favor  of  the  tariff  of  1846, 
or  of  the  sub-treasury ;  nor  had  he  asserted  that  he  originated 
the  war  with  Mexico,  or  that,  if  elected,  he  should  select  his 
cabinet  from  both  parties.  In  the  second  letter  (April  22) 
he  said  that  he  was  M  a  Whig,  but  not  an  ultra  Whig; "  and 
"  on  the  subjects  of  the  tariff,  the  currency,  and  the  improve- 
ment of  our  great  highways,  the  will  of  the  people  as  expressed 
by  their  representatives  in  Congress  ought  to  be  respected  and 
carried  out  by  the  executive." 

All  this  was  highly  unsatisfactory  to  many  of  the  Whigs. 
They  had  principles,  —  they  had  not  all  the  same  principles, 
to  be  sure,  —  and  General  Taylor  apparently  had  none.  His 
election  would  mean  nothing.  They  could  not  be  sure  that 
their  President  would  favor  one  of  their  measures.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  the  election  of  Mr.  Clay  would  not  mean 
much.  He  was  identified  with  contests  over  questions  that 
had  been  decided.  Where  would  he  stand  when  the  new 
questions  came  to  the  front  ?  Texas  had  been  annexed  ;  the 
sub-treasury  was  reestablished ;  the  tariff  of  1846,  though 
soon  to  develop  defects,  was  working  well ;  the  Oregon  ques-  / 
tion  was  settled ;  and  on  the  new  issue  then  becoming  promi-  / 
nent,  Mr.  Clay  could  not  be  acceptable  to  the  "  conscience 
Whigs."  All  these  considerations,  and  others  which  have  not  v 
been  mentioned,  each  in  its  own  way,  worked  in  favor  of  the 
Taylor  movement  ;  and  his  nomination  was  assured,  although 
not  conceded,  before  the  Whig  convention  met. 

The  first  convention  preliminary  to  the  canvass  of  1848 
was  that  of  the  Native  Americans,  —  a  party  which  had 
some  strength  in  the  Middle  States,  and  which  for  some 
years  past  had  even  elected  a  few  representatives  in  Congress 
from  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  The  convention  met  in 
Philadelphia  in  September,  1847,  and  nominated  General 
Henry  A.   S.  Dearborn,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-President. 


232  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

It   recommended,  but   did   not    formally    nominate,    General 
Zachary  Taylor  for  President. 

In  November  of  the  same  year  the  Liberty,  or  Abolition, 
party  met  at  New  York,  and  nominated  for  President  John  P. 
Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  and  for  Vice-President  Leicester 
King,  of  Ohio.  After  the  Barnburners'  convention,  hereafter 
to  be  noticed,  Mr.  Hale  withdrew  from  the  canvass.  It  was 
given  out  at  the  time  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  a  good  enough 
Abolitionist  for  this  party,  though  he  "  could  not  be  regarded 
as  a  perfect  embodiment  of  their  principles."  The  "  Liberty 
League,"  another  Abolition  body,  held  a  convention  at  Roches- 
ter, N.  Y.,  on  the  2d  of  June,  1848,  and  nominated  Gerritt 
Smith,  of  New  York,  for  President,  and  the  Rev.  Charles  E. 
Foote,  of  Michigan,  for  Vice-President.  An  "  Industrial  Con- 
gress "  met  at  Philadelphia,  June  13,  1848,  and  nominated 
Gerritt  Smith  for  the  first  place,  and  William  S.  Waitt,  of 
Illinois,  for  the  second  place  on  the  ticket.  So  far  as  is 
known,  no  votes  were  cast  for  any  of  these  minor  candidates  in 
any  State. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  at  Baltimore  on  May  22, 
1848.  Judge  J.  S.  Bryce,  of  Louisiana,  was  the  temporary 
chairman,  and  Andrew  Stevenson,  of  Virginia,  the  permanent 
president.  All  the  States  were  represented,  most  of  them 
fully,  some  by  double  or  triple  delegations.  South  Carolina 
had  but  one  delegate,  who  was  chosen  at  a  little  local  gather- 
ing, numbering  only  eight  or  ten  persons.  There  was  not  a 
little  discussion  whether  or  not  he  should  be  permitted  to  cast 
the  nine  votes  of  South  Carolina  ;  he  was  finally  allowed  to  do 
so,  by  a  formal  vote  of  the  convention.  Before  the  session 
closed,  a  resolution  was  adopted,  208  to  41,  that  in  future  con- 
ventions each  State  should  be  entitled  to  as  many  delegates 
only  as  the  number  of  its  electoral  votes.  This  convention 
also  directed  the  appointment  of  a  central  committee  of  one 
member  from  each  State  to  take  general  charge  of  the  canvass 
and  of  the  party's  interests.  This  was  the  first  national  com- 
mittee ever  organized. 

The  great  question,  which  dominated  all  others,  which 
raised  before  the  convention  the  spectre  of  defeat,  was  that  of 
the  New  York  delegation.  There  had  been  two  state  conven- 
tions, and  two  full  sets  of  delegates ;  thirty-six  "  Hunkers  V 
and  thirty-six  "  Barnburners  "  presented  themselves,  and  each 
delegation  demanded  not  only  recognition  as  representing  the 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN  OF  1848 


233 


New  York  Democrats,  but  the  absolute  exclusion  of  the  other 
faction. 

The  wrangling  began  as  soon  as  the  opening  prayer  had 
been  offered,  —  over  the  constitution  of  the  committee  on  cre- 
dentials. Nothing  was  done  on  the  first  day  beyond  settling  the 
membership  of  the  convention,  save  as  to  the  New  York  dele- 
gations and  effecting  a  permanent  organization.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  the  second  day  the  two-thirds  rule  was  adopted,  after 
long  debate,  by  175  votes  against  78.  From  that  time  until 
the  evening  of  the  24th  of  May  the  convention  devoted  itself 
wholly  to  New  York.  On  a  resolution  to  admit  the  "  Hun- 
ker "  delegation,  an  amendment  was  offered  to  admit  both 
delegations,  the  two  combined  to  have  only  the  vote  to  which 
New  York  was  entitled.  This  was  carried  by  two  majority, 
— 126  to  124.  Of  the  affirmative  votes,  99  came  from  North- 
ern States,  and  the  other  27  from  Maryland,  Delaware,  Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee,  Missouri,  and  Texas.  The  North  gave  only 
33  negative  votes.  Although  this  was,  so  far  as  it  was  a  victory 
for  either  side,  a  triumph  for  the  "  Barnburners,"  they  refused 
to  take  part  in  the  proceedings,  as  did  also  the  "  Hunkers.'' 
The  "  Barnburners  "  openly  withdrew  from  the  convention. 

As  soon  as  the  New  York  question  was  decided,  balloting 
for  a  candidate  for  President  began.  Four  trials  were  neces- 
sary, the  result  of  which  was  as  follows :  — 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

Whole  number  of  votes 
Necessary  for  a  choice    . 
Lewis  Cass,  Mich.  .     .     . 
James  Buchanan,  Penn. 

251 

168 

125 

55 

53 

3 

6 

9 

" 

252 

168 

133 

54 

56 

3 

6 

254 

169 

156 

40 

53 

5 

253 

169 

179 

33 

38 

George  M.  Dallas,  Penn. 
W.  J.  Worth,  Tenn.  .     . 
John  C.  Calhoun,  S.  C.    . 
W.  0.  Butler,  Ky.      .    . 

1 
3 

It  will  be  noticed  that  Mr.  Polk  received  no  votes.  Like 
other  Presidents,  he  had  declared  before  his  election  his  pur* 
pose  not  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  second  term  ;  but,  unlike  som« 
others,  he  had  found,  after  a  little  manoeuvring  for  a  nomina- 
tion, that  the  case  was  hopeless,  and  had  therefore  reiterated 
his  original  intention. 


234  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  vote  for  General  Cass  was  at  first  almost  exclusively 
from  Western  and  Southern  States,  but  there  was  little 
significance  in  this  fact.  All  the  candidates  were  against  the 
Wilmot  Proviso,  —  they  were  all  classed  as  "  Northern  men 
with  Southern  principles,"  — and  the  preferences  of  delegates 
were  personal  rather  than  political.  The  nomination  was 
made  unanimous  with  enthusiasm.  In  the  evening  the  con- 
vention proceeded  to  vote  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President. 
On  the  first  trial,  General  William  0.  Butler  of  Kentucky  had 
114 ;  General  John  A.  Quitman  of  Mississippi  had  74  ;  John 
Y.  Mason  of  Virginia,  24 ;  William  R.  King  of  Alabama,  25 ; 
James  J.  McKay  of  North  Carolina,  13  ;  Jefferson  Davis  of 
Mississippi,  1.  As  169  were  necessary  for  a  choice,  the  con- 
vention proceeded  to  vote  a  second  time.  General  William  0. 
Butler  was  nominated,  receiving  169  votes  to  62  for  Quitman 
and  22  for  all  others.  This  nomination  was  also  made  unani- 
mous. 

On  the  fifth  and  last  day  of  the  convention,  the  platform 
was  reported.  The  resolutions  were,  for  the  most  part,  a  re- 
petition of  those  of  1844.  The  first  was  modified  to  read  as 
follows  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  American  Democracy  place  their  trust  in  the 
intelligence,  the  patriotism,  and  the  discriminating  justice  of 
the  American  people. 

Then  followed  the  resolutions  adopted  in  1840  and  1844,  as 
arranged  in  the  platform  of  1844,  except  that  to  the  fifth 
resolution  (see  p.  200)  are  appended  the  words :  "  And  for 
the  gradual  but  certain  extinction  of  the  debt  created  by  the 
prosecution  of  a  just  and  necessary  war,  after  peaceful  rela- 
tions shall  have  been  restored."  The  convention  added  to  an 
already  ample  platform  the  following  new  resolutions :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  war  with  Mexico,  provoked  on  her  part  by 
years  of  insult  and  injury,  was  commenced  by  her  army  crossing 
the  Rio  Grande,  attacking  the  American  troops,  and  invading  our 
sister  State  of  Texas  ;  and  that,  upon  all  the  principles  of  patriotism 
and  the  laws  of  nations,  it  is  a  just  and  necessary  war  upon  our 
part,  in  which  every  American  citizen  should  have  shown  himself 
on  the  side  of  his  country,  and  neither  morally  nor  physically,  by 
word  ot  deed,  have  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy. 

Resolved,  That  we  should  be  rejoiced  at  the  assurance  of  a  peace 
with  Mexico  founded  on  the  just  principles  of  indemnity  for  the 
past  and  security  for  the  future  ;  but  that,  while  the  ratification  of 


THE   "FREE   SOIL"   CAMPAIGN  OF  1848  235 

the  liberal  treaty  offered  to  Mexico  remains  in  doubt,  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  country  to  sustain  the  administration  in  every  measure 
necessary  to  provide  for  the  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  should 
that  treaty  be  rejected. 

Resolved,  That  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  have  carried  the 
arms  of  their  country  into  Mexico  have  crowned  it  with  imper- 
ishable glory.  Their  unconquerable  courage,  their  daring  enter- 
prise, their  unfaltering  perseverance  and  fortitude  when  assailed  on 
all  sides  by  innumerable  foes,  —  and  that  more  formidable  enemy, 
the  diseases  of  the  climate,  —  exalt  their  devoted  patriotism  into 
the  highest  heroism,  and  give  them  a  right  to  the  profound  grati- 
tude of  their  country  and  the  admiration  of  the  world. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  thirty 
States,  composing  the  American  Republic,  tender  their  fraternal 
congratulations  to  the  National  Convention  of  the  Republic  of 
France,  now  assembled  as  the  free  suffrage  representatives  of  the 
sovereignty  of  thirty-five  millions  of  republicans,  to  establish  gov- 
ernments on  those  eternal  principles  of  equal  rights  for  which 
their  Lafayette  and  our  Washington  fought  side  by  side  in  their 
struggle  for  our  national  independence ;  and  we  would  especially 
convey  to  them  and  to  the  whole  people  of  France  our  earnest 
wishes  for  the  consolidation  of  their  liberties,  through  the  wisdom 
that  shall  guide  their  counsels,  on  the  basis  of  a  democratic  con- 
stitution, not  derived  from  the  grants  or  concessions  of  kings  or 
dynasties,  but  originating  froin  the  only  true  source  of  political 
power  recognized  in  the  States  of  this  Union,  —  the  inherent  and 
inalienable  rights  of  the  people,  in  their  sovereign  capacity,  to 
make  and  to  amend  their  forms  of  government  in  such  a  manner 
as  the  welfare  of  the  community  may  require. 

Resolved,  That  with  the  recent  development  of  this  grand  politi- 
cal truth,  —  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  and  their  capacity  and 
power  for  self-government,  which  is  prostrating  thrones  and  erect- 
ing republics  on  the  ruins  of  despotism  in  the  Old  World,  —  we 
feel  that  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved,  with  increased  respon- 
sibility, upon  the  Democratic  party  of  this  country,  as  the  party  of 
the  people,  to  sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional  liberty, 
equality,  and  fraternity,  by  continuing  to  resist  all  monopolies 
and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense 
of  the  many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to  those 
principles  and  compromises  of  the  Constitution  which  are  broad 
enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union  as  it 
was,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  shall  be,  in  the  full 
expansion  of  the  energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progres- 
sive people. 

Resolved,  That  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  be  forwarded,  through 


236  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  American  minister  at  Paris,  to  the  National  Convention  of  the 
Republic  of  France. 

Resolved,  That  the  fruits  of  the  great  political  triumph  of  1844, 
which  elected  James  K.  Polk  and  George  M.  Dallas  President  and 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  have  fulfilled  the  hopes  of  the 
Democracy  of  the  Union  in  defeating  the  declared  purposes  of  their 
opponents  to  create  a  national  bank;  in  preventing  the  corrupt 
and  unconstitutional  distribution  of  the  land  proceeds,  from  the 
common  treasury  of  the  Union,  for  local  purposes ;  in  protecting 
the  currency  and  labor  of  the  country  from  ruinous  fluctuations, 
and  guarding  the  money  of  the  people  for  the  use  of  the  people ; 
by  the  establishment  of  the  constitutional  treasury ;  in  the  noble 
impulse  given  to  the  cause  of  free  trade  by  the  repeal  of  the  tariff 
of  1842,  and  the  creation  of  the  more  equal,  honest,  and  productive 
tariff  of  1846  ;  and  that,  in  our  opinion,  it  would  be  a  fatal  error 
to  weaken  the  hands  of  a  political  organization  by  which  these 
great  reforms  have  been  achieved,  and  risk  them  in  the  hands  of 
their  known  adversaries,  with  whatever  delusive  appeals  they  may 
solicit  our  surrender  of  that  vigilance  which  is  the  only  safeguard 
of  liberty. 

Resolved,  That  the  confidence  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Union  in 
the  principles,  capacity,  firmness,  and  integrity  of  James  K.  Polk, 
manifested  by  his  nomination  and  election  in  1844,  has  been  sig- 
nally justified  by  the  strictness  of  his  adherence  to  sound  Demo- 
cratic doctrines,  by  the  purity  of  purpose,  the  energy  and  ability, 
which  have  characterized  his  administration  in  all  our  affairs  at 
home  and  abroad ;  that  we  tender  to  him  our  cordial  congratula- 
tions upon  the  brilliant  success  which  has  hitherto  crowned  his 
patriotic  efforts,  and  assure  him  in  advance  that,  at  the  expiration 
of  his  presidential  term,  he  will  carry  with  him  to  his  retirement 
the  esteem,  respect,  and  admiration  of  a  grateful  country. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  hereby  present  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  as  the  candidate  of  the 
Democratic  party  for  the  office  of  President,  and  William  O.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky,  as  the  candidate  of  the  Democratic  party  for  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

Mr.  Yancey,  of  Alabama,  offered  the  following  resolution  as 
an  addition  to  the  platform  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  doctrine  of  non-interference  with  the  rights 
of  property  of  any  portion  of  the  people  of  this  confederacy,  be 
it  in  the  States  or  Territories  thereof,  by  any  other  than  the  par- 
ties interested  in  them,  is  the  true  republican  doctrine  recognized 
by  this  body. 

The  resolution  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  yeas,  36 ;  nays, 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN- OF  1848 


237 


216.  All  the  affirmative  votes  were  given  by  delegates  from 
the  slave  States.  It  is  an  illustration  of  the  temporizing  char- 
acter of  the  politics  of  the  time  that  some  of  the  Southern 
Democrats  explained  their  vote  against  the  resolution  by  say- 
ing that  they  deemed  it  unnecessary,  because  the  same  doctrine 
was  otherwise  expressed  in  the  platform.  This  explanation 
would  do  for  Southern  consumption ;  meanwhile  it  was  hoped 
that  the  Northern  members  of  the  party  could  be  held  to  their 
allegiance  by  having  it  pointed  out  to  them  that  the  extremists 
were  defeated  in  their  purpose  to  commit  the  party  to  the 
Southern  view  of  "  the  rights  of  property.'* 

The  Whig  national  convention  met  at  Philadelphia  on  the 
7th  of  June.  John  A.  Collier,  of  New  York,  was  the  tempo- 
rary chairman,  and  ex-Governor  John  M.  Morehead,  of  North 
Carolina,  was  the  permanent  president.  All  the  States  were 
represented  fully,  save  two.  South  Carolina  had  a  partial 
delegation ;  Texas  sent  no  delegates,  but  its  state  convention 
authorized  the  delegates  from  Louisiana  to  cast  the  vote  of 
Texas.  Inasmuch  as  the  Louisiana  delegation  was  strongly  in 
favor  of  Taylor,  the  question  whether  the  proxy-voting  should 
be  permitted  was  made  a  test  of  the  strength  of  the  general ; 
but  when  it  came  to  the  vote,  the  request  of  Texas  was  granted 
without  a  division.  The  convention  reached  the  point  of  voting 
for  candidates  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day.  Four  ballots 
were  taken  on  that  and  the  following  day,  when  General  Tay- 
lor was  nominated.  Before  the  voting  began,  a  letter  was  read 
from  Taylor,  in  which  he  said  that  his  friends  would  withdraw 
his  name  if  the  choice  of  the  convention  should  fall  upon  some 
one  else.     The  result  of  the  four  votes  was  as  follows :  — 


Whole  number  of  votes      .     . 
Necessary  for  a  choice  .     .     . 
Zachary  Taylor,  Louisiana  .     . 
Henry  Clay,  Kentucky    .     .     . 
Winfield  Scott,  New  Jersey 
Daniel  Webster,  Massachusetts 
John  McLean,  Ohio    .... 
John  M.  Clayton,  Delaware 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

279 

278 

279 

140 

140 

140 

111 

118 

133 

97 

85 

74 

43 

49 

54 

22 

22 

17 

2 

- 

- 

4 

4 

1 

4th. 


280 

141 

171 

32 

63 

14 


The  vote  for  General  Taylor  on  the  first  ballot  came  from 
all  parts  of  the  country.     There  were  only  eight  of  the  thirty 


238  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

States  then  in  the  Union  from  which  he  received  no  votes. 
The  New  England  States,  except  Maine,  supported  either  Mr. 
Webster  or  Mr.  Clay,  and  gave  Taylor  but  six  votes.  Maine 
had  a  grievance  against  Mr.  Webster  in  that  he  had  nego- 
tiated the  Ashburton  Treaty,  by  which  the  northeastern  bound- 
ary question  was  settled,  involving  the  loss  of  a  large  slice 
of  territory  to  which  Maine  had  asserted  a  claim,  and  had 
defended  it  in  what  is  still  known  as  the  "  Aroostook  War." 
The  speech  nominating  General  Taylor  was  made  by  ex-Gov- 
ernor Edward  Kent,  of  Maine.  On  the  final  vote  Taylor  had 
at  least  one  vote  from  every  State.  The  convention,  after 
giving  itself  up  for  a  time  to  enthusiasm,  proceeded  to  vote  for 
a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  A  large  number  of  nomina- 
tions was  made.  On  the  first  ballot,  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New 
York,  had  115 ;  Abbott  Lawrence,  of  Massachusetts,  109 ;  and 
51  votes  were  divided  among  ten  other  candidates.  On  the 
second  vote  Fillmore  had  173 ;  Lawrence,  87 ;  and  all  others, 
6.  Mr.  Fillmore's  nomination  was  then  declared,  and,  after  a 
season  of  speech-making,  the  convention  adjourned.  No  com- 
mittee on  resolutions  was  appointed,  and  the  convention  made 
no  declaration  of  principles  whatever.  Its  attitude  of  non- 
committalism  was  by  no  means  approved  by  a  large  section  of 
the  party ;  and  it  was  late  in  the  canvass,  when  some  addi- 
tional letters  from  General  Taylor  had  been  published,  giving 
assurance  that  he  really  sympathized  —  mildly,  at  least  —  with 
the  purposes  of  the  party,  before  some  of  the  prominent  Whig 
leaders  came  cordially  to  his  support.  Daniel  Webster,  indeed, 
had  promptly  pronounced  the  nomination  one  "  not  fit  to  be 
made." 

The  "  Barnburners,"  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  Balti- 
more convention  with  a  frank  avowal  of  their  purpose  not  to 
accept  the  nomination  of  General  Cass,  took  active  measures  to 
oppose  his  candidacy.  They  held  a  state  convention  at  Utica 
on  June  22  and  23,  in  which  delegates  from  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Ohio,  and  Wisconsin  participated,  and  nominated 
Martin  Van  Buren  for  President,  and  Henry  Dodge,  of  Wis- 
consin, for  Vice-President.  Mr.  Van  Buren  accepted  the  nom- 
ination, although  with  evident  reluctance.  Senator  Dodge 
declined,  and  supported  General  Cass.  Also  on  June  22  an 
Ohio  state  convention  of  persons  dissatisfied  with  both  the 
nominations  recommended  and  called  a  national  convention, 
which  was  held  at  Buffalo,  August  9.     Charles  Francis  Adams, 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"   CAMPAIGN  OF  1848         239 

of  Massachusetts,  was  made  permanent  president  of  the  conven- 
tion, which  contained  representatives  of  seventeen  States,  and 
seems  to  have  had  a  membership  of  about  300.  On  a  ballot 
for  a  candidate  for  President,  Martin  Van  Buren  had  159  votes, 
and  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  129.  Charles  Francis 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  was  nominated  by  acclamation  for 
Vice-President.  The  convention  adopted  the  following  resolu- 
tions :  — 

Whereas,  We  have  assembled  in  convention,  as  a  union  of  free- 
men for  the  sake  of  freedom,  forgetting  all  past  political  differ- 
ences, in  common  resolve  to  maintain  the  rights  of  free  labor  against 
the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power,  and  to  secure  free  soil  for  a  free 
people;  and 

Whereas,  The  political  conventions  recently  assembled  at  Balti- 
more and  Philadelphia,  the  one  stifling  the  voice  of  a  great  con- 
stituency entitled  to  be  heard  in  its  deliberations,  and  the  other 
abandoning  its  distinctive  principles  for  mere  availability,  have 
dissolved  the  national  party  organizations  heretofore  existing,  by 
nominating  for  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  United  States,  under 
the  slaveholding  dictation,  candidates  neither  of  whom  can  be 
supported  by  the  opponents  of  slavery  extension,  without  a  sacri- 
fice of  consistency,  duty,  and  self-respect ;  and 

Whereas,  These  nominations  so  made  furnish  the  occasion  and 
demonstrate  the  necessity  of  the  union  of  the  people  under  the 
banner  of  free  democracy,  in  a  solemn  and  formal  declaration  of 
their  independence  of  the  slave  power,  and  of  their  fixed  determi- 
nation to  rescue  the  federal  government  from  its  control,  — 

Resolved,  therefore,  that  we,  the  people  here  assembled,  remem- 
bering the  example  of  our  fathers  in  the  days  of  the  first  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  putting  our  trust  in  God  for  the  triumph  of 
our  cause,  and  invoking  his  guidance  in  our  endeavors  to  advance 
it,  do  now  plant  ourselves  upon  the  national  platform  of  freedom, 
in  opposition  to  the  sectional  platform  of  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  slavery  in  the  several  States  of  this  Union  which 
recognize  its  existence  depends  upon  state  laws  alone,  which  cannot 
be  repealed  or  modified  by  the  federal  government,  and  for  which 
laws  that  government  is  not  responsible.  We  therefore  propose 
no  interference  by  Congress  with  slavery  within  the  limits  of  any 
State. 

Resolved,  That  the  proviso  of  Jefferson,  to  prohibit  the  existence 
of  slavery  after  1800  in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 
southern  and  northern ;  the  votes  of  six  States  and  sixteen  dele- 
gates, in  the  Congress  of  1784  for  the  proviso,  to  three  States  and 
seven  delegates  against  it ;  the  actual  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the 


240  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Northwestern  Territory  by  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  States  in  Congress ;  and  the  entire  history  of  that 
period,  —  clearly  show  that  it  was  the  settled  policy  of  the  nation 
not  to  extend,  nationalize,  or  encourage,  but  to  limit,  localize,  and 
discourage  slavery ;  and  to  this  policy,  which  should  never  have 
been  departed  from,  the  government  ought  to  return. 

Resolved,  That  our  fathers  ordained  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  in  order,  among  other  great  national  objects,  to 
establish  justice,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bless- 
ings of  liberty,  but  expressly  denied  to  the  federal  government, 
which  they  created,  all  constitutional  power  to  deprive  any  person 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  legal  process. 

Resolved,  That,  in  the  judgment  of  this  convention,  Congress 
has  no  more  power  to  make  a  slave  than  to  make  a  king ;  no  more 
power  to  institute  or  establish  slavery  than  to  institute  or  establish 
a  monarchy.  No  such  power  can  be  found  among  those  specifically 
conferred  by  the  Constitution,  or  derived  by  any  just  implication 
from  them. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  government  to  relieve 
itself  from  all  responsibility  for  the  existence  or  continuance  of 
slavery  wherever  the  government  possesses  constitutional  authority 
to  legislate  on  that  subject,  and  is  thus  responsible  for  its  exist- 
ence. 

Resolved*  That  the  true  and  in  the  judgment  of  this  conven- 
tion the  only  safe  means  of  preventing  the  extension  of  slavery 
into  territory  now  free  is  to  prohibit  its  existence  in  all  such  terri- 
tory by  an  act  of  Congress. 

Resolved,  That  we  accept  the  issue  which  the  slave  power  has 
forced  upon  us ;  and  to  their  demand  for  more  slave  States  and 
more  slave  territory  our  calm  but  final  answer  is,  no  more  slave 
States  and  no  more  slave  territory.  Let  the  soil  of  our  extensive 
domains  be  ever  kept  free  for  the  hardy  pioneers  of  our  own  land, 
and  the  oppressed  and  banished  of  other  lands  seeking  homes  of 
comfort  and  fields  of  enterprise  in  the  New  World. 

Resolved,  That  the  bill  lately  reported  by  the  committee  of  eight 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  was  no  compromise,  but  an 
absolute  surrender  of  the  rights  of  the  non-slaveholders  of  all  the 
States ;  and  while  we  rejoice  to  know  that  a  measure  which,  while 
opening  the  door  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  territories  now 
free,  would  also  have  opened  the  door  to  litigation  and  strife  among 
the  future  inhabitants  thereof,  to  the  ruin  of  their  peace  and  pro- 
sperity, was  defeated  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  its  passage 
in  hot  haste,  by  a  majority  embracing  several  senators  who  voted 
in  open  violation  of  the  known  will  of  their  constituents,  should 
warn  the  people  to  see  to  it  that  their  representatives  be  not 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN  OF  1848         241 

suffered  to  betray  them.  There  must  be  no  more  compromises 
with  slavery ;  if  made,  they  must  be  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  freedom  and  established  institutions 
for  our  brethren  in  Oregon,  now  exposed  to  hardships,  peril,  and 
massacre  by  the  reckless  hostility  of  the  slave  power  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  free  government  for  free  territory,  and  not  only  for 
them,  but  for  our  new  brethren  in  New  Mexico  and  California. 

And  whereas,  It  is  due  not  only  to  this  occasion,  but  to  the  whole 
people  of  the  United  States,  that  we  should  declare  ourselves  on 
certain  other  questions  of  national  policy ;  therefore 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  cheap  postage  for  the  people ;  a  re- 
trenchment of  the  expenses  and  patronage  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment ;  the  abolition  of  all  unnecessary  offices  and  salaries ;  and  the 
election  by  the  people  of  all  civil  officers  in  the  service  of  the  gov- 
ernment, so  far  as  the  same  may  be  practicable. 

Resolved,  That  river  and  harbor  improvements,  whenever  de- 
manded by  the  safety  and  convenience  of  commerce  with  foreign 
nations  or  among  the  several  States,  are  objects  of  national  con- 
cern ;  and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress,  in  the  exercise  of  its 
constitutional  powers,  to  provide  therefor. 

Resolved,  That  the  free  grant  to  actual  settlers,  in  consideration 
of  the  expenses  they  incur  in  making  settlements  in  the  wilder- 
ness, which  are  usually  fully  equal  to  their  actual  cost,  and  of  the 
public  benefits  resulting  therefrom,  of  reasonable  portions  of 
the  public  lands,  under  suitable  limitations,  is  a  wise  and  just 
measure  of  public  policy  which  will  promote,  in  various  ways,  the 
interests  of  all  the  States  of  this  Union ;  and  we  therefore  recom- 
mend it  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  American  people. 

Resolved,  That  the  obligations  of  honor  and  patriotism  require 
the  earliest  practicable  payment  of  the  national  debt ;  and  we  are, 
therefore,  in  favor  of  such  a  tariff  of  duties  as  will  raise  revenue 
adequate  to  defray  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment, and  to  pay  annual  instalments  of  our  debt,  and  the  interest 
thereon. 

Resolved,  That  we  inscribe  on  our  banner,  "Free  Soil,  Free 
Speech,  Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men,"  and  under  it  will  fight  on, 
and  fight  ever,  until  a  triumphant  victory  shall  reward  our  ex- 
ertions. 

There  was  much  in  this  platform  which  must  have  made 
Martin  Van  Buren  wince  when  he  read  it.  No  doubt  his 
candidacy  of  a  party  professing  such  principles  was  grotesque. 
Speaking  of  the  Free  Soil  campaign  of  1848,  William  Allen 
Butler  says :  "  Mr.  Van  Buren's  name  was  in  it,  but  not  his 
head  nor  his  heart.     Great  words  were  inscribed  on  its  banners : 


242  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

1  Free  Soil,  Free  Speech,  Free  Labor,  and  Free  Men.'  But 
they  were  words  of  advance  and  not  of  strategy,  and  Mr,  Van 
Buren  was  too  deeply  intrenched  in  his  old  political  notions 
to  utter  them  in  earnest." 

Nevertheless  his  vote  in  New  York  exceeded  that  for  Cass, 
and  the  division  which  his  candidacy  caused  defeated  the 
Democratic  candidate,  as  it  was  intended  to  do.  The  can- 
vass was  short.  On  the  part  of  the  Whigs  it  was  spirited 
and  confident,  while  on  the  Democratic  side  it  was  conducted 
with  little  hope  of  success.  The  early  elections  showed  that 
the  Whigs  must  carry  the  country.  The  number  of  States 
which  took  part  in  this  election  was  thirty.  Florida  had 
been  admitted  as  a  State  on  March  3,  1845;  Texas  on  De- 
cember 29,  1845 ;  Iowa  on  December  28,  1846 ;  and  Wis- 
consin on  May  29,  1848.  For  the  first  time  all  the  electors, 
except  those  from  Massachusetts,  were  appointed  on  one  day. 
This  was  in  accordance  with  an  act  passed  in  1845,  which,  by 
the  way,  was  a  party  measure,  and  debated  in  Congress  in  an 
intensely  partisan  spirit.     The  act  was  as  follows  :  — 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  electors  of  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent shall  be  appointed  in  each  State  on  the  Tuesday  next  after  the 
first  Monday  in  the  month  of  November  of  the  year  in  which  they 
are  to  be  appointed : 

Provided,  That  each  State  may  by  law  provide  for  the  filling  of 
any  vacancy  or  vacancies  which  may  occur  in  its  college  of  elec- 
tors when  such  college  meets  to  give  its  electoral  vote : 

And  provided  also,  When  any  State  shall  have  held  an  elec- 
tion for  the  purpose  of  choosing  electors,  and  shall  fail  to  make 
a  choice  on  the  day  aforesaid,  then  the  electors  may  be  appointed 
on  a  subsequent  day  in  such  manner  as  the  State  may  by  law  pro- 
vide. 

In  all  the  States  except  New  Hampshire  and  Massachu- 
setts, a  plurality  was  sufficient  to  effect  a  choice.  New  Hamp- 
shire gave  a  majority  to  Cass  over  both  the  others.  In 
Massachusetts  there  was  no  choice,  and  the  legislature  met 
and  chose  the  Taylor  electors.  The  aggregate  vote  at  this 
election  was  2,871,906  against  2,698,605,  —  an  increase  of 
173,301  over  that  of  1844.  But  of  these  additional  votes 
83,609  were  cast  in  the  four  new  States,  so  that  the  increase 
in  the  old  States  was  but  89,692,  or  barely  three  per  cent,  in 
four  years.  This  fact  proves,  not  that  slight  interest  was 
taken  in  the  election,  but  that  the  result  was  foreseen,  and 


THE  "FREE  SOIL"  CAMPAIGN  OF  1848 


243 


that  in  many  States  less  effort  than  usual  to  poll  a  full  vote 
was  put  forth.  The  count  of  electoral  votes  proceeded  in  the 
usual  manner,  and  was  devoid  of  incident. 

The  popular  and  electoral  votes  in  1848  were  as  follows :  — 


Poi-ci-AR  Vote. 

Electokal 
Vote. 

States. 

1j 

i 

|4 

1 

a 

Si 

£'3 

(a 

_  o 

a* 

a  2 

i 

n 

g 

P 

f!§ 

B* 

o 

*>> 

a 

1 

3* 

1 

& 

rt 

o 

Alabama 

30,482 

31,363 

_ 

9 

Arkansas   .     . 

7,588 

9,300 

- 

- 

rt 

Connecticut    . 

30,314 

27,046 

5,005 

6 

- 

Delaware  .     . 

6,421 

5,898 

80 

3 

- 

Florida .     .     . 

3,116 

1,847 

- 

3 

- 

Georgia      .     . 

47,544 

44,802 

- 

10 

- 

Illinois  .     .     . 

53,047 

56,300 

15,774 

- 

9 

Indiana      .     . 

69,907 

74,745 

8,100 

- 

12 

Iowa      .     .     . 

11,084 

12,093 

1,126 

- 

4 

Kentucky  .     . 

67,141 

49,720 

- 

12 

- 

Louisiana  .     . 

18,217 

15,370 

- 

6 

- 

Maine    .     .     . 

35,125 

39,880 

12,096 

- 

9 

Maryland  .     . 

37,702 

34,528 

125 

8 

- 

Massachusetts 

61,070 

35,281 

38,058 

12 

- 

Michigan    .     . 

23,940 

30,687 

10,389 

- 

5 

Mississippi 

25,922 

26,537 

- 

- 

6 

Missouri 

32,671 

40,077 

- 

- 

7 

New  Hampshire 

14,781 

27,763 

7,560 

- 

6 

New  Jersey     . 

40,015 

36,901 

829 

7 

— 

New  York 

218,603 

114,318 

120,510 

36 

- 

North  Carolina 

43,550 

34,869 

- 

11 

- 

Ohio.     .     -    . 

138,360 

154,775 

35,354 

- 

23 

Pennsylvania . 

185,513 

171,176 

11,263 

26 

- 

Rhode  Island 

6,779 

3,646 

730 

4 

- 

South  Carolina* 

- 

- 

- 

- 

9 

Tennessee  .     . 

64,705 

58,419 

- 

13 

- 

Texas    .     .     . 

4,509 

10,668 

- 

- 

4 

Vermont    .     . 

23,122 

10,948 

13,837 

6 

- 

Virginia     .     . 

45,124 

46,586 

9 

- 

17 

Wisconsin  .     . 

13,747 

15,001 

10,418 

~ 

4 

Total      .     . 

1,360,099 

1,220,544 

291,263 

163 

127 

Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


XIX 

THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED 

To  a  large  number  of  Whigs,  the  result  of  their  second 
victory  was  almost  as  disappointing  as  was  the  administra- 
tion of  Mr.  Tyler.  Throughout  the  North  the  Whig  party 
was  anti-slavery,  —  not  abolitionist,  not  even  unanimously 
against  slavery  extension,  but  almost  everywhere  controlled 
by  the  anti-slavery  sentiment.  General  Taylor  was  a  Vir- 
ginian by  birth,  and  a  slaveholder.  The  Southern  Whigs 
supported  him  willingly  ;  the  Northern  contingent  of  the  party 
gave  him  its  vote  with  misgivings,  and  with  the  expectation 
that  he  would  do  nothing  to  resist  "  the  aggressions  of 
slavery."  Fillmore,  on  the  other  hand,  had  a  consistent 
record  as  an  Anti-Slavery  man,  and  was  expected  to  be  firm 
and  unyielding,  should  the  circumstances  which  did  occur 
place  him  in  the  position  of  responsibility.  Taylor  lived 
long  enough  to  make  it  evident  that  slavery  as  a  political 
force  could  not  rely  upon  him  to  assist  it  in  its  struggle  with 
Northern  sentiment ;  Fillmore,  on  his  accession,  became  an  ac- 
tive agent  in  promoting  the  "  compromise "  measures  which 
the  Anti- Slavery  men  abhorred. 

To  say  that  the  slavery  question  dominated  the  politics  of 
the  country,  from  the  inauguration  of  Taylor  until  the  out- 
break of  the  Civil  War,  is  to  put  the  case  mildly.  It  sub- 
stantially excluded  all  other  topics  from  consideration.  The 
sketch  of  the  leading  events  of  the  time  which  can  be  given  in 
this  place  is  necessarily  of  the  most  meagre  and  barren  char- 
acter. Much  that  excited  a  powerful  influence  upon  the  gen- 
eral history  of  the  country  must  be  omitted  altogether,  and 
those  events  only  can  be  selected  which  had  a  certain  direct 
bearing  upon  our  main  topic,  the  presidency.  By  far  the 
best  account  hitherto  written  of  the  political  events  from  the 
election  of  Harrison  until  secession  is  to  be  found  in  E-hodes's 
History. 

The  first  session  of  the  Thirty -first  Congress  was  a  memora- 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED  245 

ble  one.  It  witnessed  the  last  appearance  in  the  senatorial 
arena  of  the  three  intellectual  giants,  —  Clay,  Calhoun,  and 
Webster.  They  had  entered  Congress  almost  together,  two  in 
1811,  and  the  other  in  1813  ;  each  had  been  Secretary  of  State, 
one  had  been  Vice-President ;  all  had  had  most  promising  as- 
pirations to  the  presidency ;  none  had  reached  the  goal.  Clay 
introduced  the  compromise  resolutions ;  Webster  supported 
them  ;  Calhoun  opposed  them.  Calhoun  died  before  the  ses- 
sion closed,  and  Clay  and  Webster  retired  from  the  Senate  for- 
ever, the  one  to  engage  in  a  combat  which  admitted  of  no  com- 
promise, —  with  incurable  disease,  —  the  other  to  take  the  chief 
place  in  Mr.  Fillmore's  cabinet.  It  was  not  their  disappear- 
ance from  the  great  stage  of  national  public  life  that  gave  the 
signal  for  the  stern  and  strenuous  contest  which  compromise 
had  long  postponed ;  but  it  was  well  for  Clay  and  Webster 
that  they  did  not  see  the  failure  of  the  plans  which  their  love 
for  the  Union  persuaded  them  would  restore  peace  to  the 
country. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  administration,  a  problem  confronted 
Congress  and  the  President  which  compelled  a  consideration 
of  the  slavery  question.  A  vast  territory  had  been  acquired 
from  Mexico,  and  it  was  necessary  to  organize  a  government 
over  it.  Mexican  law  excluded  slavery,  but  the  territory  had 
been  obtained  for  the  express  purpose  of  extending  the  area  of 
slavery.  Mr.  Clay,  in  January,  1850,  introduced  in  the  Sen- 
ate a  series  of  eight  resolutions,  embracing  the  following  pro- 
positions :  the  admission  of  California  as  a  free  State ;  the 
new  Territories  to  be  organized  without  restriction  as  to  slavery  ; 
the  boundary  to  be  established  between  Texas  and  New 
Mexico ;  the  United  States  to  pay  the  public  debt  of  Texas  ; 
slavery  not  to  be  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia ;  the 
slave  trade  to  be  abolished  in  the  District ;  a  fugitive  slave 
law  to  be  passed  ;  Congress  to  declare  that  it  had  no  power  to 
interfere  with  the  slave  trade  between  the  States.  All  the 
great  senators  debated  these  resolutions.  Webster  supported 
them  in  his  famous  Seventh  of  March  speech,  which  cost  him 
the  favor  of  the  anti-slavery  Whigs  of  the  North,  and  gave 
him  no  perceptible  additional  strength  in  the  South.  No  act 
of  any  American  public  man  is  worthy  of  more  careful  histori- 
cal study  than  the  stand  Webster  took  on  this  occasion.  That 
it  destroyed  the  last  chance  for  the  nomination  and  election  of 
the  great  man  is  all  that  can  be  said  of  it  here. 


248  A   HISTORY  OF   THE   PRESIDENCY 

The  resolutions  were  discussed  until  the  18th  of  April,  when 
they  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  thirteen  senators,  of 
which  Mr.  Clay  was  chairman.  The  committee  reported  bills 
covering  all  the  points  mentioned  in  the  resolution.  Three 
of  the  recommendations  were  combined  in  a  single  measure, 
which  the  President  called  an  "  omnibus  bill."  By  successive 
amendments  it  was  pared  down  to  a  measure  for  organizing 
the  Territory  of  Utah ;  its  opponents,  in  derision,  declared 
that  the  omnibus  was  upset.  Nevertheless,  the  Senate  event- 
ually passed  all  the  measures  in  separate  bills.  A  most  in- 
teresting analysis  of  the  votes  in  the  Senate  is  given  by  Rhodes.1 
Some  of  the  bills  had  the  support  of  the  slave  States  with  a 
sprinkling  of  Northern  senators ;  others  were  supported  chiefly 
by  Northern  men.  Four  senators  only  voted  for  all  the  bills ; 
yet  the  closest  division  was  a  vote  of  two  to  one  on  the  ad- 
mission of  California.  During  the  debate,  which  dragged  on 
for  nearly  four  months,  President  Taylor  died  and  Mr.  Fill- 
more succeeded  him.  The  policy  of  the  administration  was 
reversed.  General  Taylor  had  been  opposed  to  the  compro- 
mise ;  the  new  President  favored  it  strongly.  The  House  of 
Representatives  devoted  little  time  to  discussion.  In  less  than 
a  month  the  whole  series  of  bills  had  been  passed  ;  and  they 
were  signed  promptly  by  President  Fillmore. 

Those  who  are  curious  in  searching  for  the  small  and 
seemingly  insignificant  causes  of  great  events,  ascribe  Mr.  Fill- 
more's attitude  on  this  important  series  of  measures  to  the 
personal  relations  between  him  and  Governor  Seward.  Offices 
have  always  played  a  great  part  in  New  York  politics,  what- 
ever party  was  in  power.  Seward  became  a  senator  when 
Fillmore  became  Vice-President.  Who  was  to  have  the  distri- 
bution of  the  patronage  in  New  York  ?  A  division  seemed 
the  natural  solution  of  the  problem.  But  Seward  early  ob- 
tained a  great  hold  upon  President  Taylor,  and  was  regarded 
as  the  most  influential  of  his  advisers.  He  suggested  the  posi- 
tion which  the  President  should  take  upon  public  questions, 
and,  incidentally,  he  took  all  the  New  York  offices.  Mr. 
Fillmore  was  driven  into  an  attitude  of  almost  open  hostility  to 
the  administration,  and,  when  he  became  President,  took  the 
course,  both  on  the  great  public  questions  and  incidentally 
with  reference  to  the  offices,  most  distasteful  to  Mr.  Seward. 

The  compromise  measures  became  law.     Those  who  carried 

1  History,  vol.  i.  p.  181. 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED  247 

them  through  Congress,  and  those  who  supported  them  on  the 
stump  and  in  the  press,  deluded  themselves  with  the  idea  that 
they  were  a  finality  ;  that  they  took  away  all  matters  of  differ- 
ence, or  at  least  established  the  principles  upon  which  all 
future  questions  arising  out  of  them  were  to  be  decided ;  and 
that  the  people  would  regard  a  reopening  of  the  agitation  as 
meddlesome  and  unpatriotic. 

Acquiescence  in  the  settlement  was  really  quite  general  in 
the  Democratic  party.  The  two  wings  of  the  party  reunited, 
and  carried  most  of  the  elections,  as  against  the  Whigs,  who 
lost  the  unswerving  Abolition  and  Anti-Slavery  vote.  It  was 
evident  that  the  Democrats  would  go  into  the  election  of  1852 
a  united  party,  provided  a  candidate  unobjectionable  to  both 
wings  could  be  found.  It  was  equally  evident  that  anything 
like  a  hearty  union  of  Whigs  was  out  of  the  question. 

There  wTas  much  preparation,  and  there  was  a  great  deal  of 
discussion  and  intrigue,  in  each  party,  months  before  the  time 
of  nomination.  The  leading  candidate  on  the  Democratic  side 
was  General  Cass,  who  had  been  defeated  four  years  before. 
Mr.  James  Buchanan  also  was  strongly  supported ;  and 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  and  William  L.  Marcy  each  had  many 
friends.  But  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  confidently  antici- 
pated that  either  of  these  gentlemen  would  succeed  in  securing 
the  necessary  two  thirds,  and  the  experience  of  1844  was  fre- 
quently in  men's  minds. 

The  Whigs  were  in  a  worse  case.  Mr.  Webster  was  the 
greatest  of  their  statesmen,  but  after  his  Seventh  of  March 
speech  he  was  impossible  as  a  candidate  to  that  wing  of  the 
party  which  regarded  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  with 
abhorrence.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Southern  members  of  the 
party  were  firmly  resolved  not  to  accept  any  candidate  who 
was  not  in  favor  of  those  measures.  Mr.  Fillmore,  although 
an  accidental  President,  had  stood  by  them,  and  they  were 
in  favor  of  nominating  him  for  reelection.  But  as  General 
Taylor  had  loomed  up  four  years  before  as  a  colorless  and 
non-committal  candidate,  so  now  there  was  a  strong  move- 
ment in  favor  of  General  Winfield  Scott.  No  one  knew  what 
was  his  position  on  the  subject  of  the  "  compromises,"  and 
there  was  a  careful  and  successful  effort  to  keep  the  Whig 
public  in  the  dark.  But,  as  has  happened  before  and  since 
that  time,  the  most  energetic  movements  in  favor  of  the  can- 
didate who  was  eventually  to  be  nominated  came  from  States 
which  could  not  be  expected  to  give  him  an  electoral  vote. 


248  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Yet  it  is  not  easy  to  see  what  course  could  have  been  taken 
to  avert  the  fate  which  awaited  the  Whigs  in  1852.  Had  a 
candidate  been  chosen  who  was  identified  with  the  compro- 
mise of  1850,  l^ke  Mr.  Webster  or  Mr.  Fillmore,  he  would 
have  been  slaughtered  remorselessly  in  the  North ;  had  an 
opponent  of  these  measures  been  selected,  he  would  have 
failed  to  secure  an  electoral  vote  in  the  South ;  and  no  other 
non-committal  candidate  would  have  succeeded  better  than 
General  Scott  did. 

The  Democratic  national  convention,  the  first  to  be  held, 
met  at  Baltimore  on  June  1,  1852.  Although  its  session  was 
protracted  until  the  6th,  it  was  not  an  interesting  convention. 
John  W.  Davis,  of  Indiana,  was  the  permanent  president. 
Two  days  were  occupied  in  organizing,  and  in  adopting  the 
two-thirds  rule,  which  was  agreed  to  by  an  overwhelming 
majority,  after  a  short  debate.  Inasmuch  as  there  was  nc 
contest  over  principles,  it  was  agreed  to  make  the  nomina- 
tions before  considering  the  platform  ;  and  on  the  third  day 
voting  for  candidates  began.  On  the  first  ballot  General 
Cass  had  116;  James  Buchanan,  93;  William  L.  Marcy,  27;, 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  20 ;  Joseph  Lane,  13 ;  Samuel  Houston, 
8 ;  and  there  were  4  scattering.  The  number  necessary  for  a 
choice  was  188.  In  the  succeeding  ballots  the  vote  for  Mr. 
Cass  fell  off,  while  the  number  of  delegates  who  voted  for  Mr. 
Douglas  steadily  increased,  until,  on  the  twenty-ninth  trial,  the 
votes  were:  for  Cass,  27  ;  for  Buchanan,  93  ;  for  Douglas,  91 ;  and 
no  other  candidate  had  more  than  26.  At  this  point  Cass  began 
to  recover  his  strength,  and  reached  his  largest  number  on  the 
thirty-fifth  trial,  namely,  131.  On  that  same  ballot,  Virginia 
gave  15  votes  to  Franklin  Pierce.  Mr.  Pierce  gained  15  more 
votes  on  the  thirty-sixth  trial ;  but  at  that  point  his  increase 
ceased,  and  was  then  slowly  resumed,  as  the  weary  repetition 
of  balloting  without  effect  went  on.  The  forty-eighth  trial 
resulted  as  follows :  for  Cass,  73 ;  for  Buchanan,  28 ;  for 
Douglas,  33  ;  for  Marcy,  90 ;  for  Pierce,  55 ;  for  all  others, 
8.  The  forty -ninth  trial  was  the  last.  There  was  a  "  stam- 
pede "  for  Pierce,  and  he  received  282  votes  to  6  for  all  others. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  nomination  of  General  Pierce  was 
carefully  planned  before  the  convention  met.  The  originator 
of  the  scheme  was  James  W.  Bradbury,  then  a  senator  from 
Maine,1  a  college  mate  and  lifelong  friend  of  Pierce. 

1  In  1898  he  still  survives,  the  only  senatorial  contemporary  of  Clay  and 
Webster. 


THE   DEMOCRATS  REUNITED  249 

Ten  persons  received  votes  in  the  nomination  of  a  candidate 
for  Vice-President,  —  William  R.  King  of  Alabama  had  126 ; 
S.  U.  Downs  of  Louisiana,  30;  John  B.  Weller  of  California, 
28;  William  0.  Butler  of  Kentucky,  27;  Gideon  J.  Pillow 
of  Tennessee, .  25  ;  David  R.  Atchison  of  Missouri,  25  ;  Robert 
Strange  of  North  Carolina,  23;  T.  J.  Rusk  of  Texas,  12; 
Jefferson  Davis  of  Mississippi,  2;  Howell  Cobb  of  Georgia, 
2.  On  the  second  ballot,  William  R.  King  of  Alabama  was 
unanimously  nominated. 

The  platform  adopted  was  made  up  of  the  previous  plat- 
forms of  the  party,  with  some  additions.  It  was  identical 
with  that  of  1848,  up  to  and  including  the  resolution  re- 
specting slavery,  numbered  seven  in  the  platform  of  1840 
(p.  200),  following  which  are  these  two  resolutions :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  foregoing  proposition  covers,  and  is  intended 
to  embrace,  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  agitated  in  Congress ;  and 
therefore  the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  na- 
tional platform,  will  abide  by,  and  adhere  to,  a  faithful  execution 
of  the  acts  known  as  the  "  compromise  "  measures  settled  by  the 
last  Congress,  —  the  act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or 
labor  included ;  which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express 
provision  of  the  Constitution,  cannot  with  fidelity  thereto  be  re- 
pealed, nor  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency. 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at 
renewing,  in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery 
question,  under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made. 

Then  follow  the  resolutions  in  former  platforms  respecting  the 
distribution  of  the  proceeds  of  land  sales,  that  respecting  the  veto 
power,  and  these  additions :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by  and 
uphold  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  reso- 
lutions of  1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia 
legislature  in  1799  ;  that  it  adopts  those  principles  as  constituting 
one  of  the  main  foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved 
to  carry  them  out  in  their  obvious  meaning  and  import. 

Resolved,  That  the  war  with  Mexico,  upon  all  the  principles  of 
patriotism  and  the  law  of  nations,  was  a  just  and  necessary  war  on 
our  part,  in  which  no  American  citizen  should  have  shown  himself 
opposed  to  his  country,  and  neither  morally  nor  physically,  by  word 
or  deed,  given  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy. 

Resolved,  That  we  rejoice  at  the  restoration  of  friendly  relations 
with  our  sister  republic  of  Mexico,  and  earnestly  desire  for  her 
all  the  blessings  and  prosperity  which  we  enjoy  under  republican 


250  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

institutions ;  and  we  congratulate  the  American  people  on  the  re- 
sults cf  that  war,  which  have  so  manifestly  justified  the  policy  and 
conduct  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  insured  to  the  United  States 
indemnity  for  the  past  and  security  for  the  future. 

Resolved,  That,  in  view  of  the  condition  of  popular  institutions 
in  the  Old  World,  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved,  with  in- 
creased responsibility,  upon  the  Democracy  of  this  country,  as  the 
party  of  the  people,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the  rights  of  every 
State,  and  thereby  the  union  of  States,  and  to  sustain  and  advance 
among  them  constitutional  liberty,  by  continuing  to  resist  all  mo- 
nopolies and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the 
expense  of  the  many,  and  by  a  vigilant  and  constant  adherence  to 
those  principles  and  compromises  of  the  Constitution  which  are 
broad  enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and  uphold  the  Union 
as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it  should  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  the 
energies  and  capacity  of  this  great  and  progressive  people. 

The  platform  was  adopted  with  but  a  few  dissenting  voices. 
The  resolution  relating  to  the  compromise  measures  set  the  con- 
vention wild  with  delight.  A  re-reading  of  it  was  demanded, 
and  the  applause  with  which  it  was  received  was  vociferous 
and  prolonged. 

The  Whig  convention  met  at  Baltimore  on  the  16th  of  June. 
All  the  States  were  represented.  John  G.  Chapman,  of  Mary- 
land, was  the  permanent  president.  The  convention  was,  from 
the  beginning,  a  theatre  of  intrigue.  On  the  first  day  of  the 
session  the  Southern  delegates  held  a  caucus  and  adopted  a 
platform,  thus  forestalling  the  action  of  the  convention.  It 
is  said  that  the  platform  was  subsequently  submitted  to  the 
friends  of  Mr.  Webster,  and  accepted  by  them.  Mr.  Fillmore 
was  the  candidate  preferred  by  the  Southerners ;  General  Scott 
was  the  favorite  in  the  North ;  Mr.  Webster  had  the  greater 
part  of  New  England,  but  no  votes  from  Maine,  where  hii 
negotiation  of  the  Ashburton  Treaty  was  still  treasured  up 
against  him.  There  is  said  to  have  been  a  secret  understand- 
ing that,  if  the  platform  drawn  up  by  the  Southern  caucus 
should  be  accepted  by  the  convention,  a  sufficient  number  of 
Southern  delegates  would  go  over  to  Scott  and  nominate  him. 
But  there  was  still  another  scheme.  A  careful  canvass  was 
made  by  the  Southern  friends  of  Mr.  Webster,  and  it  was  be- 
lieved that  when  Fillmore  —  for  whom  many  of  the  South- 
erners were  instructed  —  should  be  abandoned,  twenty-two  of 
them  would  probably  go  for  Scott,  but  that  one  hundred  and. 
six  could  be  counted  for  Webster.     If  then  the  Northern  men 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED  251 

sould  secure  forty-one  delegates,  there  would  be  enough  to 
nominate  him.  The  necessary  number  could  not  be  found. 
Two  Massachusetts  men  held  out  against  Webster:  not  one 
vote  would  Maine  give  him.1 

To  return  to  the  record  of  the  convention.  On  the  first 
ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President,  Mr.  Fillmore  had  133 ; 
General  Scott,  131 ;  and  Mr.  Webster,  29.  The  convention 
voted  fifty  times  before  any  material  change  took  place.  At 
no  time,  in  the  first  forty-nine  votes,  did  General  Scott  fall 
below  his  original  131,  or  receive  more  than  139.  Mr.  Fill- 
more did  not  once  receive  more  than  133  or  fewer  than  122.  Mr. 
Webster's  highest  vote  was  32,  his  lowest  28.  But  from  the 
fiftieth  vote  on  to  the  fifty-third,  General  Scott  drew  ahead 
with  142,  142,  146,  and  159,  which  last  number  was  12  more 
than  was  necessary  to  a  choice.  William  A.  Graham  of  North 
Carolina  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  on  the  second  ballot. 

The  platform,  although  reported  by  the  committee  on  reso- 
lutions almost  unanimously,  was  not  adopted  without  a  struggle. 
It  was  as  follows :  — 

The  Whigs  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  ad- 
hering to  the  great  conservative  principles  by  which  they  are  con- 
trolled and  governed,  and  now,  as  ever,  relying  upon  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  American  people,  with  an  abiding  confidence  in  their 
capacity  for  self-government,  and  their  devotion  to  the  Constitu- 
tion and  the  Union,  do  proclaim  the  following  as  the  political 
sentiments  and  determination  for  the  establishment  and  main- 
tenance of  which  their  national  organization  as  a  party  was 
effected :  — 

First.  The  government  of  the  United  States  is  of  a  limited  char- 
acter, and  it  is  confined  to  the  exercise  of  powers  expressly  granted 
by  the  Constitution,  and  such  as  may  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  the  granted  powers  into  full  execution,  and  that  powers 
not  granted  or  necessarily  implied  are  reserved  to  the  States  re- 
spectively and  to  the  people. 

Second.  The  state  governments  should  be  held  secure  to  their 
leserved  rights,  and  the  general  government  sustained  on  its  con- 
stitutional powers,  and  that  the  Union  should  be  revered  and 
watched  over  as  the  palladium  of  our  liberties. 

Third.  That  while  struggling  freedom  everywhere  enlists  the 
warmest  sympathy  of  the  Whig  party,  we  still  adhere  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Father  of  his  Country,  as  announced  in  his  Farewell 
Address,  of  keeping  ourselves  free  from  all  entangling  alliances 

l  Sec  Rhodee's  Kktory,  vol.  i.  p.  259 


252  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

with  foreign  countries,  and  of  never  quitting  our  own  to  stand 
upon  foreign  ground ;  that  our  mission  as  a  republic  is  not  to  pro- 
pagate our  opinions,  or  impose  on  other  countries  our  forms  of  gov- 
ernment by  artifice  or  force ;  but  to  teach  by  example,  and  show 
by  our  success,  moderation  and  justice,  the  blessings  of  self-govern- 
ment, and  the  advantage  of  free  institutions. 

Fourth.  That,  as  the  people  make  and  control  the  government, 
they  should  obey  its  Constitution,  laws,  and  treaties,  as  they  would 
retain  their  self-respect  and  the  respect  which  they  claim  and  will 
enforce  from  foreign  powers. 

Fifth.  That  the  government  should  be  conducted  on  principles 
of  the  strictest  economy ;  and  revenue  sufficient  for  the  expenses 
thereof,  in  time  of  peace,  ought  to  be  mainly  derived  from  a  duty 
on  imports,  and  not  from  direct  taxes ;  and  in  laying  such  duties 
sound  policy  requires  a  just  discrimination,  and  protection  from 
fraud  by  specific  duties,  when  practicable,  whereby  suitable  encour- 
agement may  be  afforded  to  American  industry,  equally  to  all 
classes  and  to  all  portions  of  the  country. 

Sixth.  The  Constitution  vests  in  Congress  the  power  to  open  and 
repair  harbors,  and  remove  obstructions  from  navigable  rivers, 
whenever  such  improvements  are  necessary  for  the  common  de- 
fence and  for  the  protection  and  facility  of  commerce  with  foreign 
nations  or  among  the  States,  —  said  improvements  being  in  every 
instance  national  and  general  in  their  character. 

Seventh.  The  federal  and  state  governments  are  parts  of  one 
system,  alike  necessary  for  the  common  prosperity,  peace,  and 
security,  and  ought  to  be  regarded  alike  with  a  cordial,  habitual, 
and  immovable  attachment.  Respect  for  the  authority  of  each, 
and  acquiescence  in  the  just  constitutional  measures  of  each,  are 
duties  required  by  the  plainest  considerations  of  national,  state, 
and  individual  welfare. 

Eighth.  That  the  series  of  acts  of  the  Thirty-second  Congress, 
the  act  known  as  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  included,  are  received  and 
acquiesced  in  by  the  Whig  party  of  the  United  States  as  a  settle- 
ment in  principle  and  substance  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting 
questions  which  they  embrace ;  and,  so  far  as  they  are  concerned, 
we  will  maintain  them,  and  insist  upon  their  strict  enforcement, 
until  time  and  experience  shall  demonstrate  the  necessity  of  fur- 
ther legislation  to  guard  against  the  evasion  of  the  laws  on  the 
one  hand  and  the  abuse  of  their  powers  on  the  other,  not  impairing 
their  present  efficiency ;  and  we  deprecate  all  further  agitation  of 
the  question  thus  settled,  as  dangerous  to  our  peace,  and  will  dis- 
countenance all  efforts  to  continue  or  renew  such  agitation,  when- 
ever, wherever,  or  however  the  attempt  may  be  made ;  and  we  will 
maintain  this  system  as  essential  to  the  nationality  of  the  Whig 
party  and  the  integrity  of  the  Union. 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED  253 

The  objection  was,  of  course,  to  the  last  resolution  of  the 
series.  It  was  strongly  opposed,  but  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
212  to  70.  The  negative  vote  was  given  exclusively  by 
Northern  delegates,  and  by  supporters  of  Scott  as  against  Fill- 
more and  Webster. 

The  nomination  of  Pierce  was  well  received  by  the  Demo- 
crats ;  that  of  Scott  had  a  cold  reception  in  many  parts  of  the 
North,  and  was  nowhere  welcomed  in  a  spirit  which  gave 
promise  of  victory.  The  action  of  the  Whig  convention  was 
criticised  by  many  of  the  party  papers.  The  platform  was 
distasteful  to  the  Northern  wing  of  the  party,  and  the  can- 
didate excited  no  enthusiasm  anywhere.  He  was  esteemed 
as  a  gallant  soldier,  but  he  was  not  recognized  as  a  statesman, 
and  his  views  were  too  little  known  to  inspire  either  section 
with  confidence.  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Pierce,  if  not  a  very 
prominent  man,  was  known  to  have  opinions  in  accordance  with 
the  Democratic  platform,  upon  which  the  party  was  substan- 
tially united. 

The  Anti-Slavery  organization,  the  Free  Soil  Democrats, 
though  a  much  less  important  political  factor  than  they  had 
been  four  years  earlier,  held  their  convention  in  Pittsburg  on 
August  11.  Henry  Wilson  of  Massachusetts  presided.  John 
P.  Hale  of  New  Hampshire  was  nominated  for  President,  and 
George  W.  Julian  of  Indiana  for  Vice-President,  and  the  fol- 
lowing platform  was  adopted  :  — 

Having  assembled  in  national  convention  as  the  Democracy  ot 
the  United  States ;  united  by  a  common  resolve  to  maintain  right 
against  wrong  and  freedom  against  slavery ;  confiding  in  the  intel- 
ligence, patriotism,  and  discriminating  justice  of  the  American 
people ;  putting  our  trust  in  God  for  the  triumph  of  our  cause, 
and  invoking  his  guidance  in  our  endeavors  to  advance  it, — we 
now  submit  to  the  candid  judgment  of  all  men  the  following 
declaration  of  principles  and  measures  :  — 

1.  That  governments  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed  are  instituted  among  men  to  secure  to  all 
those  unalienable  rights  of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happi- 
ness with  which  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator,  and  of  which 
none  can  be  deprived  by  valid  legislation,  except  for  crime. 

2.  That  the  true  mission  of  American  Democracy  is  to  maintain 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  the 
perpetuity  of  the  Union,  by  the  impartial  application  to  public 
affairs,  without  sectional  discriminations,  of  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  human  rights,  strict  justice,  and  an  economical  adminis- 
tration. 


256  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

governments  should  protest,  and  endeavor  by  all  proper  means  to 
prevent ;  and  especially  is  it  the  duty  of  the  American  government, 
representing  the  chief  republic  of  the  world,  to  protest  against,  and 
by  all  proper  means  to  prevent,  the  intervention  of  kings  and 
emperors  against  nations  seeking  to  establish  for  themselves  repub- 
lican or  constitutional  governments. 

17.  That  the  independence  of  Hayti  ought  to  be  recognized  by 
our  government,  and  our  commercial  relations  with  it  placed  on  a 
footing  of  the  most  favored  nation. 

18.  That  as,  by  the  Constitution,  the  "citizens  of  each  State 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in 
the  several  States,"  the  practice  of  imprisoning  colored  seamen  of 
other  States,  while  the  vessels  to  which  they  belong  lie  in  port, 
and  refusing  the  exercise  of  the  right  to  bring  such  cases  before  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  to  test  the  legality  of  such 
proceedings,  is  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  an 
invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  other  States,  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  the  professions  made  by  the  slaveholders,  that  they 
wish  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  faithfully  observed  by 
every  State  in  the  Union. 

19.  That  we  recommend  the  introduction  into  all  treaties  here- 
after to  be  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  foreign 
nations,  of  some  provision  for  the  amicable  settlement  of  diffi- 
culties by  a  resort  to  decisive  arbitration. 

20.  That  the  Free  Democratic  party  is  not  organized  to  aid 
either  the  Whig  or  the  Democratic  wing  of  the  great  slave-com- 
promise party  of  the  nation,  but  to  defeat  them  both  ;  and  that, 
repudiating  and  renouncing  both  as  hopelessly  corrupt  and 
utterly  unworthy  of  confidence,  the  purpose  of  the  Free  Demo- 
cracy is  to  take  possession  of  the  federal  government,  and  ad- 
minister it  for  the  better  protection  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
the  whole  people. 

21.  That  we  inscribe  on  our  banner, "  Free  soil,  free  speech,  free 
labor,  and  free  men !  "  and  under  it  will  fight  on  and  fight  ever 
until  a  triumphant  victory  shall  reward  our  exertions. 

22.  That  upon  this  platform  the  convention  presents  to  the 
American  people  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  John  P.  Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  and  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  George 
W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  and  earnestly  commends  them  to  the  sup- 
port of  all  free  men  and  all  parties. 

The  canvass  was  not  a  spirited  one.  All  the  early  autumn 
elections  were  favorable  to  the  Democrats,  and  the  result  in 
November  was  a  crushing  defeat  of  the  Whigs  in  the  popular 
vote  and  one  still  more  decisive  in  the  electoral  vote.     Thirty* 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED 


257 


one  States  took  part  in  the  election,  California  having  been 
admitted  to  the  Union  September  9,  1850.  A  new  apportion- 
ment, based  on  the  census  of  1850,  changed  the  number  of 
electoral  votes  of  many  of  the  States.  The  popular  and  elec- 
toral votes  -were  as  follows  :  — 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral 
Vote. 

States. 

If 

.si 

aw 
!l 

d 

E 

51 

11 

a 

M 
1 

& 

3 

9 

1 

I 

£ 

Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Connecticut    .... 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia* 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kentucky 

Louisiana  ..... 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts  t  .    .    . 

Michigan 

Mississippi      .... 

Missouri 

New  Hampshire      .     . 
New  Jersey    .... 
New  York       .... 
North  Carolina   .     .     . 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania  .... 
Rhode  Island      .     .     . 
South  Carolina  t      .     . 
Tennessee  s    .     .     .     . 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Wisconsin 

26,881 

12,173 

40,626 

33,249 

6,318 

4,318 

34,705 

80,597 

95,340 

17,763 

53,806 

18,647 

41,609 

40,020 

44,569 

41,842 

26,876 

38,353 

29,997 

44,305 

262,083 

39,744 

169,220 

198,568 

8,735 

57,018 
13,552 
13,044 
73,858 
33,658 

15,038 

7,404 

35,407 

30,359 

6,293 

2,875 

16,660 

64,934 

80,901 

15,856 

57,068 

17,255 

32,543 

35,066 

52,683 

33,859 

17,548 

29,984 

16,147 

38,556 

234,882 

39,058 

152,526 

179,174 

7,626 

58,898 
4,995 
22,173 
58,572 
22,240 

100 

3,160 

62 

9,966 

6,929 

1,604 

265 

8,030 

281 
28,023 

7,237 

6,695 

350 

25,329 

59 

31,682 

8,525 

644 

8,621 

291 

8,814 

9 

4 

4 

6 

3 

3 

1    10 

(     11 

13 

4 

6 

8 
8 

6 

7 

9 

5 

7 

35 

10 

23 

27 

4 

8 

4 

15 
5 

12 
13 

12 
5 

Total 

1,601,474 

1,386,580 

156,667 

254 

42 

*  A  Webster  ticket  received  5324  votes  in  Georgia ;  an  independent  Pierce  ticket,  5811 
t  MassachmaettB  gave  Webster  1670  votes.     %  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


256  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

governments  should  protest,  and  endeavor  by  all  proper  means  to 
prevent ;  and  especially  is  it  the  duty  of  the  American  government, 
representing  the  chief  republic  of  the  world,  to  protest  against,  and 
by  all  proper  means  to  prevent,  the  intervention  of  kings  and 
emperors  against  nations  seeking  to  establish  for  themselves  repub- 
lican or  constitutional  governments. 

17.  That  the  independence  of  Hayti  ought  to  be  recognized  by 
our  government,  and  our  commercial  relations  with  it  placed  on  a 
footing  of  the  most  favored  nation. 

18.  That  as,  by  the  Constitution,  the  "citizens  of  each  State 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in 
the  several  States,"  the  practice  of  imprisoning  colored  seamen  of 
other  States,  while  the  vessels  to  which  they  belong  lie  in  port, 
and  refusing  the  exercise  of  the  right  to  bring  such  cases  before  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  to  test  the  legality  of  such 
proceedings,  is  a  flagrant  violation  of  the  Constitution,  and  an 
invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  other  States,  utterly  incon- 
sistent with  the  professions  made  by  the  slaveholders,  that  they 
wish  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  faithfully  observed  by 
every  State  in  the  Union. 

19.  That  we  recommend  the  introduction  into  all  treaties  here- 
after to  be  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  foreign 
nations,  of  some  provision  for  the  amicable  settlement  of  diffi- 
culties by  a  resort  to  decisive  arbitration. 

20.  That  the  Free  Democratic  party  is  not  organized  to  aid 
either  the  Whig  or  the  Democratic  wing  of  the  great  slave-com- 
promise party  of  the  nation,  but  to  defeat  them  both ;  and  that, 
repudiating  and  renouncing  both  as  hopelessly  corrupt  and 
utterly  unworthy  of  confidence,  the  purpose  of  the  Free  Demo- 
cracy is  to  take  possession  of  the  federal  government,  and  ad- 
minister it  for  the  better  protection  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
the  whole  people. 

21.  That  we  inscribe  on  our  banner, "  Free  soil,  free  speech,  free 
labor,  and  free  men !  "  and  under  it  will  fight  on  and  fight  ever 
until  a  triumphaut  victory  shall  reward  our  exertions. 

22.  That  upon  this  platform  the  convention  presents  to  the 
American  people  as  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  John  P.  Hale  of  New  Hampshire,  and  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  George 
W.  Julian  of  Indiana,  and  earnestly  commends  them  to  the  sup- 
port of  all  free  men  and  all  parties. 

The  canvass  was  not  a  spirited  one.  All  the  early  autumn 
elections  were  favorable  to  the  Democrats,  and  the  result  in 
November  was  a  crushing  defeat  of  the  Whigs  in  the  popular 
vote  and  one  still  more  decisive  in  the  electoral  vote.     Thirty* 


THE  DEMOCRATS  REUNITED 


257 


one  States  took  part  in  the  election,  California  having  been 
admitted  to  the  Union  September  9,  1850.  A  new  apportion- 
ment, based  on  the  census  of  1850,  changed  the  number  of 
electoral  votes  of  many  of  the  States.  The  popular  and  elec- 
toral votes  were  as  follows  :  — 


Popular  Votk. 

Electoral 
Vote. 

States. 

a 
n 

If 

3* 
ft 

it 

II 

3 

1 

1 
1 

i 

Alabama 

Arkansas   ..... 

California 

Connecticut    .... 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia* 

Illinois 

Indiana      ..... 

Iowa 

Kentucky 

Louisiana  ..... 

Maine 

Maryland 

Massachusetts  t  .    .    . 

Michigan 

Mississippi      .... 

Missouri 

New  Hampshire      .     . 
New  Jersey    .... 
New  York       .... 
North  Carolina    .     .     . 

Ohio 

Pennsylvania  .... 
Rhode  Island      .     .     . 
South  Carolina  $      .     . 
Tennessee  s    .     .     .     . 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

Wisconsin 

26,881 

12,173 

40,626 

33,249 

6,318 

4,318 

34,705 

80,597 

95,340 

17,763 

53,806 

18,647 

41,609 

40,020 

44,569 

41,842 

26,876 

38,353 

29,997 

44,305 

262,083 

39,744 

169,220 

198,568 

8,735 

57,018 
13,552 
13,044 
73,858 
33,658 

15,038 

7,404 

35,407 

30,359 

6,293 

2,875 

16,660 

64,934 

80,901 

15,856 

57,068 

17,255 

32,543 

35,066 

52,683 

33,859 

17,548 

29,984 

16,147 

38,556 

234,882 

39,058 

152,526 

179,174 

7,626 

58,898 
4,995 
22,173 
58,572 
22,240 

100 

3,160 

62 

9,966 

6,929 

1,604 

265 

8,030 

281 

28,023 

7,237 

6,695 

350 

25,329 

59 

31,682 

8,525 

644 

8,621 

291 

8,814 

9 
4 
4 
6 
3 
3 
I    10 

(     H 

13 

4 

6 

8 
8 

6 

7 

9 

5 

7 

35 

10 

23 

27 

4 

8 

4 

15 

5 

12 
IS 

12 
5 

Total 

1,601,474 

1,386,580 

156,667 

254 

42 

*  A  Webster  ticket  received  5324  votes  in  Georgia ;  an  independent  Pierce  ticket,  5811 
i  Massachusetts  gave  Webster  1G70  votes.      X  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


XX 

THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY 

The  election  of  1852  gave  a  death-blow  to  the  Whig  party. 
That  organization  had  outlived  its  usefulness.  It  was  unable 
to  cope  with  the  one  vital  issue  of  the  day,  that  of  slavery 
in  the  Territories.  The  Democratic  party  was  controlled  by 
its  Southern  contingent ;  the  Whig  by  its  Northern  mem- 
bers. Both  parties  declared  that  the  question  was  decided  by 
the  compromises  of  1850,  and  was  eliminated  from  politics. 
Although  the  extremists  of  the  South  had  opposed  the  mea- 
sures, they  speedily  began  to  assume  that  the  settlement  was 
a  concession  of  their  own  contention,  and  to  bring  forward 
propositions  which  would  make  the  introduction  of  slavery  into 
the  Territories  easy  and  its  exclusion  therefrom  impossible. 
In  this  view  of  the  matter  they  were,  in  a  certain  sense,  sus- 
tained by  the  anti-slavery  men  of  the  North,  who,  while  they 
resisted  the  new  measures  and  declared  them  to  be  a  violation 
of  the  agreement,  continued  to  denounce  the  acts  of  1850  as  a 
surrender  to  the  slaveholders.  The  Southern  leaders  put  forth 
the  proposition  that  the  natural  right  of  every  American  citi- 
zen permitted  him  to  settle  in  any  Territory,  with  his  property 
of  every  kind,  including  slaves,  and  entitled  him  to  protection 
of  that  property  ;  that  no  power  was  or  could  be  given  to  a 
territorial  government  to  exclude  slavery ;  and  that  only  when 
the  people  came  together  to  form  a  state  constitution  could  the 
power  originate  to  decide  whether  slavery  should  or  should 
not  be  allowed  to  exist.  Events  in  Kansas  and  elsewhere  led 
xiltimately  to  a  division  of  the  Democratic  party.  Senator 
Douglas  held  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  had  the  power  to 
exclude  slavery*  This  was  his  doctrine  of  "  popular  sover- 
eignty," or  u  squatter  sovereignty,"  as  its  opponents  called  it. 
In  one  or  the  other  form  the  principle  was  adopted  by  the 
Democratic  party,  although  it  was  rejected  in  both  forms  by 
a  great  body  of  its  Northern  members.  The  Northern  Whig 
party  was  overwhelmingly  against  the  extension  of  slavery, 


THE  NEW   REPUBLICAN   PARTY  259 

but  it  could  not  so  declare  itself  without  self-destruction.  To 
do  so  would  at  once  drive  out  of  the  party  almost  all  its  South- 
ern supporters  ;  it  would  alienate  a  great  many  Northern  men 
whom  an  apprehension  of  the  terrible  consequences  of  a  sec- 
tional issue  rendered  timid  ;  and  at  the  same  time  it  would 
draw  into  the  party  neither  the  anti-slavery  Democrats,  who 
differed  from  the  Whigs  on  every  question  save  this,  nor  the 
Abolitionists,  who  went  much  further  in  opposition  to  slavery 
than  either  Whigs  or  Democrats  could  go. 

The  only  course  left  open  for  the  Whig  party  was  to  delude 
itself  and  to  attempt  to  delude  the  country  by  asserting  that 
the  slavery  issue  was  decided.  This  was  merely  to  live  in 
the  past,  to  abandon  the  true  function  of  an  opposition.  The 
government  was  controlled  by  a  party  which,  in  spite  of  its 
protestations  to  the  contrary,  supported  the  aggression  of  the 
slave  interest.  The  Whig  party  failed  in  the  South  because  it 
made  the  contest  on  an  issue  in  which  the  people  were  not  in- 
terested ;  in  the  North  because  it  had  not  the  courage  to  avow 
opinions  which  a  large  majority  of  the  party  held.  But  the 
Whig  pretence,  that  the  slavery  question  was  settled  by  the 
compromise  measures  of  1850,  was  kept  up  for  some  years 
longer,  until  it  became  no  longer  possible  to  practise  self- 
deception. 

The  delusion  soon  after  the  election  of  1852  took  a  new 
phase.  Native  Americanism  had  been  a  favorite  doctrine  in 
certain  parts  of  the  North  for  many  years,  and  of  late  it  had 
been  a  growing  sentiment.  It  was  confined  to  no  party  ;  and 
the  political  method  of  those  who  believed  in  the  principle 
that  "  Americans  must  rule  America,"  and  who  were  animated 
by  hostility  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  was  to  choose 
between  candidates  already  nominated.  Occasionally,  in  the 
cities,  of  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  they  nominated  candi- 
dates of  their  own,  and  succeeded  in  electing  them  to  local 
offices.  The  membership  was  carefully  guarded  ;  for  the  so- 
cieties were  secret,  and  the  initiated  were  bound  by  oaths. 
The  order  which  existed  before  1850  was  superseded,  early  in 
Pierce's  administration,  by  a  new  one,  the  Order  of  United 
Americans,  which  became  popularly  known  as  the  Know- 
Nothing  Order,  from  the  ignorance,  even  of  the  existence  of 
such  an  association,  which  was  professed  by  all  its  members. 
A  large  number  of  the  Whigs,  hoping  to  transfer  the  political 
issue  from  slavery  to  Native  Americanism,  joined  the  order, 


260  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

^*hich  for  some  years  had  extraordinary  success  in  state  elec- 
tions ;  but,  as  Horace  Greeley  predicted  at  the  time  when  it 
was  at  the  height  of  its  power,  it  was  destined  "  to  run  its 
career  rapidly,  and  vanish  as  suddenly  as  it  appeared.  It  may 
last  through  the  next  presidential  canvass  ;  but  hardly  longer 
than  that.  ...  It  would  seem  as  devoid  of  the  elements  of 
persistence  as  an  anti-cholera  or  an  anti-potato-rot  party  would 
be."  It  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  East  at  first ;  later  it  ex- 
tended to  the  South,  even  as  far  as  Texas,  where  it  became 
strong  enough  to  carry  one  election ;  but  it  never  had  much 
success,  nor  an  organization,  in  the  Northwest. 

It  was  impossible  to  keep  the  slavery  question  out  of  sight. 
Mr.  Pierce  congratulated  the  country,  at  the  beginning  of  his 
administration,  that  the  agitation  had  ceased,  and  both  parties 
were  pledged  to  treat  a  revival  of  the  controversy  as  an  un- 
patriotic act ;  but  it  was  revived  at  once  by  the  proposition  to 
organize  the  Territories  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  in  which  was 
a  declaration  that  the  compromises  of  1850  superseded  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  which  was  accordingly  no  longer  opera* 
tive.  The  bill  was  referred  to  by  anti-slavery  orators  and 
journals  as  a  "repeal"  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  it 
stirred  popular  sentiment  at  the  North  most  profoundly.  It 
virtually  created  three  factions  in  the  Democratic  party ;  for 
beside  the  Southern  extremists  there  was  now  a  new  element, 
the  members  of  which  became  known  as  "  Anti-Nebraska 
Democrats,"  and  another  which  tried  to  stand  between  the 
two,  headed  by  Senator  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Mr.  Douglas 
was  chairman  of  the  Senate  committee  on  Territories,  and 
assumed  a  position  of  extraordinary  prominence  in  the  politics 
of  the  country.  The  struggle  between  the  pro-slavery  and  the 
anti-slavery  factions  over  Kansas,  both  within  and  without 
the  Territory,  was  one  of  unexampled  bitterness  and  violence ; 
but  during  the  early  part  of  Mr.  Pierce's  term  the  opponents 
of  the  administration  were  without  effective  organization. 

The  Republican  party  originated  in  the  West.  A  mass 
meeting  at  Ripon,  Wisconsin,  early  in  1854,  followed  soon  after- 
ward by  a  mass  state  convention  at  Jackson,  Michigan  ;  and 
state  conventions  in  July  in  Vermont,  Wisconsin,  Ohio  and 
Indiana,  brought  the  new  party  into  being,  with  its  present 
name,  and  with  opposition  to  the  extension  of  slavery  as  the 
one  issue  that  united  its  members.  Past  differences  were  for- 
gotten ;  the  jealousies  that  might  be  expected  to  arise  in  the 


THE   NEW  REPUBLICAN   PARTY  261 

selection  of  candidates  on  account  of  those  differences,    wei 
strikingly  absent.      A  Republican  organization  was  not  effected 
in  many  States  of  the  North  in  1854,  but  the  Anti-Nebraska 
party,  if  we  may  so  term  it,  under  many  names  and  with  vari- 
ous forms  of  fusion,  had  many  successes  at  the  polls.1 

A  fresh  example  of  the  determination  of  the  Southern  lead- 
ers to  force  the  fighting  and  to  obtain  additional  territory  for 
the  extension  of  slavery  was  given  in  the  "  Ostend  Manifesto." 
At  the  instance  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Marcy,  of  New 
York,  a  meeting  of  the  United  States  ministers  to  Great  Bri- 
tain, France,  and  Spain,  Mr.  James  Buchanan,  Mr.  John  Y. 
Mason,  and  Mr.  Pierre  Soule,  was  held  to  consider  the  rela- 
tion of  the  island  of  Cuba  to  the  United  States.  They  came 
together  at  Ostend,  Belgium,  and  drew  up  a  report  to  the  effect 
that  Cuba  was  territorially  a  part  of  the  United  States,  that  its 
possession  by  a  foreign  power  was  detrimental  to  our  interest, 
that  an  offer  should  be  made  to  Spain  to  purchase  it,  and  that 
in  case  Spain  were  to  refuse  to  sell,  "  by  every  law,  human 
and  divine,  we  shall  be  justified  in  wresting  it  from  Spain,  if 
we  possess  the  power."  The  "Ostend  Manifesto"  is  referred 
to  repeatedly  in  the  state  and  national  platforms  of  the  Re- 
publican party.  ^r 

At  the  close  of  1855  the  situation  was  extremely  compli- 
cated. In  the  Eastern  States  there  were  four  parties,  —  the 
Democrats,  the  Whigs,  the  Know-Nothings,  and  the  Republi- 
cans. The  Democrats  and  Whigs  were  inclined  to  coalesce  in 
order  to  withstand  the  common  enemy,  the  Republicans,  whose 
party  was  acquiring  gigantic  Strength.  The  days  of  the  Know- 
Nothing,  or  American,  party  were  numbered,  and  most  of  the 
members  had  fallen  away  to  the  Republican  party.  In  the 
West,  —  except  in  Ohio,  where  a  remnant  of  the  Whig  party 
survived,  —  the  parties  were  two  only,  the  Democratic  and 
the  Republican.  In  the  South  the  American  party  was  at  the 
time  of  its  greatest  success,  having  absorbed  most  of  the  Whig 
strength.  Although  the  Whig  party  had  not  formally  ac- 
knowledged that  it  had  ceased  to  exist,  it  was  really  only  a 
memory,  and  the  members  merely  accepted  and  voted  for  the 
candidates  of  the  Know-Nothings. 

The  first  convention  preliminary  to  the  election  of  1856 
was  that  of  the  Americans.     It  was  held  at  Philadelphia>  on 

1  For  a  full  and  admirable  analysis  of  the  elections  of  1854,  see  Rhodes' s  His- 
tory, vol.  ii.  pp.  58  et  sey. 


262  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

Washington's  birthday,  February  22,  1856.  But  already  the 
"  National  Council  "  of  the  order  had  been  in  session  three 
days,  beginning  on  the  19th  of  the  month,  and  had  adopted 
the  platform  of  the  party.      This  platform  was  as  follows :  — 

1.  An  humble  acknowledgment  of  the  Supreme  Being,  for  His 
protecting  care  vouchsafed  to  our  fathers  in  their  successful  revolu- 
tionary struggle,  and  hitherto  manifested  to  us,  their  descendants, 
in  the  preservation  of  their  liberties,  the  independence  and  the 
union  of  these  States. 

2.  The  perpetuation  of  the  Federal  Union  and  Constitution,  as 
the  palladium  of  our  civil  and  religious  liberties  and  the  only  sure 
bulwark  of  American  independence. 

3.  Americans  must  rule  America ;  and  to  this  end  native-born 
citizens  should  be  selected  for  all  state,  federal,  and  municipal 
offices  of  government  employment,  in  preference  to  all  others. 
Nevertheless, 

4.  Persons  born  of  American  parents  residing  temporarily  abroad 
should  be  entitled  to  all  the  rights  of  native-born  citizens. 

5.  No  person  should  be  selected  for  political  station  (whether  of 
native  or  foreign  birth)  who  recognizes  any  allegiance  or  obligation 
of  any  description  to  any  foreign  prince,  potentate,  or  power,  or 
who  refuses  to  recognize  the  federal  and  state  Constitutions  (each 
within  its  sphere)  as  paramount  to  all  other  laws  as  rules  of  politi- 
cal action. 

6.  The  unqualified  recognition  and  maintenance  of  the  reserved 
rights  of  the  several  States,  and  the  cultivation  of  harmony  and 
fraternal  good  will  between  the  citizens  of  the  several  States,  and, 
to  this  end,  non-interference  by  Congress  with  questions  apper- 
taining solely  to  the  individual  States,  and  non-intervention  by 
each  State  with  the  affairs  of  any  other  State. 

7.  The  recognition  of  the  right  of  native-born  and  naturalized 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  permanently  residing  in  any  Terri- 
tory thereof,  to  frame  their  constitution  and  laws,  and  to  regulate 
their  domestic  and  social  affairs  in  their  own  mode,  subject  only  to 
the  provisions  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  with  the  privilege  of 
admission  into  the  Union  whenever  they  have  the  requisite  popu- 
lation for  one  representative  in  Congress ;  provided,  always,  that 
none  but  those  who  are  citizens  of  the  United  States,  under  the 
Constitution  and  laws  thereof,  and  who  have  a  fixed  residence 
in  any  such  Territory,  ought  to  participate  in  the  formation  of 
a  constitution  or  in  the  enactment  of  laws  for  said  Territory  or 
State. 

8.  An  enforcement  of  the  principle  that  no  State  or  Territory 
ought  to  admit  others  than  citizens  to  the  right  of  suffrage,  or  of 
holding  political  offices  of  the  United  States. 


THE  NEW  KEPUBLICAN  PARTY  263 

9.  A  change  in  the  laws  of  naturalization,  making  a  continued 
residence  of  twenty-one  years,  of  all  not  heretofore  provided  for, 
an  indispensable  requisite  for  citizenship  hereafter,  and  excluding 
all  paupers  and  persons  convicted  of  crime  from  landing  upon  our 
shores  ;  but  no  interference  with  the  vested  rights  of  foreigners. 

10.  Opposition  to  any  union  between  Church  and  State;  no 
interference  with  religious  faith  or  worship,  and  no  test  oaths  for 
office. 

11.  Free  and  thorough  investigation  into  any  and  all  alleged 
abuses  of  public  functionaries,  and  a  strict  economy  in  public 
expenditures. 

12.  The  maintenance  and  enforcement  of  all  laws  constitutionally 
enacted,  until  said  laws  shall  be  repealed  or  shall  be  declared  null 
and  void  by  competent  judicial  authority. 

13.  Opposition  to  the  reckless  and  unwise  policy  of  the  present 
Administration  in  the  general  management  of  our  national  affairs, 
and  more  especially  as  shown  in  removing  "  Americans "  (by 
designation)  and  conservatives  in  principle  from  office,  and  placing 
foreigners  and  ultraists  in  their  places  ;  as  shown  in  a  truckling 
subserviency  to  the  stronger,  and  an  insolent  and  cowardly  bravado 
toward  the  weaker  powers;  as  shown  in  reopening  sectional 
agitation,  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise ;  as  shown 
in  granting  to  unnaturalized  foreigners  the  right  of  suffrage  in 
Kansas  and  Nebraska ;  as  shown  in  its  vacillating  course  on  the 
Kansas  and  Nebraska  question  ;  as  shown  in  the  corruptions  which 
pervade  some  of  the  departments  of  the  government ;  as  shown  in 
disgracing  meritorious  naval  officers  through  prejudice  or  caprice ; 
and  as  shown  in  the  blundering  mismanagement  of  our  foreign 
relations. 

14.  Therefore,  to  remedy  existing  evils,  and  to  prevent  the 
disastrous  consequences  otherwise  resulting  therefrom,  we  would 
build  up  the  "  American  Party  "  upon  the  principles  hereinbefore 
stated. 

15.  That  each  State  Council  shall  have  authority  to  amend 
their  several  constitutions,  so  as  to  abolish  the  several  degrees,  and 
substitute  a  pledge  of  honor,  instead  of  other  obligations,  for 
fellowship  and  admission  into  the  party. 

16.  A  free  and  open  discussion  of  all  political  principles  em- 
braced in  our  platform. 

The  convention,  which  met  on  the  22d,  consisted  of  227 
delegates  from  27  States  of  the  Union,  —  all  except  Maine, 
Vermont,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  Having  organized  by 
the  choice  of  Ephraim  Marsh,  of  New  Jersey,  as  President,  and 
having  decided  cases  of  contested  seats,  the  convention  became 
involved  in  a  long  and  angry  discussion  of  the  right  of  the 


264  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

National  Council  to  make  the  platform  of  the  party.     A  reso* 
lution  was  presented  :  — 

That  the  National  Council  has  no  authority  to  prescribe  a  plat- 
form of  principles  for  this  nominating  convention,  and  that  no 
candidates  for  President  and  Vice-President  who  are  not  in  favor 
of  interdicting  slavery  in  territory  north  of  36°  30',  by  congres- 
sional action,  shall  be  nominated  by  this  Convention. 

A  motion  to  lay  this  resolution  on  the  table  was  accepted 
as  a  test  of  the  strength  of  the  two  wings  of  the  party.  The 
motion  was  carried  by  a  vote  of  141  to  59.  A  motion  to  pro- 
ceed to  nominate  a  candidate  for  President  was  successful,  151 
to  51.  Thereupon  nearly  all  the  delegates  from  New  England 
and  Ohio,  and  a  part  of  those  from  Pennsylvania,  Illinois,  and 
Iowa,  withdrew  from  the  convention.  An  informal  ballot 
gave  Millard  Fillmore  71  votes ;  George  Law,  of  New  York,  27 ; 
Garrett  Davis,  of  Kentucky,  13;  and  32  votes  were  given  to 
seven  other  candidates,  from  one  to  eight  each.  On  the  formal 
vote  Mr.  Fillmore  had  179 ;  Mr.  Law  24 ;  Kenneth  Ray  nor,  of 
North  Carolina,  14 ;  Judge  John  McLean,  of  Ohio,  13 ;  Garrett 
Davis  10 ;  and  Samuel  Houston,  of  Texas,  3.  Mr.  Fillmore 
had  a  majority  and  was  nominated.  On  the  first  ballot  for  a 
candidate  for  Vice-President,  Andrew  J.  Donelson,  of  Tennes- 
see, had  181 ;  Henry  J.  Gardner,  of  Massachusetts,  12 ;  Kenneth 
Raynor  8  ;  and  Percey  Walker,  of  Alabama,  8.  Mr.  Donelson 
was  declared  nominated  ;  and  the  convention  adjourned.  OSoon 
after  this  the  seceding  delegates  met  and  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent Colonel  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  and  for  Vice- 
-r~President  ex-Governor  William  F.  Johnston,  of  Pennsylvania. 
Ai  T>  The  meeting  of  the  Democratic  national  convention  was 
looked  forward  to  with  much  interest.  A  great  many  mem- 
bers still  adhered  to  the  party,  who  were  not  disposed  to  yield 
to  what  the  general  drift  of  sentiment  in  the  Northern  States 
regarded  as  the  arrogant  and  unreasonable  demands  of  the  slave 
interest.  -The  division  of  the  party  was  most  serious  in  New 
York,  where  the  two  factions  were  now  known  as  the  "  hards'"" 
and  the  "  softs."  Mr.  Pierce  was  in  high  favor  with  the  South- 
ern delegates  and  with  the  Southern  people ;  the  Northern  and 
more  moderate  wing  of  the  party  preferred  Mr.  Buchanan ; 
while  Mr.  Douglas  had  a  strong  hold  upon  the  popular  heart, 
and  was  regarded  as  the  most  natural  successor  to  Mr.  Pierce's 
strength,  should  that  gentleman's  nomination  become  impos- 
sible.    The  excitement  at  Cincinnati,  where  the  convention  was 


/J  os 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  265 


to  meet,  ran  high  on  the  days  before  the  session  began,  and 
it  was  freely  said  that  the  Northern  delegates  would  bolt  if 
Mr.  Buchanan  should  be  defeated.  The  preliminary  intriguing 
has  probably  never  been  greater  in  any  national  nominating 
convention  than  it  was  at  that  time. 

The  convention  met  on  the  2d  of  June.  All  the  States 
were  fully  represented,  and  two  sets  of  delegates  appeared 
from  each  of  the  States  of  New  York  and  Missouri.  The 
opponents  of  Senator  Benton  were  the  "  regulars  "  from  Mis- 
souri. The  contestants  signalized  their  advent  by  knocking 
down  the  door-keeper,  who  endeavored  to  prevent  them  from 
entering  the  hall.  The  scene  was  an  incipient  riot.  When 
order  had  been  restored,  the  presiding  officer  administered  to 
the  intruders  such  a  stinging  rebuke  for  their  lawless  conduct 
that  they  retired,  and,  as  the  committee  on  credentials  reported 
against  their  claim,  they  were  seen  no  more.  The  "  hards  "  and 
"  softs  "  of  New  York  were  quite  as  bitter  in  their  quarrel  as 
the  more  turbulent  Missourians ;  but  they  waited  peaceably, 
and  finally  both  delegations  were  admitted,  each  delegate  to  have 
half  a  vote.  The  permanent  chairman  was  John  E.  Ward,  of 
Georgia.  There  was  no  opposition  to  the  two-thirds  rule.  On 
the  first  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President,  James  Buchanan 
had  135  ;  Franklin  Pierce  122 ;  Stephen  A.  Douglas  33  ;  and 
Lewis  Cass  5.  The  Southern  States  gave  on  this  vote  72 
to  Mr.  Pierce ;  29  to  Mr.  Buchanan ;  and  14  to  Mr.  Douglas. 
The  North  gave  106  to  Buchanan ;  50  to  Pierce ;  19  to 
Douglas;  and  5  to  Cass.  On  the  second  and  succeeding 
votes  Mr.  Buchanan's  strength  increased  very  slowly  but  stead- 
ily ;  Mr.  Pierce's  fell  off  rapidly,  and  the  most  of  his  loss 
was  Mr.  Douglas's  gain ;  on  the  sixteenth  trial  the  result  was, 
for  Mr.  Buchanan  168 ;  for  Mr.  Pierce  none ;  for  Mr.  Douglas 
121 ;  and  for  General  Cass  6.  Mr.  Buchanan  had  had  a  ma- 
jority on  the  tenth  vote,  and  he  now  lacked  but  eighteen  of 
two  thirds.  On  the  seventeenth  vote  the  delegations  began 
changing  in  his  favor,  he  received  all  the  votes,  296,  and  was 
declared  nominated.  Ten  candidates  were  voted  for  as  can- 
didates for  Vice-President  on  the  first  trial.  The  leader  was 
John  A.  Quitman,  of  Mississippi,  with  59  votes,  closely  fol- 
lowed by  John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  with  55.  Linn 
Boyd,  of  Kentucky,  had  33 ;  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia, 
31 ;  James  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  31 ;  Aaron  V.  Brown, 
of  Tennessee,  29;  James  C.  Dobbin,  of  North  Carolina,   13; 


1 


266  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Benjamin  Fitzpatrick,  of  Alabama,  11 ;  Trusten  Polk,  of  Mis 
souri,  5  ;  and  Thomas  J.  Rusk,  of  Texas,  2.  On  the  second 
vote  the  names  of  General  Quitman  and  of  most  of  the  other 
leading  candidates  were  withdrawn,  and  Mr.  Breckinridge  was 
unanimously  nominated. 

The  platform,  which  was  adopted  without  opposition,  be- 
gins with  the  preamble  first  adopted  in  1844,  and  repeated 
in  subsequent  platforms.  Then  follow  ten  of  the  resolutions 
which  form  a  part  of  previous  platforms,  namely,  the  first  five 
of  1840,  in  order,  and  those  relating  to  the  proceeds  of  the 
public  lands ;  against  a  national  bank ;  in  favor  of  a  separate 
treasury ;  regarding  the  veto  power ;  and  against  abridgment 
of  the  privileges  of  aliens  to  become  citizens.  To  these  the 
following  were  added  :  — 

And  whereas,  Since  the  foregoing  declaration  was  uniformly 
adopted  by  our  predecessors  in  national  convention,  an  adverse 
political  and  religious  test  has  been  secretly  organized  by  a  party 
claiming  to  be  exclusively  American,  and  it  is  proper  that  the 
American  Democracy  should  clearly  define  its  relations  thereto, 
and  declare  its  determined  opposition  to  all  secret  political  socie- 
ties, by  whatever  name  they  may  be  called, 

Resolved,  That  the  foundation  of  this  Union  of  States  having 
been  laid  in,  and  its  prosperity,  expansion,  and  preeminent  exam- 
ple of  free  government  built  upon,  entire  freedom  in  matters  of 
religious  concernment,  and  no  respect  of  persons  in  regard  to  rank 
or  place,  or  birth,  no  party  can  be  justly  deemed  national,  consti- 
tutional, or  in  accordance  with  American  principles  which  bases 
its  exclusive  organization  upon  religious  opinions  and  accidental 
birthplace.  And  hence  a  political  crusade  in  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, and  in  the  United  States  of  America,  against  Catholics 
and  foreign-born,  is  neither  justified  by  the  past  history  or  future 
prospects  of  the  country,  nor  in  unison  with  the  spirit  of  tolera- 
tion and  enlightened  freedom  which  peculiarly  distinguishes  the 
American  system  of  popular  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  reiterate  with  renewed  energy  of  purpose  the 
well-considered  declarations  of  former  conventions  upon  the  sec- 
tional issue  of  domestic  slavery  and  concerning  the  reserved  rights 
of  the  States,  — 

1.  That  Congress  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  in- 
terfere with  or  control  the  domestic  institutions  of  the  several 
States,  and  that  all  such  States  are  the  sole  and  proper  judges  of 
everything  appertaining  to  their  own  affairs  not  prohibited  by  the 
Constitution ;  that  all  efforts  of  the  Abolitionists  or  others  made  to 
jnduce  Congress  to  interfere  with  questions  of  slavery,  or  to  take 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  267 

incipient  steps  in  relation  thereto,  are  calculated  to  lead  to  the  most 
alarming  and  dangerous  consequences,  and  that  all  such  efforts  have 
an  inevitable  tendency  to  diminish  the  happiness  of  the  people  and 
endanger  the  stability  and  permanency  of  the  Union,  and  ought 
not  to  be  countenanced  by  any  friend  of  our  political  institutions. 

2.  That  the  foregoing  covers,  and  was  intended  to  embrace,  the 
whole  subject  of  slavery  agitation  in  Congress;  and  therefore 
the  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  standing  on  this  national  plat- 
form, will  abide  by  and  adhere  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  acts 
known  as  the  "  compromise  "  measures,  settled  by  the  Congress 
of  1850,  the  act  for  reclaiming  fugitives  from  service  or  labor 
included ;  which  act,  being  designed  to  carry  out  an  express  provi- 
sion of  the  Constitution,  cannot,  with  fidelity  thereto,  be  repealed, 
or  so  changed  as  to  destroy  or  impair  its  efficiency,, 

3.  That  the  Democratic  party  will  resist  all  attempts  at  renew- 
ing, in  Congress  or  out  of  it,  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question, 
under  whatever  shape  or  color  the  attempt  may  be  made. 

4.  The  Democratic  party  will  faithfully  abide  by  and  uphold  the 
principles  laid  down  in  the  Kentucky  and  Virginia  resolutions  of 
1798,  and  in  the  report  of  Mr.  Madison  to  the  Virginia  legislature  in 
1799  ;  that  it  adopts  these  principles  as  constituting  one  of  the  main 
foundations  of  its  political  creed,  and  is  resolved  to  carry  them  out 
in  their  obvious  meaning  and  import. 

And  that  we  may  more  distinctly  meet  the  issue  on  which  a 
sectional  party,  subsisting  exclusively  on  slavery  agitation,  now 
relies  to  test  the  fidelity  of  the  people,  North  and  South,  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  — 

1.  Resolved,  That,  claiming  fellowship  with  and  desiring  the  co- 
operation of  all  who  regard  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under 
the  Constitution  as  the  paramount  issue,  and  repudiating  all  sec- 
tional issues  and  platforms  concerning  domestic  slavery  which  seek 
to  embroil  the  States  and  incite  to  treason  and  armed  resistance  to 
law  in  the  Territories,  and  whose  avowed  purpose,  if  consummated, 
must  end  in  civil  war  and  disunion,  the  American  Democracy 
recognize  and  adopt  the  principles  contained  in  the  organic  laws 
establishing  the.  Territories  of  Nebraska  and  Kansas  as  embodying 
the  only  sound  and  safe  solution  of  the  slavery  question,  upon 
which  the  great  national  idea  of  the  people  of  this  whole  country 
can  repose  in  its  determined  conservation  of  the  Union,  and  non- 
interference of  Congress  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  or  in  the 
District  of  Columbia. 

2.  That  this  was  the  basis  of  the  compromise  of  1850,  confirmed 
by  both  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  in  national  conventions, 
ratified  by  the  people  in  the  election  of  1852,  and  rightly  applied 
to  the  organization  of  the  Territories  in  1854. 


268  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

3.  That  by  the  uniform  application  of  the  Democratic  principle 
to  the  organization  of  Territories,  and  the  admission  of  new  States 
with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  as  they  may  elect,  the  equal  rights 
of  all  the  States  will  be  preserved  intact,  the  original  compacts  of 
the  Constitution  maintained  inviolate,  and  the  perpetuity  and  ex- 
pansion of  the  Union  insured  to  its  utmost  capacity  of  embracing, 
in  peace  and  harmony,  every  future  American  State  that  may  be 
constituted  or  annexed  with  a  republican  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  right  of  the  people  of  all  the 
Territories,  including  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  acting  through  the 
legally  and  fairly  expressed  will  of  the  majority  of  the  actual  resi- 
dents, and  whenever  the  number  of  their  inhabitants  justifies  it, 
to  form  a  constitution,  with  or  without  domestic  slavery,  and  be 
admitted  into  the  Union  upon  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the 
other  States. 

Resolved,  Finally,  that  in  view  of  the  condition  of  popular  in- 
stitutions in  the  Old  World  (and  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  sec- 
tional agitation,  combined  with  the  attempt  to  enforce  civil  and 
religious  disabilities  against  the  rights  of  acquiring  and  enjoying 
citizenship  in  our  own  land),  a  high  and  sacred  duty  is  devolved, 
with  increased  responsibility,  upon  the  Democratic  party  of  this 
country,  as  the  party  of  the  Union,  to  uphold  and  maintain  the 
rights  of  every  State,  and  thereby  the  Union  of  the  States ;  and  to 
sustain  and  advance  among  us  constitutional  liberty,  by  continu- 
ing to  resist  all  monopolies  and  exclusive  legislation  for  the  benefit 
of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many  ;  and  by  a  vigilant  and  con- 
stant adherence  to  those  principles  and  compromises  of  the  Consti- 
tution which  are  broad  enough  and  strong  enough  to  embrace  and 
uphold  the  Union  as  it  was,  the  Union  as  it  is,  and  the  Union  as  it 
shall  be,  in  the  full  expansion  of  the  energies  and  capacity  of  this 
great  and  progressive  people. 

1.  Resolved,  That  there  are  questions  connected  with  the  for- 
eign policy  of  this  country  which  are  inferior  to  no  domestic  ques- 
tion whatever.  The  time  has  come  for  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  declare  themselves  in  favor  of  free  seas,  and  progressive 
free  trade  throughout  the  world,  and  by  solemn  manifestations  to 
place  their  moral  influence  at  the  side  of  their  successful  example. 

2.  Resolved,  That  our  geographical  and  political  position  with 
refereuce  to  the  other  states  of  this  continent,  no  less  than  the  in- 
terest of  our  commerce  and  the  development  of  our  growing  power, 
requires  that  we  should  hold  sacred  the  principles  involved  in  the 
Monroe  doctrine.  Their  bearing  and  import  admit  of  no  miscon- 
struction, and  should  be  applied  with  unbending  rigidity. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  great  highway,  which  nature  as  well  as 
the  assent  of  states  most  immediately  interested  in  its  maintenance 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  269 

has  marked  out  for  free  communication  between  the  Atlantic  and 
the  Pacific  oceans,  constitutes  one  of  the  most  important  achieve- 
ments realized  by  the  spirit  of  modern  times,  in  the  unconquerable 
energy  of  our  people ;  and  that  result  would  be  secured  by  a  timely 
and  efficient  exertion  of  the  control  which  we  have  the  right  to 
claim  over  it ;  and  no  power  on  earth  should  be  suffered  to  impede 
or  clog  its  progress  by  any  interference  with  relations  that  it  may 
suit  our  policy  to  establish  between  our  government  and  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  states  within  whose  dominions  it  lies.  We  can, 
under  no  circumstances,  surrender  our  preponderance  in  the  ad- 
justment of  all  questions  arising  out  of  it. 

4.  Resolved,  That,  in  view  of  so  commanding  an  interest,  the 
people  of  the  United  States  cannot  but  sympathize  with  the  efforts 
which  are  being  made  by  the  people  of  Central  America  to  regen- 
erate that  portion  of  the  continent  which  covers  the  passage  across 
the  inter-oceanic  isthmus. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  expect  of  the  next 
administration  that  every  proper  effort  be  made  to  insure  our 
ascendency  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  to  maintain  permanent 
protection  to  the  great  outlets  through  which  are  emptied  into  its 
waters  the  products  raised  out  of  the  soil  and  the  commodities 
created  by  the  industry  of  the  people  of  our  Western  valleys  and  of 
the  Union  at  large. 

Resolved,  That  the  administration  of  Franklin  Pierce  has  been 
true  to  Democratic  principles,  and  therefore  true  to  the  great  inter- 
ests of  the  country.  In  the  face  of  violent  opposition  he  has  main- 
tained the  laws  at  home,  and  vindicated  the  rights  of  American 
citizens  abroad ;  and  therefore  we  proclaim  our  unqualified  admi- 
ration of  his  measures  and  policy. 

The  first  Republican  national  convention  was  the  outcome 
of  a  preliminary  convention  held  at  Pittsburg  on  Washington's 
Birthday,  February  22,  1856.  The  Pittsburg  meeting  was 
called  by  the  chairmen  of  the  Republican  state  committees 
of  Maine,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  and  Wisconsin.  There  were  repre- 
sentatives of  twenty-three  States  in  attendance.  A  long  ad- 
dress "  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  "  was  adopted  ;  and 
it  was  voted  to  call  a  convention  for  the  nomination  of  candi- 
dates for  President  and  Vice-President,  to  meet  at  Philadelphia 
on  the  17th  of  June,  the  anniversary  of  Bunker  Hill. 

The  convention  met  on  the  day  named.  The  delegates 
were  too  enthusiastic  and  united  in  their  purpose  to  be  care- 
ful about  the  proportionate  representation  of  the  States,  or  to 
scrutinize  closely  the  credentials  of  their  fellow-members.     All 


270  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  Northern  States  were  represented,  as  were  also  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Kentucky,  the  Territories  of  Minne- 
sota, Nebraska,  and  Kansas,  and  the  District  of  Columbia.  It 
was  reported  that  more  than  one  thousand  delegates  were  in 
attendance,  but  the  vote  for  candidates  disclosed  less  than  six 
hundred.  New  York  cast  96  votes,  Pennsylvania  81,  and 
Ohio  69 ;  but  many  of  the  more  remote  States  were  under- 
represented.  Robert  Emmet,  of  New  York,  formerly  a  Demo- 
crat, was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  Colonel  Henry  S. 
Lane,  of  Indiana,  the  permanent  president.  The  enthusiasm 
and  the  hopefulness  of  the  delegates  were  unbounded.  For 
the  first  time  they  found  themselves  in  a  party  united  by 
what  they  deemed  a  great  moral  purpose,  and  not  by  considera- 
tions of  temporary  expediency.  The  convention  gave  itself  up 
to  a  season  of  speech-making  of  the  most  earnest  and  enthusi- 
astic character.  The  extraordinary  success  of  the  new  party, 
barely  two  years  old,  seemed  to  justify  them  in  their  expecta- 
tion of  an  immediate  national  victory. 

Much  depended,  for  such  a  party  even  more  than  for  an  old 
and  established  party,  upon  the  quality  of  the  candidate. 
William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York,  no  doubt  represented  the 
attitude  of  the  Republican  party  on  public  questions  better 
and  more  prominently  than  any  other  public  man  ;  but  he  had 
seen  the  formation  of  the  party  with  reluctance,  and,  not  being 
so  optimistic  as  to  expect  an  election,  declined  to  be  a  candi- 
date. The  next  choice  might  have  been  Senator  Salmon  P. 
Chase,  of  Ohio  ;  but  he  had  been  so  fully  identified  with  the 
Democratic  party  that  his  ability  to  carry  Ohio  was  doubtful, 
and  he  withdrew.  John  McLean,  also  of  Ohio,  Postmaster- 
General  under  Monroe  and  Adams,  and  a  Justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  since  1829,  was  regarded  as  a  strong  candidate, 
but  his  name  was  also  withdrawn.  The  only  remaining  can- 
didate who  had  been  prominently  mentioned  was  Colonel  John 
C.  Fremont,  whose  political  experience  was  limited  to  a  brief 
service  as  senator  from  California,  and  whose  political  opin- 
ions were  almost  unknown.  Upon  an  urgent  representation' 
that  Fremont  would  be  unable  to  carry  Pennsylvania,  Judge 
McLean  was  again  brought  forward  as  a  candidate.  On  an 
informal  ballot  Fremont  received  359  votes,  Judge  McLean 
196,  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts,  2,  and  William  H. 
Seward,  of  New  York,  1.  Colonel  Fremont  was  thereupon 
unanimously   nominated.     An    informal    ballot  was    likewise 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN   PARTY  271 

taken  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President.  William  L.  Dayton, 
of  New  Jersey,  had  259 ;  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  110 ; 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts,  46 ;  and  twelve  other 
candidates  received  some  votes  each.  Mr.  Dayton  was  then 
unanimously  nominated.  The  selection  of  Fremont  was  due 
in  no  small  degree  to  the  fact  that  he  had  already  been  nomi- 
nated by  the  seceding  Know-Nothings,  and  -a  communication 
from  the  officers  of  the  convention  which  placed  him  in  nomi- 
nation was  frequently  referred  to,  but  was  not  read.  Gov- 
ernor Johnston,  who  was  nominated  by  the  seceding  Americans 
for  Vice-President,  received  two  votes  only  in  the  Republican 
convention. 

The  following  platform  was  adopted  :  — 

This  convention  of  delegates,  assembled  in  pursuance  of  a  call 
addressed  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  without  regard  to 
past  political  differences  or  divisions,  who  are  opposed  to  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  to  the  policy  of  the  present  admin- 
istration, to  the  extension  of  slavery  into  free  territory ;  in  favor  of 
admitting  Kansas  as  a  free  State,  of  restoring  the  action  of  the 
federal  government  to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  ; 
and  who  purpose  to  unite  in  presenting  candidates  for  the  offices  of 
President  and  Vice-President,  do  resolve  as  follows  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  federal 
Constitution  is  essential  to  the  preservation  of  our  Republican 
institutions,  and  that  the  federal  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the 
States,  and  the  union  of  the  States,  shall  be  preserved. 

Resolved,  That  with  our  republican  fathers  we  hold  it  to  be  a 
self-evident  truth,  that  all  men  are  endowed  with  the  unalienable 
rights  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  that  the 
primary  object  and  ulterior  designs  of  our  federal  government 
were  to  secure  these  rights  to  all  persons  within  its  exclusive  juris- 
diction ;  that,  as  oar  republican  fathers,  when  they  had  abolished 
slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained  that  no  person  should 
be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of 
law,  it  becomes  our  duty  to  maintain  this  provision  of  the  Consti- 
tution against  all  attempts  to  violate  it  for  the  purpose  of  estab- 
lishing slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  by  positive 
legislation  prohibiting  its  existence  or  extension  therein ;  that  we 
deny  the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  of  any 
individual  or  association  of  individuals,  to  give  legal  existence  to 
slavery  in  any  Territory  of  the  United  States,  while  the  present 
Constitution  shall  be  maintained. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sover- 


272  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

eign  power  over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  for  their 
government,  and  that  in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  both  the 
right  and  the  duty  of  Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories  those 
twin  relics  of  barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery. 

Resolved,  That  while  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was 
ordained  and  established  by  the  people  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic  tranquillity,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty, 
and  contains  ample  provision  for  the  protection  of  the  life,  liberty, 
and  property  of  every  citizen,  the  dearest  constitutional  rights  of 
the  people  of  Kansas  have  been  fraudulently  and  violently  taken 
from  them ;  their  territory  has  been  invaded  by  an  armed  force ; 
spurious  and  pretended  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  officers 
have  been  set  over  them,  by  whose  usurped  authority,  sustained  by 
the  military  power  of  the  government,  tyrannical  and  unconstitu- 
tional laws  have  been  enacted  and  enforced;  the  rights  of  the 
people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  have  been  infringed ;  test  oaths  of 
an  extraordinary  and  entangling  nature  have  been  imposed  as  a 
condition  of  exercising  the  right  of  suffrage  and  holding  office ; 
the  right  of  an  accused  person  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial  by  an 
impartial  jury  has  been  denied ;  the  right  of  the  people  to  be 
secure  in  their  persons,  houses,  papers,  and  effects  against  unrea- 
sonable searches  and  seizures  has  been  violated;  they  have  been 
deprived  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  without  due  process  of  law ; 
the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  has  been  abridged ;  the 
right  to  choose  their  representatives  has  been  made  of  no  effect ; 
murders,  robberies,  and  arsons  have  been  instigated  and  encour- 
aged, and  the  offenders  have  been  allowed  to  go  unpunished ;  — 
that  all  these  things  have  been  done  with  the  knowledge,  sanction, 
and  procurement  of  the  present  administration  ;  and  that  for  this 
high  crime  against  the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  humanity, 
we  arraign  the  administration,  the  President,  his  advisers,  agents, 
supporters,  apologists,  and  accessories,  either  before  or  after  the 
fact,  before  the  country  and  before  the  world,  and  that  it  is  our 
fixed  purpose  to  bring  the  actual  perpetrators  of  these  atrocious 
outrages,  and  their  accomplices,  to  a  sure  and  condign  punishment 
hereafter. 

Resolved,  That  Kansas  should  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
State  of  the  Union,  with  her  present  free  Constitution,  as  at  once 
the  most  effectual  way  of  securing  to  her  citizens  the  enjoyment 
of  the  rights  and  privileges  to  which  they  are  entitled,  and  of 
ending  the  civil  strife  now  raging  in  her  territory. 

Resolved,  That  the  highwayman's  plea,  that  "  might  makes 
right,"  embodied  in  the  Ostend  circular,  was  in  every  respect 
unworthy  of  American  diplomacy,  and  would  bring  shame  and 


THE  NEW   REPUBLICAN  PARTY  273 

dishonor  upon  any  government  or  people  that  gave  it  their  sanc- 
tion. 

Resolved,  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  by  the  most 
central  and.  practicable  route,  is  imperatively  demanded  by  the 
interests  of  the  whole  country,  and  that  the  Federal  government 
ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construction  ; 
and,  as  an  auxiliary  thereto,  the  immediate  construction  of  an 
emigrant  route  on  the  line  of  the  railroad. 

Resolved,  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  the  improvement 
of  rivers  and  harbors,  of  a  national  character,  required  for  the 
accommodation  and  security  of  our  existing  commerce,  are  author- 
ized by  the  Constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligation  of  govern- 
ment to  protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  affiliation  and  cooperation  of  the  men 
of  all  parties,  however  differing  from  us  in  other  respects,  in  sup- 
port of  the  principles  herein  declared  ;  and  believing  that  the  spirit 
of  our  institutions  as  well  as  the  Constitution  of  our  country  guaran- 
tees liberty  of  conscience  and  equality  of  rights  among  citizens,  we 
oppose  all  legislation  impairing  their  security. 

One  other  convention  was  held,  that  of  the  Whigs,  at  Balti- 
more, on  the  17th  of  September,  in  which  there  was  a  more  or 
less  full  representation  of  twenty-six  States.  No  delegates 
were  present  from  Michigan,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  Texas,  or  Cali- 
fornia. Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  was  the  president.  The 
proceedings  were  brief  and  uninteresting.  The  nominations  of 
Fillmore  and  Donelson  were  accepted  by  resolution,  and  the 
following  platform  was  adopted  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  Whigs  of  the  United  States,  now  here  as-'X 
sembled,  hereby  declare  their  reverence  for  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  their  unalterable  attachment  to  the  national  Union, 
and  a  fixed  determination  to  do  all  in  their  power  to  preserve  them 
for  themselves  and  their  posterity.  They  have  no  new  principles  to 
announce,  no  new  platform  to  establish,  but  are  content  to  broadly  J 
rest  —  where  their  fathers  rested  —  upon  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  wishing  no  safer  guide,  no  higher  law.  -"" 

Resolved,  That  we  regard  with  the  deepest  interest  and  anxiety 
the  present  disordered  condition  of  our  national  affairs,  —  a  portion 
of  the  country  ravaged  by  civil  war,  large  sections  of  our  popula- 
tion embittered  by  mutual  recriminations  ;  and  we  distinctly  trace 
these  calamities  to  the  culpable  neglect  of  duty  by  the  present 
national  administration. 

Resolved,  That  the  government  of  the  United  States  was  formed 
by  the  conjunction  in  political  unity  of  widespread  geographical 
sections,  materially  differing  not  only  in  climate  and  products,  but 


274  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

in  social  and  domestic  institutions ;  and  that  any  cause  that  shall 
permanently  array  the  different  sections  of  the  Union  in  political 
hostility  and  organized  parties,  founded  only  on  geographical  dis- 
tinctions, must  inevitably  prove  fatal  to  a  continuance  of  the 
national  Union. 

Resolved,  That  the  Whigs  of  the  United  States  declare,  as  a 
fundamental  rule  of  political  faith,  an  absolute  necessity  for  avoid- 
ing geographical  parties.  The  danger  so  clearly  discerned  by  the 
Father  of  his  Country  has  now  become  fearfully  apparent  in 
the  agitation  now  convulsing  the  nation,  and  must  be  arrested  at 
once  if  we  would  preserve  our  Constitution  and  our  Union  from 
dismemberment,  and  the  name  of  America  from  being  blotted 
out  from  the  family  of  civilized  nations. 

Resolved,  That  all  who  revere  the  Constitution  and  the  Union 
must  look  with  alarm  at  the  parties  in  the  field  in  the  present 
presidential  campaign,  —  one  claiming  only  to  represent  sixteen 
Northern  States,  and  the  other  appealing  mainly  to  the  passions 
and  prejudices  of  the  Southern  States ;  that  the  success  of  either 
faction  must  add  fuel  to  the  flame  which  now  threatens  to  wrap 
our  dearest  interests  in  a  common  ruin. 

Resolved,  That  the  only  remedy  for  an  evil  so  appalling  is  to 
support  a  candidate  pledged  to  neither  of  the  geographical  sections 
now  arrayed  in  political  antagonism,  but  holding  both  in  a  just  and 
equal  regard.  We  congratulate  the  friends  of  the  Union  that  such 
a  candidate  exists  in  Millard  Fillmore. 

Resolved,  That,  without  adopting  or  referring  to  the  peculiar 
doctrines  of  the  party  which  has  already  selected  Mr.  Fillmore  as  a 
candidate,  we  look  to  him  as  a  well-tried  and  faithful  friend  of  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  eminent  alike  for  his  wisdom  and 
firmness ;  for  his  justice  and  moderation  in  our  foreign  relations ; 
for  his  calm  and  pacific  temperament,  so  well  becoming  the  head 
of  a  great  nation ;  for  his  devotion  to  the  Constitution  in  its  true 
spirit;  his  inflexibility  in  executing  the  laws;  but,  beyond  all 
these  attributes,  in  possessing  the  one  transcendent  merit  of  being 
a  representative  of  neither  of  the  two  sectional  parties  now  strug- 
gling for  political  supremacy. 

Resolved,  That,  in  the  present  exigency  of  political  affairs,  we 
are  not  called  upon  to  discuss  the  subordinate  questions  of  admin- 
istration in  the  exercising  of  the  constitutional  powers  of  the  gov- 
ernment. It  is  enough  to  know  that  civil  war  is  raging;  and  that 
the  Union  is  imperilled ;  and  we  proclaim  the  conviction  that  the 
restoration  of  Mr.  Fillmore  to  the  presidency  will  furnish  the  best 
if  not  the  only  means  of  restoring  peace. 

The  canvass  which  followed  was  an  extraordinary  one.  It 
was  sluggish  enough  in  the  South,  where  the  only  candidates 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  275 

were  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Mr.  Fillmore ;  for  Mr.  Buchanan  had 
the  support  of  the  entire  slaveholding  interest,  and  of  all  Avho 
were  concerned  for  the  maintenance  of  the  political  power  of 
the  slavery  system.  But  in  the  North  the  Republicans  con- 
ducted a  canvass  rivalling  that  of  1840  in  enthusiasm,  and 
having  behind  it  what  the  "  hard  cider  "  campaign  lacked,  —  a 
definite  moral  purpose  and  a  clearly  understood  policy.  Great 
political  clubs  were  organized,  which  marched  from  place  to 
place  visiting  each  other,  uniformed  and  bearing  torches.  Im- 
mense public  meetings  were  held,  and  the  Northern  heart  was 
fired  as  it  had  never  been  before.  Nevertheless  the  Republi- 
can canvass  was  destined  to  end  in  defeat,  although  the  earlier 
elections  of  the  autumn  indicated  a  Republican  victory.  In 
Vermont  more  than  three  fourths  of  the  votes  were  Republican ; 
and  Maine,  which  had  been  carried  in  1855  by  a  fusion  party 
of  Democrats  and  "straight"  Whigs,  was  now  carried  by  the 
Republicans  by  almost  18,000  majority.  But  the  October 
elections  were  unfavorable  ;  for,  while  Ohio  gave  a  Republican 
majority,  Indiana  was  lost,  and  Pennsylvania  gave  the  Demo- 
cratic candidates  on  the  state  ticket  a  majority  over  the  Re- 
publican and  Whig  vote  combined.  "  The  Quakers  did  not 
come  out,"  it  was  said ;  but  all  who  could  read  the  signs  of  the 
time  knew  that  the  election  was  lost  for  the  Republicans. 

Thirty-one  States  participated  in  the  election.  The  popular 
and  electoral  votes  are  given  on  the  next  page. 

The  count  of  the  electoral  vote  was  enlivened  by  a  scene 
unlike  any  which  had  ever  occurred.  The  usual  resolution 
for  counting  the  votes  was  adopted.  If  it  was  known  in 
advance  that  there  was  anything  unusual  in  the  certificate 
of  any  State,  it  does  not  so  appear  from  the  record;  but,  in 
point  of  fact,  the  electors  for  Wisconsin  had  not  met  on  the 
day  fixed  by  law,  which  day,  says  the  Constitution  itself, 
"  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States,"  but  on 
the  next  day  after.  A  severe  snowstorm  had  prevented  the 
electors  from  reaching  the  capital  of  the  State  in  season  to  give 
their  votes  on  the  3d  of  December,  and  they  had  met  and 
voted  on  the  4th. 

When  the  votes  of  Wisconsin  were  presented  at  the  joint 
meeting  of  the  two  Houses,  an  objection  was  made  to  count- 
ing them.  The  president  -pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  the 
Hon.  James  M.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  ruled  that  debate  was 
not  in  order  while  the  tellers  were  counting  the  votes.     The 


276 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral  Vote. 

1 

I 

1 

States. 

u 

o    . 

©  . 

m 

Q 

$| 

to  a 

S.5 

it 

"2  * 

if 

i 

e 

o 

I5 

so 

1 

s 

n 

a 

i 

a 

Alabama  .... 

46,739 

_. 

28,552 

9 

Arkansas  . 

21,910 

— 

10,787 

4 

- 

- 

California  . 

53,365 

20,691 

36,165 

4 

_ 

- 

Connecticut 

34,995 

42,715 

2,615 

- 

6 

- 

Delaware  . 

8,004 

308 

6,175 

3 

- 

- 

Florida 

6,358 

- 

4,8*3 

3 

- 

•  - 

Georgia 

56,578 

- 

42,228 

10 

- 

- 

Illinois  .     . 

105,348 

96,189 

37,444 

11 

- 

- 

Indiana 

118,670 

94,375 

22,386 

13 

- 

- 

Iowa      .     . 

36,170 

43,954 

9,180 

- 

4 

- 

Kentucky  . 

74,642 

314 

67,416 

12 

- 

- 

Louisiana  . 

22,164 

- 

20,709 

6 

- 

- 

Maine    .     . 

39,080 

67,379 

3,325 

- 

8 

- 

Maryland  . 

39,115 

281 

47,460 

- 

- 

8 

Massachusetts 

39,240 

108,190 

19,626 

_ 

13 

_ 

Michigan   . 

52,136 

71,762 

1,660 

- 

6 

- 

Mississippi 

35,446 

- 

24,195 

7 

- 

- 

Missouri     . 

58,164 

- 

48,524 

9 

- 

- 

New  Hampsh 

ire 

32,789 

38,345 

422 

- 

5 

- 

New  Jersey 

46,943 

28,338 

24,115 

7 

- 

- 

New  York 

195,878 

276,007 

124,604 

- 

35 

- 

North  Carolina 

48,246 

- 

36,886 

10 

- 

- 

Ohio      .     .     . 

170,874 

187,497 

28,126 

- 

23 

- 

Pennsylvania 

230,710 

147,510 

82,175 

27 

- 

- 

Rhode  Island 

6,680 

11,467 

1,675 

- 

4 

- 

South  Carolina  * 

- 

- 

_ 

8 

- 

_ 

Tennessee 

73,638 

- 

66,178 

12 

- 

- 

Texas    .     . 

31,169 

- 

15,639 

4 

- 

- 

Vermont    . 

10,569 

39,561 

545 

- 

5 

- 

Virginia     . 

89,706 

291 

60,310 

15 

- 

- 

Wisconsin . 

52,843 

66,090 

579 

- 

5 

- 

Total     . 

1,838,169 

1,341,264 

874,534 

174 

114 

8 

*  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 

count  having  been  concluded,  Mr.  Letcher,  of  Virginia,  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  inquired  if  it  would  then  be  in 
order  to  move  that  the  votes  of  Wisconsin  be  excluded.  The 
president  ruled  that  it  was  not  in  order.  Senator  Crittenden, 
of  Kentucky,  asked  if  the  chair  decided  "  that  Congress,  in 


THE  NEW  REPUBLICAN  PARTY  277 

no  form,  has  power  to  decide  upon  the  validity  or  invalidity 
of  a  vote."  The  president,  having  disclaimed  the  intention 
to  make  any  such  decision,  proceeded  to  recapitulate  the  votes, 
giving  Buchanan  and  Breckinridge  174  each,  and  Fremont  and 
Dayton  114  each  (which  included  the  votes  of  Wisconsin), 
and  to  declare  the  election  of  the  Democratic  candidates.  Pro- 
tests were  raised  on  all  sides,  from  both  parties  and  by  mem- 
bers of  both  Houses.  In  spite  of  the  declaration  of  the 
presiding  officer  that  no  debate  was  in  order,  a  long  and 
rambling  debate  ensued,  in  which  the  most  diverse  views 
were  advanced.  The  discussion  was  at  last  cut  short  by  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Senate.  The  matter  was  immediately  re- 
sumed in  each  House,  and  discussion  was  continued  for  two 
days.  The  debates  on  that  occasion  are  the  most  valuable 
for  the  student  of  political  history,  as  to  this  casus  omissus 
of  the  Constitution,  that  have  ever  taken  place,  because  the 
question  was  considered  without  a  spirit  of  partisanship.  The 
vote  of  Wisconsin  would  not. affect  the  result,  whether  counted, 
or  rejected.  There  was  much  ignorance  of  the  Constitution 
displayed  by  many  of  the  speakers ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
some  of  them  discussed  the  question  with  profound  learning 
and  with  great  ability. 

It  is  impossible  here  to  give  a  sketch  of  this  most  interest- 
ing debate.  Nothing  more  can  be  done  than  to  summarize 
some  of  the  views  advanced.  On  the  main  question,  Repub- 
licans generally  thought  the  votes  of  Wisconsin  ought  to  be 
counted ;  Democrats,  for  the  most  part,  took  the  contrary  view. 
Upon  the  question  who,  under  the  Constitution,  should  count, 
that  is,  who  decide  what  were  votes,  the  divergence  of  opinion 
was  amazing.  Some  contented  themselves  with  asserting  that 
the  power  was  in  Congress  to  decide  upon  the  validity  of  votes, 
leaving  the  method  of  exercising  the  power  to  be  determined 
by  law.  But  it  was  maintained  in  the  Senate,  by  Mr.  Thomp- 
son, of  Kentucky,  that  the  "  votes  are  to  be  returned  to  us, 
and  counted  by  us,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  are  ad- 
mitted to  be  present  at  the  count  to  prevent  a  combination,  a 
clandestine  operation,  a  secret  session,  a  coup  d'etat.  .  .  .  The 
votes  are  to  be  returned  to  the  Senate,  and  counted  by  the 
Senate."  On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Humphrey  Marshall,  of 
Kentucky,  maintained  in  the  House  that  that  body  was  the 
sole  judge,  and  Mr.  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland,  took 
the  same  view,     The  ground  of  this  opinion  was,  that  it  was 


278  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

for  the  House  to  decide  whether  or  not  to  go  into  an  election 
of  President. 

There  was  still  another  point  on  which  the  difference  of 
opinion  was  decided.  'The  president  of  the  Senate  stoutly 
affirmed  that  he  had  neither  counted  nor  rejected  the  votes, 
although  he  had  said  :  "  The  state  of  the  votes  as  delivered 
by  the  tellers  is  .  .  .  for  John  C.  Fremont,  of  California,  114 
votes."  Many  senators  sustained  the  assertion  of  Mr.  Mason 
that  he  had  not  counted  the  votes,  while  others  declared  that 
he  had  counted  them.  Numerous  resolutions  were  offered  in 
each  branch,  but  the  debate  produced  nothing  more  than  a 
resolution  of  formal  notification  to  Messrs.  Buchanan  and 
Breckinridge  that  they  had  been  elected.  The  opinion  that 
the  whole  subject  ought  to  be  taken  up  and  considered,  and 
the  doubtful  points  determined  by  law,  was  generally  ex- 
pressed ;  but,  as  soon  as  the  matter  in  hand  was  disposed  of, 
the  subject  was  dropped.  The  Congress  was  then  in  the  last 
month  of  its  term,  and  it  was  too  busy  to  take  further  notice 
of  a  danger  past  which  might  never  return.  Consequently  the 
disputed  point  was  left  for  a  Republican  Congress  to  decide, 
according  to  the  political  exigency  of  the  hour,  in  the  midst 
of  a  civil  war. 


XXI 

THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY 

During  the  whole  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration  the 
country  was  drifting  steadily  toward  civil  war.  The  issue 
between  slavery  and  anti-slavery  was  joined  at  all  points. 
The  Dred  Scott  decision,  promulgated  by  the  .Supreme  Court 
soon  after  the  new  President  was  inaugurated,  sustained  the 
Southerners'  contention  as  to  their  rights  of  property  so  fully 
as  to  justify  the  bitter  comment  upon  it  that  it  made  "  Slavery 
national,  Freedom  sectional."  The  Republicans  would  not 
accept  the  dictum  as  final.  If  the  Constitution  must  be  taken 
to  support  the  view  taken  by  the  court,  they  would  refuse  to 
obey  the  Constitution  and  follow  the  "  higher  law  "  proclaimed 
by  Seward. 

The  struggle  over  Kansas,  which  had  begun  in  the  first  year 
of  Pierce's  administration,  continued  under  his  successor  until 
early  in  1861,  after  secession  had  begun,  when  the  State  was 
admitted  without  slavery.  The  story  of  the  contest  fills  one 
of  the  darkest  pages  of  American  political  history.  It  is  a 
record  of  perfidy  and  violence.  The  attempt  to  force  the 
Lecompton  constitution  upon  the  people,  under  the  patron- 
age of  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  was 
matched  in  baseness  by  the  offer  by  Congress  of  a  bribe  to 
the  people  if  they  would  accept  it.  The  South,  struggling 
as  it  was  to  maintain  the  political  power  of  the  section  and 
of  its  social  system,  and  backed  by  the  highest  judicial  author- 
ity in  the  land,  had  a  technical  justification  for  every  claim 
which  it  put  forth  to  the  possession  of  Kansas  as  a  field  for 
the  extension  of  slavery.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  moral 
sense  of  the  Northern  people  was  outraged  by  the  effort  to 
force  slavery  upon  an  unwilling  people,  and  by  the  repeated 
violations  of  good  faith  which  were  resorted  to  in  order  to 
make  the  attempt  successful.  Kansas  had  seven  governors 
in  five  years.  One  of  them  was  removed  because  he  would 
not  be  made  the  tool  of  the  pro-slavery  party.     Another,  a 


280  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Mississippian,  an  ex-senator,  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
during  the  whole  of  Polk's  administration,  resigned  because 
the  President  would  not  keep  officially  the  pledge  which  he 
had  made  verbally  to  the  governor,  that  the  people  of  Kansas 
should  be  allowed  to  vote  on  the  whole  Lecompton  consti- 
tution. 

The  line  which  separated  the  Republican  and  the  Demo- 
cratic parties  was  broad ;  but  there  was  a  great  variety  of 
opinion  within  the  ranks  of  each  party.  Even  the  Aboli- 
tionists were  beginning  to  think  that  an  organization  had 
been  formed  which  they  could  join  with  consistency,  one 
from  which  they  might  hope  great  things.  There  was  a 
wide  difference,  nevertheless,  between  them  and  the  most 
conservative  Republicans,  who  would  not  go  beyond  a  firm 
and  decided  conviction  that  slavery  could  not  exist  in  any 
Territory  in  opposition  either  to  the  will  of  Congress  or  to 
that  of  the  people  of  the  Territory.  But  while  the  Repub- 
licans, being  a  party  in  opposition,  could  and  did  act  together, 
the  Democrats  were  split  into  two  factions.  Senator  Douglas, 
who  had  been  a  leader  for  the  South  in  the  repeal  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  revolted  against  the  attempt  to  force 
the  Lecompton  constitution  upon  the  people  of  Kansas.  Pub- 
lic opinion  in  the  North  was  so  strong  as  to  carry  almost  the 
whole  of  the  Democratic  party  of  that  section  with  him.  In 
the  South  he  had  some  followers,  and  in  the  North  many 
Democrats  opposed  his  "  popular  sovereignty  "  doctrine  and 
accepted  the  Southern  view.  The  office-holders  stood  by  the 
administration,  which  opposed  Douglas,  with  a  reasonable  ap- 
prehension of  the  consequences  of  taking  another  course.  No 
doubt  there  were  many  men  at  the  North  who  were  intellec- 
tually convinced  that  the  constitutional  position  assumed  in 
defence  of  slavery  extension  was  correct ;  while  others  were 
with  the  administration  because  it  was  the  administration,  and 
favored  the  Southern  view  because  the  ascendency  of  slavery 
as  a  political  power,  if  secured  by  their  assistance,  would  give 
them  office  and  standing  in  the  party. 

Since  the  time  of  Andrew  Jackson  the  personal  qualities  of 
the  President  had  had  little  influence  upon  the  course  of  pub- 
lic events.  But  now  the  weakness  of  Mr.  Buchanan  encour- 
aged the  Southern  extremists  to  press  their  advantage ;  it  made 
possible  the  formation  of  a  strong  Northern  faction  in  open 
revolt  against  administration   measures,  and   it  rendered  the 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY     281 

Republicans  more  resolute  in  their  opposition  to  all  the  aggres- 
sions of  slavery.  Before  the  President  was  inaugurated,  many 
of  his  moderate  Northern  supporters  had  hoped  that  he  would 
incline  toward  a  conservative  policy,  and  resist  the  extremists 
of  both  sections.  They  saw  him  resign  himself  into  the  hands 
of  the  slavery  propagandists  and  work  their  will.  It  is  easy  to 
see,  after  the  event,  that  the  conflict,  which  assumed  the  form  of 
open  war  soon  after  his  term  closed,  was  really  irrepressible, 
and  that  sooner  or  later  it  would  have  come  to  that,  no  matter 
who  had  been  President.  Yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Buchanan's  lack  of  force  hastened  the  war  by  sustaining  one 
party  in  its  greatest  pretensions,  and  by  goading  the  other  party 
to  more  desperate  resistance. 

Douglas  won  the  applause  of  the  Republicans  by  his  opposi- 
tion to  the  administration's  programme  in  Kansas,  but  he 
soon  showed  that  his  course  was  not  prompted  by  hostility 
to  slavery.  He  adhered  to  his  "  popular  sovereignty  "  theories, 
and  admitted  that  he  did  not  care  whether  slavery  "  was  voted 
up  or  voted  down."  The  great  series  of  debates  between  him 
and  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  the  canvass  of  1858,  each  of  the  dis- 
putants being  the  candidate  of  his  party  for  the  Illinois  sena- 
torship,  brought  out  in  the  clearest  possible  light  the  wide 
difference  between  even  Douglas's  Democracy  and  the  conserv- 
ative Republicanism  of  Lincoln.  Incidentally,  while  it  strength- 
ened Douglas  as  the  favorite  of  the  Northern  Democrats  for 
the  presidency,  it  disclosed  to  the  astonished  eyes  of  the  Repub- 
licans a  leader  worthy  to  take  rank  with  the  foremost. 

The  four  years'  term  of  Mr.  Buchanan  was  filled  with  most 
important  events,  which  tended  to  embitter  politics  and  to  pre- 
pare men  for  the  great  civil  conflict  that  was  impending.  Be- 
side those  already  mentioned,  the  John  Brown  raid  at  Har- 
per's Ferry  was  the  most  startling.  The  tragic  death  of 
Senator  Broderick,  of  California,  a  supporter  of  Douglas,  in  a 
duel  with  an  adherent  of  the  administration,  stirred  the  people 
of  the  North  profoundly.  These  occurrences  and  many  others 
which  cannot  even  be  mentioned  kept  the  popular  pulse  beat- 
ing fast,  and  indicated  to  those  who  could  read  the  signs  of  the 
times  the  profound  crisis  in  the  health  of  the  body  politic 
which  was  soon  to  come.  There  were  large  numbers  of  men, 
North  and  South,  who  observed  the  growing  strife  between  the 
two  sections  of  the  country  with  almost  agonized  sorrow.  Be- 
side the  old  Whigs,  whom  time  in  its  rapid  flight  had  left 


282  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

behind  the  age,  and  the  Native  Americans  of  the  South,  who 
hated  the  Democrats,  and  yet  could  not  join  the  Republican 
party,  there  were  hosts  of  well-meaning  men,  all  over  the  coun- 
try, who  feared  that  the  bitter  conflict  would  end  in  war.  They 
deemed  it  a  duty  to  the  Union  to  endeavor  to  restore  harmony. 
In  the  North  they  feared  disunion  more  than  they  feared 
slavery ;  in  the  South  they  hated  disunion  almost  as  much  as 
they  hated  abolition.  The  several  elements  mentioned  above 
became  temporarily  united  in  the  Constitutional  Union  party, 
as  patriotic  a  party  as  was  ever  organized,  but  one  which  could 
not  succeed  in  its  mission  because  the  time  had  come  when  the 
self-preservation  of  the  South,  as  a  political  power,  and  the 
moral  sense  of  the  North,  demanded  that  the  pending  question 
be  settled  finally  and  forever. 

A  series  of  momentous  conventions  began  when  the  dele- 
gates of  the  Democratic  party  assembled  at  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  on  the  23d  of  April,  1860.  There  was  a  full  delega- 
tion from  every  State  of  the  Union,  and  contesting  delegations 
appeared  from  New  York  and  Illinois.  In  New  York  the 
"  hards,"  led  by  Fernando  Wood,  had  been  elected  by  districts; 
while  the  "softs,"  who  were  favorable  to  Senator  Douglas, 
were  chosen  by  a  state  convention,  which  met  at  Syracuse  in 
the  autumn  of  1859.  The  two  Illinois  delegations  were 
respectively  for  and  against  Mr.  Douglas.  As  soon  as  Mr. 
Francis  B.  Flournoy,  of  Arkansas,  had  taken  the  chair  as  tem- 
porary presiding  officer  of  the  convention,  an  angry  debate 
began  urJon  the  contested  seats,  for  the  national  committee  had 
given  tickets— of  admission,  in  _each  case,  to  the  Douglas  dele- 
gates, and  had  shut  out  their  opponents.  ~ 

On  the  first  day  of  the  convention  nothing  was  done  except 
to  appoint  committees.  On  the  second  day  Mr.  Caleb  Cushing, 
of  Massachusetts,  was  made  the  permanent  presiding  officer ;  a 
committee  on  resolutions  was  appointed  ;  and  it  was  voted  not 
to  vote  for  candidates  of  the  party  until  a  platform  had  been 
adopted.  The  third  day  was  occupied  in  deciding  the  contests 
for  seats,  —  in  favor  of  the  New  York  "  softs,"  and  the  Doug- 
las men  from  Illinois.  It  was  only  on  the  27th  of  April,  the 
fifth  day  of  the  convention,  that  the  committee  on  resolutions 
reported  to  the  assembly  a  majority  and  two  or  three  minority 
sets  of  resolutions.  Two  days  of  fierce  debate,  and  of  numer- 
ous propositions  to  amend,  followed  ;  and,  on  the  28th,  a  motion 
was  carried  to  recommit  the  whole  subject  to  the  committee. 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY  283 

Later  on  the  same  day  the  committee  reported  back  a  series 
of  resolutions,  asserting,  as  the  previous  majority  report  had 
done,  the  extreme  Southern  view  of  the  question  of  slavery  in 
the  Territories.  These  resolutions  were  subsequently  adopted 
by  the  convention  of  seceders  some  months  later,  and  will  be 
found  on  page  287.  A  minority  report  was  presented,  which, 
although  signed  by  less  than  one  half  of  the  members  of  the 
platform  committee,  represented  more  than  one  half  the  elec- 
toral votes  of  the  whole  country.  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  But- 
ler, of  Massachusetts,  who  throughout  the  convention  occupied 
an  attitude  peculiar  to  himself,  presented  a  second  minority 
report,  which  consisted  of  the  Cincinnati  platform  of  1856, 
without  any  change  whatever.  Much  debate,  and  a  determined 
effort  to  postpone  the  vote  on  the  substitution  of  the  minority 
reports,  followed  ;  but  on  Monday,  the  30th,  a  vote  was  reached. 
General  Butler's  platform  was  rejected,  by  yeas  105,  nays  198. 
The  minority  resolutions  presented  by  Mr.  Samuels,  of  Iowa, 
were  then  substituted  for  those  of  the  majority,  by  165  to  138. 
These  resolutions  were  in  the  following  terms :  — 

1.  Resolved,  That  we,  the  Democracy  of  the  Union,  in  convention 
assembled,  hereby  declare  our  affirmance  of  the  resolutions  unani- 
mously adopted  and  declared  as  a  platform  of  principles  by  the 
Democratic  convention  at  Cincinnati  in  the  year  1856,  believing 
that  Democratic  principles  are  unchangeable  in  their  nature  when 
applied  to  the  same  subject-matters;  and  we  recommend  as  the 
only  further  resolutions  the  following  :  — 

Inasmuch  as  differences  of  opinion  exist  in  the  Democratic  party 
as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  powers  of  a  territorial  legisla- 
ture, and  as  to  the  powers  and  duties  of  Congress,  under  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  over  the  institution  of  slavery  within 
the  Territories,  —  ^^-C 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  will  abide  by  the  deci- A' 
sions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  on  the  questions  of   ] 
constitutional  law.  / 

3.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  afford 
ample  and  complete  protection  to  all  its  citizens,  whether  at  home 
or  abroad,  and  whether  native  or  foreign. 

4.  Resolved,  That  one  of  the  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a  military, 
commercial,  and  postal  point  of  view,  is  speedy  communication  be-  i 
tween  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  States ;  and  the  Democratic  party 
pledge  such  constitutional  government  aid  as  will  insure  the  con- 
struction of  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast  at  the  earliest  practi- 
cable period. 


284  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acqui- 
sition of  the  island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable 
to  ourselves  and  just  to  Spain. 

6.  Resolved,  That  the  enactments  of  state  legislatures  to  defeat 
the  faithful  execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  are  hostile  in  char- 
acter, subversive  of  the  Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their 
effects. 

This  series  having  been  substituted  for  the  majority  set,  the 
several  resolutions  were  then  considered  singly,  and,  with  the 
exception  of  that  numbered  two,  which  was  rejected,  they 
were  adopted  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote.  This  action  was 
the  signal  for  the  withdrawal  of  a  large  number  of  the  Southern 
delegates.  Alabama  led  off  with  a  formal  protest.  The  dele- 
gation had  been  instructed  not  to  waive  the  issue,  and,  as  the 
convention  had  decided  against  the  Southern  view,  they  had 
no  alternative  but  to  withdraw.  Mississippi,  Florida,  and 
Texas  followed,  with  their  entire  delegations ;  and  all  but  two 
of  those  from  Louisiana,  all  but  three  from  South  Carolina, 
three  from  Arkansas,  and  two  from  Delaware  joined  the  seced- 
ers.  On  the  next  day,  May  1st,  28  of  the  36  delegates  who 
cast  the  10  votes  of  Georgia  also  withdrew.  This  made  a  loss 
of  about  45  votes  out  of  303. 

The  convention,  after  listening  to  some  remarkable  speeches 
by  Southern  men  who  did  not  secede,  voted  that  two  thirds 
of  a  full  convention,  that  is,  202  votes,  should  be  necessary  to 
effect  a  nomination.     The  first  vote  for  President  resulted  :  — 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois 145£ 

R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia 42 

James  Guthrie,  of  Kentucky 35     , 

Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee     .......  12  ' 

Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York 7 

Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon 6 

Isaac  Toucey,  of  Connecticut 2\ 

Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi 1^ 

James  A.  Pearce,  of  Maryland 1 

The  convention  took,  on  that  and  the  following  day,  57 
votes.  Mr.  Douglas's  strength  rose  slowly  to  152^  on  the 
32d  trial,  then  dropped  to  151^,  and  remained  at  the  same 
point  from  the  3Gth  to  the  57th  vote.  Mr.  Hunter  dropped 
slowly  to  16  votes,  which  was  his  almost  uniform  number  dur- 
ing the  last  twenty  trials.  Mr.  Guthrie,  who  gained  most  of 
the  votes  lost  by  Mr.  Hunter,  reached  661  on  tne  39th  trial, 


THE  LAST   STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY  285 

and  had  65^  on  the  57th.  The  strength  of  no  other  candidate 
reached  21  votes  on  any  one  of  the  57  contests.  The  last 
vote  of  this  series  was  :  for  Douglas,  151J  ;  Guthrie,  65£  ; 
Hunter,  16  ;  Lane,  14  ;   Dickinson,  4  ;  Davis,  1. 

On  the  3d  of  May,  the  tenth  day  of  the  convention,  a  reso- 
lution was  adopted  to  adjourn  to  meet  in  Baltimore  on  the 
18th  of  June,  and  that  it  be  recommended  to  Democrats  to  fill 
the  vacancies  made  by  the  withdrawal  of  delegates.  This  re- 
solution was  carried  by  195  votes  to  55.  The  only  Southern 
votes  given,  on  both  sides  of  this  question,  were :  Maryland, 
8  ;  Virginia,  15 ;  North  Carolina,  14 ;  Kentucky,  2  ;  Tennes- 
see, 12  ;  Missouri,  9 ;  Arkansas,  1 ;  total  61,  of  the  120  to 
which  the  South  was  entitled. 

Meantime  the  seceders  from  the  regular  convention  had  met 
in  another  hall  in  Charleston,  organized  by  the  choice  of  Sena- 
tor James  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  as  president,  and  adopted  as 
a  platform  the  resolutions  reported  by  the  majority  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions  of  the  national  convention  (see  page 
287).  After  a  session  of  four  days  they  adjourned  to  meet 
in  Richmond,  Va.,  on  the  11th  of  June.  On  reassembling 
at  that  time  and  place,  Mr.  John  Erwin,  of  Alabama,  was 
made  president,  and  a  resolution  was  adopted  to  adjourn  again 
until  the  21st  of  the  month.  At  the  adjourned  session  nothing 
was  done  until  the  23d,  when  what  was  left  of  the  body 
adopted  the  nominations  of  Breckinridge  and  Lane,  made  by 
the  seceders  at  Baltimore,  and  adjourned  without  day. 

The  regular  convention  reassembled  at  Baltimore  on  the 
18th  of  June.  The  president,  Caleb  Cushing,  on  taking  the 
chair,  made  a  long  address,  in  which  he  stated  the  condition  of 
business,  the  significant  part  of  which  was  an  intimation  that 
the  adoption  of  the  platform  was  subject  to  reconsideration. 
The  first  business  in  order  was  the  admission  of  delegates  from 
those  States  whose  representatives  had  withdrawn  at  Charles- 
ton. Three  whole  days  were  occupied  in  the  settlement  of 
these  questions ;  for  in  some  cases  the  original  delegates  had 
presented  themselves  for  readmission,  and  in  other  cases  there 
were  contesting  delegations.  The  action  of  the  convention  was 
in  most  instances  in  favor  of  the  delegates  pledged  to  Mr. 
Douglas,  and  accordingly,  as  soon  as  the  membership  of  the  con- 
vention was  fully  decided,  a  portion  of  the  Virginia  delegation 
set  the  example  of  a  second  secession.  They  were  followed  by 
most  of  the  remaining  members  from  the  Southern  States,  and 


286  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  a  few  from  the  North  ;  and  Mr.  Gushing,  the  president,  also 
withdrew  and  resigned  the  chair,  which  was  taken  by  Governor 
Tod,  of  Ohio.  The  convention  then  proceeded  to  vote  again 
for  a  candidate  for  President.  On  the  first  vote  Douglas  re- 
ceived 173|-  votes ;  Guthrie  10 ;  and  John  C.  Breckinridge  5, 
and  three  votes  were  divided  among  four  other  candidates. 
All  the  Southern  States  combined  cast  but  35  votes,  and  15 
of  these  were  given  by  the  contesting  delegates  just  admitted 
to  the  convention.  On  the  announcement  of  the  result,  Mr. 
Sanford  E.  Church,  of  New  York,  moved  a  resolution  that,  as 
Mr.  Douglas  had  received  two  thirds  of  the  vote  given  in  this 
convention,  he  be  declared  the  regular  nominee  of  the  party. 
The  objection  was  raised  that  the  resolution  indirectly  rescinded 
the  rule  requiring  two  thirds  of  a  full  convention  to  effect  a 
nomination  ;  but  the  resolution  was  declared  in  order,  and  a 
long  debate  took  place  upon  it.  Finally  it  was  withdrawn  to 
allow  another  vote  to  be  taken,  which  resulted  in  Mr.  Douglas 
receiving  181-J ;  Mr.  Breckinridge  7-J  ;  and  Mr.  Guthrie  5 J 
votes.  The  resolution  of  Mr.  Church  was  then  taken  up  and 
passed.  Benjamin  Fitzpatrick,  of  Alabama,  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President  on  the  first  vote,  with  almost  complete  unanim- 
ity. The  following  resolution,  proposed  from  the  floor,  was 
adopted  with  only  two  dissenting  votes,  as  an  addition  to  the 
platform  :  — 

Resolved,  That  it  is  in  accordance  with  the  interpretation  of  the 
Cincinnati  platform,  that,  during  the  existence  of  the  Territorial 
governments,  the  measure  of  restriction,  whatever  it  may  be,  im- 
posed by  the  Federal  Constitution  on  the  power  of  the  Territorial 
legislature  over  the  subject  of  the  domestic  relations,  as  the  same 
has  been,  or  shall  hereafter  be,  finally  determined  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  should  be  respected  by  all  good  citi- 
zens, and  enforced  with  promptness  and  fidelity  by  every  branch 
of  the  general  government. 

This  finished  the  proceedings  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Fitz- 
patrick declined  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  and  Her- 
schel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia,  was  nominated  by  the  National 
Committee. 

Upon  leaving  the  convention  hall  the  seceders  proceeded  to 
organize  a  rival  convention.  They  were  joined  by  some  dele- 
gates who  had  withdrawn  from  the  convention  at  Charleston, 
and  by  the  excluded  contesting  delegates.  Mr.  Cushing  pre- 
sided over  the  convention.     Twenty-one  States  were  wholly  or 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY     287 

partially  represented,  but  no  delegates  were  present  from  the 
States  of  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut, 
New  Jersey,  South  Carolina,  Ohio,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
Iowa,  and  Wisconsin.  The  convention  made  short  work.  It 
adopted  the  platform  reported  by  the  majority  of  the  commit- 
tee on  resolutions  of  the  Charleston  convention,  nominated 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  for  President,  and  Joseph 
Lane,  of  Oregon,  for  Vice-President,  both  by  a  unanimous  vote, 
and  adjourned.      The  platform  adopted  was  as  follows  :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  platform  adopted  by  the  Democratic  party 
at '  Cincinnati  be  affirmed,  with  the  following  explanatory  resolu- 
tions :  — 

1.  That  the  government  of  a  Territory  organized  by  an  act  of 
Congress  is  provisional  and  temporary ;  and,  during  its  existence, 
all  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  an  equal  right  to  settle  with 
their  property  in  the  Territory,  without  their  rights,  either  of  per- 
son or  of  property,  being  destroyed  or  impaired  by  congressional 
legislation. 

2.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  federal  government,  in  all  its  de- 
partments, to  protect,  when  necessary,  the  rights  of  persons  and 
property  in  the  Territories,  and  wherever  else  its  constitutional 
authority  extends. 

3.  That  when  the  settlers  in  a  Territory,  having  an  adequate 
population,  form  a  state  constitution,  the  right  of  sovereignty  com- 
mences, and,  being  consummated  by  admission  into  the  Union, 
they  stand  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  people  of  other  States;  and 
the  State  thus  organized  ought  to  be  admitted  into  the  federal 
Union,  whether  its  Constitution  prohibits  or  recognizes  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery. 

4.  That  the  Democratic  party  are  in  favor  of  the  acquisition  of 
the  island  of  Cuba,  on  such  terms  as  shall  be  honorable  to  our- 
selves and  just  to  Spain,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 

5.  That  the  enactments  of  state  legislatures  to  defeat  the  faith- 
ful execution  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  are  hostile  in  character,  sub- 
versive of  the  Constitution,  and  revolutionary  in  their  effect. 

6.  That  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States  recognize  it  as  the 
imperative  duty  of  this  government  to  protect  the  naturalized 
citizen  in  all  his  rights,  whether  at  home  or  in  foreign  lands,  to 
the  same  extent  as  its  native-born  citizens. 

Whereas,  One  of  the  greatest  necessities  of  the  age,  in  a  politi- 
cal, commercial,  postal,  and  military  point  of  view,  is  a  speedy 
communication  between  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  coasts,  — 

Therefore  be  it  resolved,  That  the  Democratic  party  do  hereby 
pledge  themselves  to  use  every  means  in  their  power  to  secure  the 


288  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

passage  of  some  bill,  to  the  extent  of  the  constitutional  authority 
of  Congress,  for  the  construction  of  a  Pacific  railroad  from  the 
Mississippi  River  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  at  the  earliest  practicable 
moment. 

This  brief  and  meagre  summary  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
Democrats  gives  no  idea  of  the  intense  excitement  that  attended, 
the  sessions  of  the  convention,  nor  of  the  breathless  interest 
with  which  the  country  watched  its  proceedings^  The  "  irre- 
pressible conflict "  existed  even  in  the  party  which  had  upheld 
the  Southern  cause,  although  that  party  had  been  already  more 
than  decimated  in  the  North  by  secession  to  the  Republican 
ranks.  The  two-thirds  rule  had  wrecked  the  convention.  The 
party  had  two  sets  of  candidates,  neither  of  which  could  claim 
regularity  of  nomination  according  to  ordinary  Democratic 
usage  ;  and  two  platforms,  the  one  supported  by  a  majority 
as  represented  in  the  original  convention,  the  other  expressing 
the  views  of  a  great  majority  of  those  who  could  give  electoral 
votes  to  Democratic  candidates.  It  was  evident  to  every  one 
that,  unless  the  two  factions  could  get  together  on  election  day, 
probably  even  if  they  were  able  to  patch  up  their  differences, 
the  cause  was  lost  and  a  Republican  triumph  was  assured. 
The  Republicans  themselves  were  delighted  at  a  situation 
which  gave  them  such  an  opportunity.  The  southern  Demo- 
crats sent  forth  emphatic  warning  of  the  course  they  would 
pursue  should  a  Republican  President  be  chosen,  and  began  to 
prepare  for  the  grim  struggle.  Douglas's  followers  maintained 
their  ground.  They  had  gone  as  far  as  they  would  go  in  con- 
cession to  the  South. 

Soon  after  the  Charleston  convention  adjourned,  to  reassem- 
ble in  Baltimore,  the  Constitutional  Union  party  held  its  first 
and  only  general  convention,  at  Baltimore,  on  the  9th  of  May. 
Most  of  the  States  were  represented,  though  not  in  all  cases 
by  delegates  duly  elected  in  primary  meetings  and  conventions. 
Young  as  it  was,  the  party  was  divided  into  two  wings.  The 
Southerners,  mostly  representatives  of  the  still  surviving  Na- 
tive American  sentiment,  desired  to  nominate  General  Sam 
Houston,  of  Texas.  The  old  Whigs  of  the  North  did  not 
relish  such  a  candidacy.  They  were  adjured  not  to  pay  too 
much  attention  to  gentility,  but  to  take  a  candidate  who, 
rough  as  he  might  be,  would  carry  many  of  the  southern 
States.  Although  the  party  was,  by  its  very  name,  one  of 
union,  it  had  no  sooner  organized,  by  the  choice  of  Washington 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY     28S 

Hunt,  of  New  York,  as  president,  than  it  fell  into  a  bitter 
debate  as  to  the  manner  of  voting,  and  as  to  the  number 
of  votes  which  delegations  might  cast.  The  Houston  party 
was  present  in  great  force,  and  it  was  feared  that,  unless  a 
strict  rule  were  adopted,  that  candidate  might  be  thrust 
upon  the  convention.  When  this  difficulty  had  been  sur- 
mounted, the  committee  on  resolutions  made  a  report,  which 
was  unanimously  adopted,  and  the  following  platform  was  ac- 
cepted :  — 

Whereas,  Experience  has  demonstrated  that  platforms  adopted 
by  the  partisan  conventions  of  the  country  have  had  the  effect  to 
mislead  and  deceive  the  people,  and  at  the  same  time  to  widen  the 
political  divisions  of  the  country  by  the  creation  and  encourage- 
ment of  geographical  and  sectional  parties,  therefore,  — 

Resolved,  That  it  is  both  the  part  of  patriotism  and  of  duty  to 
recognize  no  political  principle  other  than  the  Constitution  of  the 
country,  the  uniou  of  the  States,  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws, 
and  that,  as  representatives  of  the  Constitutional  Union  men  of  the 
country  in  national  convention  assembled,  we  hereby  pledge  our- 
selves to  maintain,  protect,  and  defend,  separately  and  unitedly, 
these  great  principles  of  public  liberty  and  national  safety,  against 
all  enemies  at  home  and  abroad,  believing  that  thereby  peace  may 
once  more  be  restored  to  the  country,  the  rights  of  the  people  and 
of  the  States  reestablished,  and  the  government  again  placed  in 
that  condition  of  justice,  fraternity,  and  equality  which,  under  the 
example  and  Constitution  of  our  fathers,  has  solemnly  bound  every 
citizen  of  the  United  States  to  maintain  a  more  perfect  union, 
establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the  com- 
mon defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings 
of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 

Two  votes  only  were  necessary  to  effect  a  nomination  of  a 
candidate  for  President.     They  resulted  as  follows  :  — 

First.  Second. 

John  Bell,  of  Tennessee 68£  138£ 

Samuel  Houston,  of  Texas  .......  57  68 

John  J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky  ....  28  8j(r 

Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts    ...  25  9.( 

John  McLean,  of  Ohio 22  — 

William  A.  Graham,  of  North  Carolina    .  22  18£ 

William  C.  Rives,  of  Virginia 13  — 

John  M.  Botts,  of  Virginia 9£  5£ 

William  L.  Sharkey,  of  Mississippi  ...  6  5 

William  L.  Goggin,  of  Virginia   ....  3  — 


290  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  number  necessary  for  a  choice  on  the  second  vote 
was  127,  and  Mr.  Bell  was  accordingly  nominated.  Edward 
Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  was  the  only  person  proposed  as  a 
candidate  for  Vice-President,  and  he  was  unanimously  nomi- 
nated. Not  a  little  enthusiasm  was  manifested  over  the  two 
nominations,  which,  if  they  did  not  insure  a  vigorous  treat- 
ment of  the  questions  of  the  day,  did  certainly  represent  the 
desire  of  the  convention  that  the  country  should  have  union 
and  peace. 

All  the  political  interest  of  the  country  was  now  concen- 
trated upon  the  Republican  convention  called  to  meet  at 
Chicago  on  the  16th  of  May.  While  the  Democrats  were 
divided  and  discordant,  and  were  evidently  unable  to  unite 
upon  a  platform  or  a  candidate,  the  Republicans  were  con- 
fident. They  had  been  successful  in  every  Northern  State 
in  which  an  election  was  held,  in  1859,  save  four :  California ; 
Oregon,  where  the  adverse  majority  was  only  59 ;  New  York, 
where  the  combined  vote  of  the  Democrats  and  third  party 
men  was  less  than  2000  more  than  that  of  the  Republicans  ;  and 
Rhode  Island,  where  they  were  defeated  by  a  fusion  of  all 
the  opposition.  Mr.  Seward  was  the  leading  candidate.  A 
large,  influential,  and  well-organized  body  of  delegates  went 
to  Chicago  with  a  determination  to  effect  his  nomination. 
But  the  party  was  far  from  being  united  in  his  support.  He 
had  the  bitter  hostility  of  Horace  Greeley,  whose  "  Tribune  " 
was  the  most  powerful  newspaper  organ  of  Republican  opin- 
ion ;  but  that  opposition  did  not  count  for  so  much  as  did 
the  calmer  and  less  virulent  objection  of  a  large  section  of 
the  party  which,  though  not  unfriendly  to  Mr.  Seward,  and 
though  grateful  for  his  services,  questioned  the  wisdom  of 
putting  in  the  field  a  candidate  whose  views  were  so  pro- 
nounced, and  whose  attitude  might  alienate  some  elements 
which  needed  to  be  conciliated. 

The  political  conditions  were  so  favorable  that  the  list  of 
willing  candidates  was  a  long  one.  Senator  Chase  was  hardly 
less  prominent  in  politics  than  Mr.  Seward,  although  his  sup- 
port was  neither  so  large  nor  so  general  as  that  of  the  New 
York  candidate.  Mr.  Greeley  supported  Edward  Bates,  of  Mis- 
souri. Pennsylvania  presented  the  name  of  Simon  Cameron, 
for  trading  purposes.  But  it  was  seen  early  in  the  preliminary 
canvass  that  the  only  man  who  could  be  pitted  against  Seward 
with  hope  of  success  was  the  rugged  "  rail-splitter  "  of  Illinois, 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY  291 

the  champion  who  had  not  hesitated  to  match  himself  against 
the  foremost  debater  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  had  emerged 
from  the  logical  conflict  with  a  reputation  not  inferior  to  that 
of  his  antagonist,  — Abraham  Lincoln. 

When  the  convention  assembled  there  were  delegates  present 
from  all  the  free  States,  also  from  Delaware,  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  Texas,  and  from  the  Terri- 
tories of  Kansas,  Nebraska,  and  the  District  of  Columbia. 
David  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachusetts,  the  permanent  presi- 
dent. There  was  a  contest  over  the  standing  of  the  delegates 
from  some  of  the  Southern  States,  owing  to  a  strong  suspicion 
that  they  represented  nobody  but  themselves,  and  were  Re- 
publicans of  the  States  which  they  claimed  as  their  own,  for 
convention  purposes  only.  The  convention  took  a  liberal  view, 
and  allowed  the  delegates  to  retain  their  seats  with  a  somewhat 
diminished  voting  strength  in  some  cases. 

On  the  second  day  there  was  a  debate  over  the  question 
whether  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  delegates,  were 
all  the  States  of  the  Union  fully  represented,  or  only  a  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates  voting,  should  be  necessary  to  nominate. 
The  first  proposition,  which  would  have  been  almost  equivalent 
to  the  two-thirds  rule  of  the  Democrats,  was  rejected  by  331 
votes  to  130. 

The  platform  was  reported,  amended,  and  adopted  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

Resolved,  That  we,  the  delegated  representatives  of  the  Repub- 
lican electors  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled,  in 
discharge  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  our  constituents  and  our  country, 
unite  in  the  following  declarations :  — 

1.  That  the  history  of  the  nation,  during  the  last  four  years,  has 
fully  established  the  propriety  and  necessity  of  the  organization 
and  perpetuation  of  the  Republican  party,  and  that  the  causes 
which  called  it  into  existence  are  permanent  in  their  nature,  and 
now,  more  than  ever  before,  demand  its  peaceful  and  constitu- 
tional triumph. 

2.  That  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  promulgated  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  embodied  in  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution, —  "  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed 
by  their  Creator  with  certain  unalienable  rights ;  that  among  these 
are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness ;  that,  to  secure  these 
rights,  governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 


292  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed  "  —  is  essential  to  the 
preservation  of  our  republican  institutions ;  and  that  the  federal 
Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  union  of  the  States 
must  and  shall  be  preserved. 

3.  That  to  the  union  of  the  States  this  nation  owes  its  unpre- 
cedented increase  in  population,  its  surprising  development  of 
material  resources,  its  rapid  augmentation  of  wealth,  its  happiness 
at  home,  and  its  honor  abroad;  and  we  hold  in  abhorrence  all 
schemes  for  disunion,  come  from  whatever  source  they  may ;  and 
we  congratulate  the  country  that  no  Republican  member  of  Con- 
gress has  uttered  or  countenanced  the  threats  of  disunion  so  often 
made  by  Democratic  members,  without  rebuke  and  with  applause 
from  their  political  associates ;  and  we  denounce  those  threats 
of  disunion,  in  case  of  a  popular  overthrow  of  their  ascendency, 
as  denying  the  vital  principles  of  a  free  government,  and  as  an 
avowal  of  contemplated  treason,  which  it  is  the  imperative  duty 
of  an  indignant  people  sternly  to  rebuke  and  forever  silence.-* 

4.  That  the  maintenance  inviolate  of  the  rights  of  the  States, 
and  especially  the  right  of  each  State  to  order  and  control  its  own 
domestic  institutions  according  to  its  own  judgment  exclusively,  is 
essential  to  that  balance  of  power  on  which  the  perfection  and 
endurance  of  our  political  fabric  depends ;  and  we  denounce  the 
lawless  invasion  by  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Terri- 
tory, no  matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of 
crimes. 

5.  That  the  present  Democratic  administration  has  far  exceeded 
our  worst  apprehensions,  in  its  measureless  subserviency  to  the 
exactions  of  a  sectional  interest,  as  especially  evinced  in  its  d&- 
sperate  exertions  to  force  the  infamous  Lecompton  constitution 
upon  the  protesting  people  of  Kansas ;  in  construing  the  personal 

]  relation  between  master  and  servant  to  involve  an  unqualified 
property  in  person ;  in  its  attempted  enforcement,  everywhere,  on 
land  and  sea,  through  the  intervention  of  Congress  and  of  the 
Federal  courts,  of  the  extreme  pretensions  of  a  purely  local  inter- 
est ;  and  in  its  general  and  unvarying  abuse  of  the  power  intrusted 
to  it  by  a  confiding  people. 

6.  That  the  people  justly  view  with  alarm  the  reckless  extrava- 
gance which  pervades  every  department  of  the  federal  government ; 
that  a  return  to  rigid  economy  and  accountability  is  indispensable 
to  arrest  the  systematic  plunder  of  the  public  treasury  by  favored 
partisans ;  while  the  recent  startling  developments  of  frauds  and 
corruptions  at  the  Federal  metropolis  show  that  an  entire  change 
of  administration  is  imperatively  demanded. 

7.  That  the  new  dogma  that  the  Constitution,  of  its  own  force, 
carries  slavery  into  any  or  all  of  the  Territories  of  the  United  States, 


THE  LAST   STRUGGLE   OF  SLAVERY  293 

is  a  dangerous  political  heresy,  at  variance  with  the  explicit  pro- 
visions of  that  instrument  itself,  with  contemporaneous  exposition, 
and  with  legislative  and  judicial  precedent ;  is  revolutionary  in  its 
tendency,  and  subversive  of  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  country. 

8.  That  the  normal  condition  of  all  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  is  that  of  freedom ;  that  as  our  republican  fathers,  when 
they  had  abolished  slavery  in  all  our  national  territory,  ordained 
that  no  person  should  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  with- 
out due  process  of  law,  it  becomes  our  duty,  by  legislation,  when- 
ever such  legislation  is  necessary,  to  maintain  this  provision  of 
the  Constitution  against  all  attempts  to  violate  it ;  and  we  deny 
the  authority  of  Congress,  of  a  territorial  legislature,  or  of  any 
individual,  to  give  legal  existence  to  slavery  in  any  Territory  of 
the  United  States. 

9.  That  we  brand  the  recent  reopening  of  the  African  slave- 
trade,  under  the  cover  of  our  national  flag,  aided  by  perversions  of 
judicial  power,  as  a  crime  against  humanity,  and  a  burning  shame 
to  our  country  and  age ;  and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  take  prompt 
and  efficient  measures  for  the  total  and  final  suppression  of  that 
execrable  traffic. 

10.  That  in  the  recent  vetoes,  by  their  federal  governors,  of  the 
acts  of  the  legislatures  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  prohibiting  slavery 
in  those  Territories,  we  find  a  practical  illustration  of  the  boasted 
Democratic  principle  of  non-intervention  and  popular  sovereignty, 
embodied  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  and  a  demonstration  of  the 
deception  and  fraud  involved  therein. 

11.  That  Kansas  should  of  right  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
State  under  the  Constitution  recently  formed  and  adopted  by  her 
people  and  accepted  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

12.  That,  while  providing  revenue  for  the  support  of  the  general 
government  by  duties  upon  imports,  sound  policy  requires  such  an 
adjustment  of  these  imposts  as  to  encourage  the  development  of  the 
industrial  interests  of  the  whole  country;  and  we  commend  that 
policy  of  national  exchanges  which  secures  to  the  workingmen 
liberal  wages,  to  agriculture  remunerating  prices,  to  mechanics  and 
manufacturers  an  adequate  reward  for  their  skill,  labor,  and  enter- 
prise, and  to  the  nation  commercial  prosperity  and  independence. 

13.  That  we  protest  against  any  sale  or  alienation  to  others  of 
the  public  lands  held  by  actual  settlers,  and  against  any  view  of  the 
free-homestead  policy  which  regards  the  settlers  as  paupers  or  sup- 
pliants for  public  bounty;  and  we  demand  the  passage  by  Con- 
gress of  the  complete  and  satisfactory  homestead  measure  which 
has  already  passed  the  House. 

14.  That  the  Republican  party  is  opposed  to  any  change  in  our 
naturalization  laws,  or  any  state  legislation  by  which  the  rights  of 


294 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


citizenship  hitherto  accorded  to  immigrants  from  foreign  lands 
shall  be  abridged  or  impaired  ;  and  in  favor  of  giving  a  full  and 
efficient  protection  to  the  rights  of  all  classes  of  citizens,  whether 
native  or  naturalized,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 

15.  That  appropriations  by  Congress  for  river  and  harbor  im- 
provements of  a  national  character,  required  for  the  accommoda- 
tion and  security  of  our  existing  commerce,  are  authorized  by  the 
Constitution,  and  justified  by  the  obligations  of  government  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  its  citizens. 

16.  That  a  railroad  to  the  Pacific  Ocean  is  imperatively  demanded 
by  the  interests  of  the  whole  country;  that  the  federal  govern- 
ment ought  to  render  immediate  and  efficient  aid  in  its  construc- 
tion ;  and  that,  as  preliminary  thereto,  a  daily  overland  mail 
should  be  promptly  established. 

17.  Finally,  having  thus  set  forth  our  distinctive  principles  and 
views,  we  invite  the  cooperation  of  all  citizens,  however  differing 
on  other  questions,  who  substantially  agree  with  us  in  their  affirm- 
ance and  support. 

The  second  resolution  as  originally  reported  did  not  contain 
the  passage  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence  therein 
quoted.  It  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of 
Ohio,  to  insert  it  in  the  form  of  a  separate  resolution,  "  that 
we  solemnly  reassert  the  self-evident  truth  that  all  men,"  etc. ; 
but  the  motion  was  defeated.  Mr.  George  William  Curtis,  of 
New  York,  afterward  moved  to  insert  the  passage  in  its  present 
place,  and  the  motion  prevailed.  On  the  third  day  of  the  con- 
vention the  names  of  candidates  for  President  were  formally 
presented,  but  no  speeches  were  allowed  to  be  made  by  those 
who  nominated  the  candidates.  Three  votes  were  taken  amid 
increasing  excitement,  with  the  following  result :  — 


Whole  number  of  votes  .... 
Necessary  for  a  choice  .....* 
William  H.  Seward,  of  New  York 
Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois  .  . 
Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania  . 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  of  Ohio  .  .  . 
Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri  .  .  . 
William  L.  Dayton,  of  New  Jersey 

John  McLean,  of  Ohio 

Jacob  Collamer,  of  Vermont      .     . 
Scattering- 


1st, 

2d. 

465 

465 

233 

233 

178* 

1S4£ 

102 

181 

50£ 

2 

49 

42£ 

48 

35 

14 

10 

12 

8 

10 

- 

6 

2 

3d. 


465 
233 
180 

£31* 


24£ 
22 

1 

5 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY     295 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  within  one  and  a  half  votes  of  a  nomina- 
tion when  the  roll-call  was  completed.  Ohio  quickly  trans- 
ferred four  votes  to  him,  and  then  delegation  after  delegation 
changed  in  his  favor  until  he  had  354  in  all.  On  motion  of 
Mr.  W.  M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  seconded  by  Mr.  John  A. 
Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  the  nomination  was  made  unani- 
mous with  the  greatest  enthusiasm. 

At  a  later  session  on  the  same  day  the  convention  voted 
twice  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  with  this  result :  — 

First.  Second. 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine 194  367 

Cassius  M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky 101  £  86 

John  Hickman,  of  Pennsylvania 58  13 

Andrew  H.  Reeder,  of  Pennsylvania 51  — 

Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  of  Massachusetts 38-J  — 

Scattering 15  - 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Hamlin  having  been  made  unani- 
mous, the  convention  closed  its  proceedings  by  the  adoption  of 
the  following  resolution,  ottered  by  Mr.  Giddings,  of  Ohio :  — 

Resolved,  That  we  deeply  sympathize  with  those  men  who  have 
been  driven,  some  from  their  native  States  and  others  from  the 
States  of  their  adoption,  and  are  now  exiled  from  their  homes  on 
account  of  their  opinions ;  and  we  hold  the  Democratic  party 
responsible  for  the  gross  violation  of  that  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion which  declares  that  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to 
all  the  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  several  States. 

The  canvass  which  ensued  after  these  several  nominations 
had  been  made  was  fierce  and  exciting.  On  the  part  of  the 
Republicans  there  was  a  well-grounded  confidence  that  they 
were  to  be  victorious.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  like 
that  of  General  Harrison  twenty  years  before,  was  exceedingly 
popular  with  young  men ;  although,  of  course,  the  remark  is 
true  in  the  later  case  of  the  young  men  in  the  Northern  half 
of  the  country  only.  The  tactics  which  had  been  so  efficacious 
in  the  successful  Whig  campaigns  were  again  resorted  to,  and 
the  Northern  States  were  alive  with  processions,  torch-light 
parades,  and  mass-meetings.  In  the  South  there  was  a  grim 
determination  to  win  the  victory  if  possible,  but  in  no  event 
to  submit  to  defeat.  The  mutterings  of  secession  and  war, 
should  Mr.  Lincoln  be  elected,  were  frequently  heard ;  the 
supporters  of  the  Republican  party  refused  to  believe  that  the 
South  would  be  guilty  of  such  madness.  In  the  Northern  sec- 
tion of  the  Democratic  party  there  was  an  earnest  effort  to  fuse 


296  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

all  the  elements  in  support  of  a  union  ticket  of  electors,  with 
the  implied,  and  in  some  cases  the  expressed,  agreement  that 
in  case  the  ticket  should  command  a  majority  the  electoral 
votes  should  be  given  to  that  candidate  who  should  come  the 
nearest  to  an  election.  This  course  was  pursued  in  the  close 
States  only.  Where  there  was  no  hope  that  fusion  would  give 
the  Democrats  a  majority,  the  two  wings  of  the  party  had  each 
its  own  electoral  ticket.  All  the  planning  was  without  avail. 
Had  there  been  complete  fusion  in  every  State,  the  Republic 
cans  would  have  lost  no  electoral  votes  save  those  of  Califor- 
nia and  Oregon.  The  early  elections  in  Maine,  Ohio,  Indiana, 
and  Pennsylvania,  to  say  nothing  of  other  States  where  the 
contest  was  not  so  close,  foreshadowed  the  certain  election  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  the  result  in  November  more  than  justified 
the  deductions  from  the  September  and  October  elections. 
Every  Northern  State  except  New  Jersey  was  carried  by  the 
Republicans,  and  even  that  State  gave  a  divided  electoral  vote. 
The  decision  was  hardly  made  by  the  people  of  the  country 
before  the  South  began  to  carry  out  the  threats  which  had 
been  only  muttered  before  the  election ;  and  the  new  Presi- 
dent succeeded  to  the  administration  of  a  government  which 
was  to  fight  for  its  very  existence. 

Thirty-three  States  took  part  in  this  election.  Minnesota 
had  been  admitted  to  the  Union  on  the  11th  of  May,  1858, 
and  Oregon  on  the  12th  of  February,  1859.  The  popular  and 
electoral  vote,  together  with  the  details  of  fusion,  are  given  on 
the  next  page. 

The  official  record  of  the  electoral  count  contains  nothing  of 
interest.  The  proceedings  were  in  strict  accordance  with  pre- 
cedent. Nevertheless  a  single  remark  made  by  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  after  the  count  was  over  indi- 
cates the  condition  of  affairs  at  the  time.  Some  trouble  had 
been  feared  on  the  occasion  of  the  count  of  votes,  and  no  doubt 
precautions  were  taken  against  violence  at  any  time,  and  par- 
ticularly at  that  time.  At  all  events,  the  Southerners  scented 
hostile  preparations ;  and  Mr.  Hindman,  of  Arkansas,  suggested 
that  the  committee  to  wait  on  the  President-elect  "  be  directed 
to  inform  General  Scott  that  there  is  no  further  need  for  hii 
janizaries  about  the  Capitol,  the  votes  being  counted  and  the 
result  proclaimed."  The  only  attention  paid  to  the  sneer  was 
in  a  retort  from  Mr.  Grow,  of  Pennsylvania,  that  "  gentlemen 
seem  to  trouble  themselves  a  good  deal  about  General  Scoti 
on  all  occasions."     The  proceedings  then  terminated. 


THE  LAST  STRUGGLE  OF  SLAVERY 


297 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral  Vote. 

| 

i 

i 

£ 

i 

o 

ft 

•0 

i 

States. 

1 
h 

t 

60 

1 

<5  4 

a  . 

El 

■ 

1 

13 

§ 
& 

i 

4 

i 

J 

xn 

a 
o 

1 

s 

1 

1 

1 

3 

§ 
I 

i 

•c 
n 

9 

1 
n 

Alabama    .... 

. 

13,651 

48,831 

27,875 

Arkansas  .     . 

- 

5,227 

28,732 

20,094 

- 

- 

4 

- 

California  .     . 

39,173 

38,516 

34,334 

6,817 

4 

- 

- 

- 

Connecticut 

43,792 

15,522 

14,641 

3,291 

6 

- 

- 

* 

Delaware   .    . 

3,815 

1,023 

7,337 

3,864 

- 

- 

3 

- 

Florida      .    . 

- 

367 

8,543 

5,437 

- 

- 

3 

- 

Georgia     .     . 
Illinois       . 

- 

11,590 

51,889 

42,886 

- 

- 

10 

- 

172,161 

160,215 

2,404 

4,913 

11 

- 

- 

- 

Indiana 

139,033 

115,509 

12,295 

5,306 

13 

- 

- 

- 

Iowa      .    . 

70,409 

55,111 

1,048 

1,763 

4 

- 

- 

- 

Kentucky  . 

1,364 

25,651 

53,143 

66,058 

- 

- 

- 

12 

Louisiana  . 

- 

7,625 

22,861 

20,204 

- 

- 

6 

- 

Maine    .     . 

62,811 

26,693 

6,368 

2,046 

8 

- 

- 

- 

Maryland  . 

2,294 

5,966 

42,482 

41,760 

- 

- 

8 

- 

Massachusetts 

106,533 

34,372 

5,939 

22,331 

13 

- 

- 

— 

Michigan   . 

88,480 

65,057 

805 

405 

6 

- 

- 

- 

Minnesota 

22,069 

11,920 

748 

62 

4 

- 

- 

— 

Mississippi 

- 

3,283 

40,797 

25,040 

- 

- 

7 

- 

Missouri     . 

17,028 

58,801 

31,317 

58,372 

- 

9 

- 

- 

New  Hampsh 

re 

37,519 

25,881 

2,112 

441 

5 

- 

- 

- 

New  Jersey 

58,324 

62,801* 

- 

- 

4t 

3t 

- 

- 

New  York  . 

362,646 

312,510* 

- 

- 

35 

- 

- 

— 

North  Carolin 

a 

- 

2,701 

48,539 

44,990 

- 

- 

10 

- 

Ohio.    .     . 

231,610 

187,232 

11,405 

12,194 

23 

- 

- 

— 

Oregon  .    . 

5,270 

3,951 

5,006 

183 

3 

- 

- 

— 

Pennsylvania 

268,030 

16,765 

178,871* 

12,776 

27 

- 

- 

— 

Rhode  Island 

12,244 

7,707* 

- 

- 

4 

- 

- 

— 

South  Carolina? 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

- 

8 

- 

Tennessee .     . 

- 

11,350 

64,709 

69,274 

- 

- 

- 

12 

Texas     .    . 

- 

- 

47,548 

15,438 

- 

- 

4 

- 

Vermont    . 

33,808 

8,649 

1,866 

217 

5 

- 

— 

- 

Virginia     . 

1,929 

16,290 

74,323 

74,681 

- 

- 

- 

15 

Wisconsin      .    .    . 

86,110 

65,021 

888 

161 

5 
180 

12 

72 

- 

Total .     . 

1,866,452 

1,376,957 

849,781 

588,879 

"" 

*  Vote  for  fusion  tickets,  t  Although  the  Fusion  ticket  in  New  Jersey  received  i 
popular  majority,  four  of  the  candidates  were  defeated  by  "scratching,"  and  fou* 
Lincoln  electors  had  a  plurality.    %  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


XXII 

LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED 

Seven  of  the  Southern  States  had  taken  the  step  of  seces- 
sion before  the  inauguration  of  President  Lincoln.  A  futile 
attempt  to  save  the  Union  was  made  by  the  Peace  Convention 
which  met  in  Washington  on  February  4,  1861,  at  the  call  of 
Virginia.  Within  six  weeks  after  the  attack  upon  Fort  Sum- 
ter, Virginia  and  three  other  "  Border "  States  had  joined 
their  more  Southern  sisters.  The  outbreak  of  the  war  almost 
obliterated  parties.  The  South  was  eliminated  from  the  poli- 
tics of  the  country.  Hundreds  of  thousands  of  Democrats 
eagerly  adopted  the  view  expressed  by  Douglas,  "  There  can  be 
no  neutrals  in  this  war,  —  only  patriots  and  traitors."  Many 
of  the  War  Democrats  became  merged  in  the  Republican  party ; 
others  retained  their  political  independence,  but  cordially  sup- 
ported all  the  war  measures  of  the  administration,  and  furnished 
to  the  army  their  due  share  of  officers  and  men.  There  were, 
it  is  true,  many  Democrats  who  offered  a  persistent  and  un- 
relenting opposition  to  the  war,  and  were  querulous  critics  of 
the  method  of  its  prosecution.  Not  all  who  were  denounced 
as  "  Southern  sympathizers  "  were  really  desirous  of  the  suc- 
cess of  disunion ;  but  the  Northern  temper  was  naturally  in- 
tolerant, and,  exaggerating  the  offence  of  those  who  opposed 
the  administration,  classed  them  all  as  "traitors."  The  fa- 
vorite term  of  opprobrium  was  "  Copperhead,"  the  name  of  a 
venomous  reptile.  As  the  war  proceeded,  the  spirit  of  acqui- 
escence in  the  conduct  of  affairs  diminished  greatly,  and  a  strong 
political  opposition  developed.  The  effective  prosecution  of  a 
civil  war  necessarily  involved  the  use  of  harsh  and  summary 
measures  against  men  who  were  suspected  of  giving  aid  to  the 
enemy.  Nevertheless  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus,  and  the  arbitrary  arrests  of  citizens,  drove  into  opposi- 
tion many  men  whose  loyalty  could  not  be  suspected.  It  was 
their  misfortune  that  they  were  forced  to  make  a  political  alli- 
ance with  the  more  virulent  enemies  of  the  administration,  not 


LINCOLN   RE-ELECTED  299 

a  few  of  whom  rendered  themselves  obnoxious  to  the  patriotic 
by  rejoicing  openly  over  defeats'  of  the  Union  armies.  The 
opposition  was  also  ever  ready  to  espouse  the  cause  of  generals 
who  for  any  cause  fell  into  disfavor  at  Washington.  This 
was  especially  the  case  with  respect  to  General  McClellan,  who 
became  more  and  more  a  favorite  with  Democrats  as  the  real 
or  fancied  wrongs  which  he  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  Presi- 
dent increased.  In  1862  the  Republican  party  met  with  many 
reverses,  the  most  important  of  which  gave  the  great  State  of 
New  York  to  the  Democrats. 

The  President's  trials  did  not  come  from  those  alone  who 
regarded  his  acts,  and  those  of  his  officers  and  agents,  as  arbi- 
trary and  tyrannical.  He  was  beset  also  by  an  active  minority 
of  his  own  party,  who  chafed  at  his  conservatism  and  his  un- 
willingness to  adopt  the  radical  measures  which  they  were  per- 
suaded would  hasten  the  success  of  the  Union  arms.  They 
urged  the  enrollment  of  colored  troops  and  the  complete  eman- 
cipation of  the  slaves.  Mr.  Lincoln  moved  slowly,  because 
public  sentiment  was  slower  still.  The  people  at  large  learned 
to  trust  his  calmness  and  good  sense.  If  they  did  not  approve 
all  his  acts,  theywere  sure  of  his  high  purpose,  and  they  par- 
doned much  to  the  terrible  exigency  that  forced  him  to  sanc- 
tion doubtful  or  objectionable  measures.  The  firmness  with 
which  he  withstood  the  demand  for  emancipation,  when  it  was 
clamorously  urged  upon  him,  made  them  all  the  more  ready  to 
accept  his  judgment  as  to  the  wisdom  of  the  step  when  at  last 
and  with  deliberation  he  proclaimed  that  all  the  slaves  within 
the  territory  held  by  the  Confederacy  were  thenceforth  free. 
His  wisdom  and  strength  commended  him  to  thoughtful  men, 
and  his  quaint  shrewdness  in  word  and  act  brought  him  near 
to  the  common  people. 

Mr.  Lincoln  neither  obtrusively  urged  himself  as  a  candidate 
f&r  reelection  nor  made  any  coy  professions  of  unwillingness  to 
be  chosen  again.  He  was  simply  and  frankly  a  candidate. 
He  believed  that  it  was  best  for  the  country,  in  the  circum- 
stances, that  he  should  be  continued  in  office.  It  was  not  good 
policy,  he  said,  —  and  the  phrase  made  the  one  argument  which 
in  any  case  would  have  turned  the  scale  in  his  favor,  —  "  to 
swap  horses  while  crossing  a  stream." 

The  certainty  that  the  Republican  convention  —  which  was 
called  on  February  22,  1864,  to  meet  in  Baltimore  on  the  7th 
of  June  —  would  nominate  Mr.  Lincoln    led  certain  radical 


800  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

opponents  of  his  administration  in  various  parts  of  the  country 
to  attempt  to  forestall  its  action  by  calling  a  convention  to 
meet  on  an  earlier  day  at  Cleveland.  Several  calls  were  pub- 
lished, all  of  them  inviting  the  people  to  meet  in  mass  conven- 
tion in  that  city  on  the  31st  of  May.  Among  the  signers 
of  these  calls  were  the  Rev.  Dr.  George  B.  Cheever,  of  New 
York,  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri,  Lucius  Robinson,  of  New 
York,  and  other  gentlemen  then  or  since  prominent  in  public 
affairs.  Wendell  Phillips,  Frederick  Douglass,  and  others 
sent  letters  approving  the  objects  of  the  convention. 

In  answer  to  these  calls,  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  per- 
sons met  in  Cleveland  on  the  appointed  day.  General  John 
Cochrane,  of  New  York,  was  made  president.  A  platform  was 
adopted  as  follows  :  — 

First.  That  the  Federal  Union  shall  be  preserved. 

Second.  That  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States 
must  be  observed  and  obeyed. 

Third.  That  the  rebellion  must  be  suppressed  by  force  of  arms, 
and  without  compromise. 

Fourth.  That  the  rights  of  free  speech,  free  press,  and  the  habeas 
corpus  be  held  inviolate,  save  in  districts  where  martial  law  has 
been  proclaimed. 

Fifth.  That  the  rebellion  has  destroyed  slavery,  and  the  Federal 
Constitution  should  be  amended  to  prohibit  its  reestablishment, 
and  to  secure  to  all  men  absolute  equality  before  the  law. 

Sixth.  That  integrity  and  economy  are  demanded  at  all  times  in 
the  administration  of  the  government,  and  that  in  time  of  war  the 
want  of  them  is  criminal. 

Seventh.  That  the  right  of  asylum,  except  for  crime  and  subject 
to  law,  is  a  recognized  principle  of  American  liberty ;  that  any 
violation  of  it  cannot  be  overlooked,  and  must  not  go  unrebuked. 

Eighth.  That  the  national  policy  known  as  the  "  Monroe  Doc- 
trine "  has  become  a  recognized  principle,  and  that  the  establish- 
ment of  an  anti-republican  government  on  this  continent  by  any 
foreign  power  cannot  be  tolerated. 

Ninth.  That  the  gratitude  and  support  of  the  nation  are  due  to 
the  faithful  soldiers  and  the  earnest  leaders  of  the  Union  army  and 
navy  for  their  heroic  achievements  of  deathless  valor  in  defence  of 
our  imperilled  country  and  civil  liberty. 

Tenth.  That  the  one-term  policy  for  the  presidency  adopted  by 
the  people  is  strengthened  by  the  force  of  the  existing  crisis,  and 
should  be  maintained  by  constitutional  amendments. 

Eleventh.  That  the  Constitution  should  be  so  amended  that  the 
President  and  Vice-President  shall  be  elected  by  a  direct  vote  of 
the  people. 


LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED  301 

Twelfth.  That  the  question  of  the  reconstruction  of  the  rebel- 
lious States  belongs  to  the  people,  through  their  representatives  in 
Congress,  and  not  to  the  executive* 

Thirteenth.  That  the  confiscation  of  the  lands  of  the  rebels,  and 
their  distribution  among  the  soldiers  and  actual  settlers,  is  a  mea- 
sure of  justice. 

General  John  C.  Fremont  was  nominated  by  acclamation  for 
President,  and  General  John  Cochrane,  a  few  dissenting,  for 
Vice-President.  In  letters  dated  at  New  York,  June  4,  both  gen- 
tlemen accepted  these  nominations.  As  a  manifestation  of  one 
phase  of  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  these  proceedings  and 
those  which  followed  are  interesting  ;  but  the  candidacy  of  Gen- 
eral Fremont  came  to  nothing.  On  August  20  a  letter  was 
addressed  to  him  by  citizens  of  Boston,  asking  him  if,  "  in  case 
Mr.  Lincoln  will  withdraw,  you  will  do  so,"  and  "  unite  the 
thorough  and  earnest  friends  of  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the 
war  in  a  new  convention."  The  ultimate  result  of  this  move- 
ment, although  Mr.  Lincoln  did  nothing  to  promote  it,  was  the 
withdrawal  of  both  General  Fremont  and  General  Cochrane 
on  the  21st  of  September,  and  the  union  of  the  Republican 
party  in  support  of  its  regular  candidates. 

The  call  for  the  Republican  national  convention  was  worded, 
as  the  calls  for  many  of  the  state  conventions  had  been,  so  as 
to  include  in  the  invitation  to  participate  in  it  all,  of  whatever 
former  party  relations,  who  would  stand  by  the  administration 
and  its  measures.  It  was  addressed  to  those  "  who  desire  the 
unconditional  maintenance  of  the  Union,  the  supremacy  of 
the  Constitution,  and  the  complete  suppression  of  the  existing 
rebellion,  with  the  cause  thereof,  by  vigorous  war,  and  all  apt 
and  efficient  means."  The  convention  met  at  Baltimore,  June 
7,  1864,  and  was  presided  over  temporarily  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and,  as  permanent  pre- 
sident, by  ex-Governor  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio.  The  plat- 
form was  reported  by  Mr.  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  New  York, 
and  was  adopted  unanimously,  as  follows :  — 

1.  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  highest  duty  of  every  American  citi- 
zen to  maintain  against  all  their  enemies  the  integrity  of  the  Union, 
and  the  permanent  authority  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the 
United  States ;  and  that,  laying  aside  all  differences  of  political 
opinion,  we  pledge  ourselves  as  Union  men,  animated  by  a  com- 
mon sentiment  and  aiming  at  a  common  object,  to  do  everything 
in  our  power  to  aid  the  government  in  quelling  by  force  of  arms 


302  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  rebellion  now  raging  against  its  authority,  and  in  bringing  to 
the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes  the  rebels  and  traitors  arrayed 
against  it. 

2.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  determination  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  not  to  compromise  with  rebels,  or  to 
offer  them  any  terms  of  peace  except  such  as  may  be  based  upon 
an  unconditional  surrender  of  their  hostility  and  a  return  to  their 
just  allegiance  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  ; 
and  that  we  call  upon  the  government  to  maintain  this  position, 
and  to  prosecute  the  war  with  the  utmost  possible  vigor  to  the 
complete  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  in  full  reliance  upon  the 
self-sacrificing  patriotism,  the  heroic  valor,  and  the  undying  devo- 
tion of  the  American  people  to  their  country  and  its  free  institu- 
tions. 

3.  Resolved,  That,  as  slavery  was  the  cause  and  now  constitutes 
the  strength  of  this  rebellion,  and  as  it  must  be,  always  and  every- 
where, hostile  to  the  principles  of  republican  government,  justice 
and  the  national  safety  demand  its  utter  and  complete  extirpation 
from  the  soil  of  the  republic ;  and  that,  while  we  uphold  and 
maintain  the  acts  and  proclamations  by  which  the  government,  in 
its  own  defence,  has  aimed  a  death-blow  at  this  gigantic  evil,  we 
are  in  favor,  furthermore,  of  such  amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
to  be  made  by  the  people  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  as  shall 
terminate  and  forever  prohibit  the  existence  of  slavery  within  the 
limits  or  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 

4.  Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to 
the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  army  and  navy  who  have  perilled 
their  lives  in  defence  of  their  country  and  in  vindication  of  the 
honor  of  its  flag ;  that  the  nation  owes  to  them  some  permanent 
recognition  of  their  patriotism  and  their  valor,  and  ample  and  per- 
manent provision  for  those  of  their  survivors  who  have  received 
disabling  and  honorable  wounds  in  the  service  of  the  country ;  and 
that  the  memories  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  its  defence  shall  be 
held  in  grateful  and  everlasting  remembrance. 

5.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  and  applaud  the  practical  wisdom, 
the  unselfish  patriotism,  and  the  unswerving  fidelity  with  which 
Abraham  Lincoln  has  discharged,  under  circumstances  of  unparal- 
leled difficulty,  the  great  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  presiden- 
tial office ;  that  we  approve  and  indorse,  as  demanded  by  the  emer- 
gency and  essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  nation  and  as  within 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  the  measures  and  acts  which  he 
has  adopted  to  defend  the  nation  against  its  open  and  secret  foes  ; 
that  we  approve,  especially,  the  proclamation  of  emancipation  and 
the  employment  as  Union  soldiers  of  men  heretofore  held  in 
slavery ;  and  that  we  have  full  confidence  in  his  determination  to 


LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED  303 

carry  these  and  all  other  constitutional  measures  essential  to  the 
salvation  of  the  country  into  full  and  complete  effect. 

6.  Resolved,  That  we  deem  it  essential  to  the  general  welfare 
that  harmony  should  prevail  in  the  national  councils,  and  we  re- 
gard as  worthy  of  public  confidence  and  official  trust  those  only 
who  cordially  indorse  the  principles  proclaimed  in  these  resolu- 
tions, and  which  should  characterize  the  administration  of  the 
government. 

7.  Resolved,  That  the  government  owes  to  all  men  employed  in 
its  armies,  without  regard  to  distinction  of  color,  the  full  protec- 
tion of  the  laws  of  war ;  and  that  any  violation  of  these  laws,  or  of 
the  usages  of  civilized  nations  in  time  of  war,  by  the  rebels  now 
in  arms,  should  be  made  the  subject  of  prompt  and  full  redress. 

8.  Resolved,  That  foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past  has 
added  so  much  to  the  wealth,  development  of  resources,  and  in- 
crease of  power  to  this  nation,  —  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of 
all  nations,  —  should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by  a  liberal  and 
just  policy. 

9.  Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  a  speedy  construction  of  the 
railroad  to  the  Pacific  coast. 

10.  Resolved,  That  the  national  faith,  pledged  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  public  debt,  must  be  kept  inviolate,  and  that  for  this 
purpose  we  recommend  economy  and  rigid  responsibility  in  the 
public  expenditures,  and  a  vigorous  and  just  system  of  taxation  ; 
and  that  it  is  the  duty  of  every  loyal  State  to  sustain  the  credit 
and  promote  the  use  of  the  national  currency. 

11.  Resolved,  That  we  approve  the  position  taken  by  the  govern- 
ment, that  the  people  of  the  United  States  can  never  regard  with 
indifference  the  attempt  of  any  European  power  to  overthrow  by 
force,  or  to  supplant  by  fraud,  the  institutions  of  any  republican 
government  on  the  Western  Continent;  and  that  they  will  view 
with  extreme  jealousy,  as  menacing  to  the  peace  and  independence 
of  their  own  country,  the  efforts  of  any  such  power  to  obtain  new 
footholds  for  monarchical  governments,  sustained  by  foreign  mili- 
tary force,  in  near  proximity  to  the  United  States. 

On  a  formal  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President,  Mr.  Lincoln 
received  all  the  votes  of  every  State,  except  those  of  Missouri, 
which  were  cast,  in  accordance  with  instructions,  for  General 
XJ.  S.  Grant.  The  nomination  was  then  made  unanimous. 
On  the  first  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  Andrew 
Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  received  200;  Hannibal  Hamlin,  of 
Maine,  150 ;  Daniel  S.  Dickinson,  of  New  York,  108 ;  and 
seven  other  candidates  an  aggregate  of  61.  Before  the  vote 
was  declared,  a  great  many  changes  took  place,  and  the  final 


304  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

result  was :  for  Johnson,  494  votes ;  for  Dickinson,  17  ;  for 
Hamlin,  9.     Mr.  Johnson  was  declared  the  candidate. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  on  August  29,  at  Chicago. 
Ex-Governor  William  Bigler,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  tempo- 
rary president,  and  Governor  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York, 
the  permanent  president.  The  platform  was  reported  by  Mr. 
James  Guthrie,  of  Kentucky,  as  follows :  — 

Resolved,  That  in  the  future,  as  in  the  past,  we  will  adhere  with 
unswerving  fidelity  to  the  Union  under  the  Constitution  as  the  only 
solid  foundation  of  our  strength,  security,  and  happiness  as  a  people, 
and  as  a  framework  of  government  equally  conducive  to  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperity  of  all  the  States,  both  Northern  and  Southern. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  does  explicitly  declare,  as  the 
sense  of  the  American  people,  that  after  four  years  of  failure  to 
restore  the  Union  by  the  experiment  of  war,  during  which,  under 
the  pretence  of  a  military  necessity,  or  war  power  higher  than  the 
Constitution,  the  Constitution  itself  has  been  disregarded  in  every 
part,  and  public  liberty  and  private  right  alike  trodden  down,  and 
the  material  prosperity  of  the  country  essentially  impaired, — 
justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  the  public  welfare  demand  that 
immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a 
view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of  the  States,  or  other  peaceable 
means,  to  the  end  that,  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  peace 
may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  federal  Union  of  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  direct  interference  of  the  military  authori- 
ties of  the  United  States  in  the  recent  elections  held  in  Kentucky, 
Maryland,  Missouri,  and  Delaware  was  a  shameful  violation  of  the 
Constitution ;  and  a  repetition  of  such  acts  in  the  approaching  elec- 
tion will  be  held  as  revolutionary,  and  resisted  with  all  the  means 
and  power  under  our  control. 

Resolved,  That  the  aim  and  object  of  the  Democratic  party  is  to 
preserve  the  federal  Union  and  the  rights  of  the  States  unimpaired ; 
and  they  hereby  declare  that  they  consider  that  the  administrative 
usurpation  of  extraordinary  and  dangerous  powers  not  granted  by 
the  Constitution ;  the  subversion  of  the  civil  by  military  law  in 
States  not  in  insurrection  ;  the  arbitrary  military  arrest,  imprison- 
ment, trial,  and  sentence  of  American  citizens  in  States  where 
civil  law  exists  in  full  force ;  the  suppression  of  freedom  of  speech 
and  of  the  press  ;  the  denial  of  the  right  of  asylum ;  the  open  and 
avowed  disregard  of  state  rights ;  the  employment  of  unusual  test 
oaths ;  and  the  interference  with  and  denial  of  the  right  of  the 
people  to  bear  arms  in  their  defence,  —  are  calculated  to  prevent  a 
restoration  of  the  Union  and  the  perpetuation  of  a  government 
deriving  its  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 


LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED  305 

Resolved,  That  the  shameful  disregard  of  the  administration  of 
its  duty  in  respect  to  our  fellow-citizens  who  are  now,  and  long  have 
been,  prisoners  of  war  and  in  a  suffering  condition,  deserves  the 
severest  reprobation,  on  the  score  alike  of  public  policy  and  com- 
mon humanity. 

Resolved,  That  the  sympathy  of  the  Democratic  party  is  heart- 
ily and  earnestly  extended  to  the  soldiery  of  our  army  and  the  sail- 
ors of  our  navy,  who  are  and  have  been,  in  the  field  and  on  the  sea, 
under  the  flag  of  our  country ;  and,  in  the  event  of  its  attaining 
power,  they  will  receive  all  the  care,  protection,  and  regard  that 
the  brave  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic  have  so  nobly 
earned. 

On  the  first  ballot  for  a  candidate  for  President,  General 
George  B.  McClellan  was  nominated.  He  had  been  repeatedly 
mentioned  in  connection  with  the  nomination  for  many  months, 
and  the  sentiments  of  the  Democratic  party  were  concen- 
trated in  his  favor  long  before  the  convention  met.  The  vote 
as  first  taken  resulted  in  174  votes  for  McClellan  ;  38  for 
Thomas  H.  Seymour,  of  Connecticut ;  12  for  Horatio  Seymour, 
of  New  York  ;  J-  vote  for  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York  ;  and 
l£  votes  blank.  But  belore  the  result  was  announced  several 
changes  were  made,  and  the  announcement  was :  for  McClel- 
lan, 202J  votes ;  for  Thomas  H.  Seymour,  28-J.  All  the  votes 
for  Mr.  Seymour  were  given  by  delegates  from  Ohio,  Indiana, 
and  the  "  border  States."  The  nomination  of  General  Mc- 
Clellan was  made  unanimous,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Vallandigham 
of  Ohio. 

The  first  vote  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  resulted 
as  follows :  James  Guthrie,  of  Kentucky,  65^  ;  George  H. 
Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  55^- ;  Lazarus  W.  Powell,  of  Kentucky, 
32^  ;  George  W.  Cass,  of  Pennsylvania,  26 ;  Daniel  W, 
Voorhees,  of  Indiana,  13 ;  John  D.  Caton,  of  Illinois,  16 ; 
Augustus  C.  Dodge,  of  Iowa,  9 ;  John  S.  Phelps,  of  Missouri, 
8 ;  blank,  ^  vote.  On  the  second  trial,  Mr.  Guthrie's  name 
having  been  withdrawn,  the  friends  of  all  the  other  candidates, 
except  those  of  Mr.  Pendleton,  withdrew  their  names  also,  and 
Mr.  Pendleton  was  unanimously  nominated. 

The  canvass  that  followed  was  one  of  great  spirit.  The 
attention  of  the  country  was,  it  is  true,  earnestly  fixed  upon 
the  progress  of  the  war,  and  it  could  not  be  greatly  or  for  a 
long  time  diverted  to  a  political  contest ;  but  the  reelection  of 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  regarded  and  treated  by  the  Republicans  as 


306  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

one  of  the  important  campaigns  of  the  war  ;  and  they  held  that 
those  who  were  not  with  them  in  the  accomplishment  of  that 
ohject  were  against  the  Union.  They  denounced  the  Democratic 
platform  as  a  base  and  cowardly  surrender  to  the  enemy,  and 
as  an  encouragement  to  those  in  arms  against  the  old  flag  to 
persevere  in  their  hostilities  until  the  peace  party  should  be  in 
a  position  to  make  terms  with  them  on  the  basis  of  a  peaceable 
secession.  The  Republicans  had  called  their  convention  as 
one  of  Union  men.  War  Democrats  took  a  prominent  part  in 
the  proceedings  of  that  assembly,  and  one  of  them  was  the 
candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency  on  the  ticket  with  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. They  called  upon  all  Union  men  to  support  the  armies 
in  the  field  by  voting  down  the  party  which  would  make  a 
disgraceful  peace. 

The  Democratic  platform,  unpopular  from  its  first  promulga- 
tion, became  more  so  as  the  canvass  proceeded.  General  Mc- 
Clellan  repudiated  its  obvious  meaning  in  his  letter  of  accept- 
ance. Where  the  convention  had  demanded  "  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of  the  States," 
the  candidate  expressed  the  belief  that  so  "  soon  as  it  is  clear, 
or  even  probable,  that  our  present  adversaries  are  ready  for 
peace  on  the  basis  of  the  Union,  we  should  exhaust  all  the 
resources  of  statesmanship  ...  to  secure  such  peace."  The 
convention  had  proclaimed  "  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the 
Union  by  the  experiment  of  war ;  "  General  McClellan  wrote : 
"  I  could  not  look  in  the  face  of  my  gallant  comrades  of  the 
army  and  navy,  who  have  survived  so  many  bloody  battles, 
and  tell  them  that  their  labors  and  the  sacrifice  of  so  many  of 
our  slain  and  wounded  brethren  had  been  in  vain  ;  that  we 
had  abandoned  that  Union  for  which  we  have  so  often  perilled 
our  lives."  The  convention  said :  Peace  first,  and  Union 
afterward,  if  it  can  be  had.  General  McClellan  said :  The 
Union  first,  and  then  peace ;  "no  peace  can  be  permanent 
without  union."  The  convention  said  that  the  war  had  been 
a  failure  ;  General  McClellan  could  not  look  his  old  comrades 
in  the  face  and  say  that. 

His  open  repudiation  of  the  expressed  sentiments  of  the 
party  saved  to  General  McClellan  many  of  the  votes  which 
would  otherwise  have  been  given  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  But 
although  the  party  held  its  forces  together  much  more  gener- 
ally than  might  have  been  expected,  the  plain  common  sense  of 
the  people  taught  them  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  candidate 


LINCOLN  KE-ELECTED 


307 


whose  election  meant  earnest  and  uncompromising  war  until  the 
power  of  the  rebellion  was  destroyed  and  the  Union  was  re- 
stored, and  they  supported  him.  The  general  result  was  at  no 
time  in  doubt. 

In  some  of  the  States,  provision  had  been  made,  before  the 
war  broke  out,  for  taking  the  votes  of  soldiers  absent  from 
their  respective  States  with  the  army.      Other  States  adopted 


Popular  Vote. 

Soldier 

i'  Vote. 

Electoral  Vote. 

^ 

^ 

1 

| 

§ 

i 

States. 

1 

B 

1 

1 

Ph 

•2 

a! 

SI 

1 

a 

|i 

«! 

d 

1 

S 
a 

1 

3 

1 

o 
8 

*3 

8 

w 

"3 

< 

e 

3 

1 

a 

s 

California     .     . 

62,134 

43,841 

2,600 

237 

5 

_ 

Connecticut .     . 

44,693 

42,288 

- 

- 

6 

— 

Delaware      .     . 

8,155 

8,767  - 

- 

- 

- 

3 

Illinois     .     .    T 

189,487 

158,349 

- 

- 

16 

- 

Indiana    .     .  T" 

150,422 

130,233 

- 

- 

13 

- 

Iowa .       .     .    *r 

87,331 

49,260 

15,178 

1,364 

8 

- 

Kansas     .     .     . 

14,228 

3,871 

- 

- 

3 

- 

Kentucky     .     . 

27,786 

64,301  - 

1,194 

2,823 

- 

11 

Maine  .... 

72,278 

47,736 

4,174 

741 

7 

— 

Maryland      .     . 

40,153 

32,739 

2,800 

321 

7 

- 

Massachusetts 

126,742 

48,745 

- 

- 

12 

— 

Michigan      .     . 

85,352 

67,370 

9,402 

2,959 

8 

- 

Minnesota     .     . 

25,060 

17,375 

- 

- 

4 

- 

Missouri  .     .     . 

72,991 

31,026 

_ 

_ 

11 

_ 

Nevada    .     .     . 

9,826 

6,594 

- 

- 

2* 

_ 

New  Hampshire 

36,595 

33,034 

2,066 

690 

5 

- 

New  Jersey  .     . 

60,723 

68,014^ 

- 

- 

_ 

7 

New  York    .     . 

368,726 

361,986 

- 

- 

33 

- 

Ohio    .     .     .-. 

265,154 

205,568 

41,146 

9,757 

21 

— 

Oregon     .     .     . 

9,888 

8,457 

- 

_ 

3 

_ 

Pennsylvania     . 

296,389 

276,308 

26,712 

12,349 

26 

- 

Rhode  Island    . 

14,343 

8,718 

- 

_ 

4 

- 

Vermont       .     . 

42,422 

13,325 

243 

49 

5 

_ 

West  Virginia 

23,223 

10,457 

_ 

_ 

5 

_ 

Wisconsin     .     . 

79,564 

63,875 

11,372 

2,458 

8 

- 

Totals  :    .    . 

2,213,665 

1,802,237 

116,887 

33,748 

212 

21 

*  Nevada  chose  three  electors,  one  of  whom  died  before  the  election. 


308  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

similar  provisions  before  the  election  took  place.  The  army- 
votes  for  President  in  1864,  which  were  counted  in  canvassing 
the  returns  for  electors,  are,  in  the  table  on  the  preceding  page, 
separated  from  the  home  vote.  It  will  be  seen  that  in  no  case 
does  the  addition  of  the  two  change  the  result. 

The  total  vote  counted,  including  both  the  home  and  the 
army  votes,  was  4,166,537,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  plurality  was 
494,567.  The  army  votes  of  Kansas  and  Minnesota,  which 
arrived  too  late  to  be  counted,  and  certain  votes  rejected  for 
informality  in  Wisconsin,  would  have  brought  up  the  total  to 
about  4,175,000,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  majority  to  a  number  in 
excess  of  half  a  million. 

This  was  the  first  election  since  the  adoption  of  the  Consti- 
tution at  which  any  State  had  deliberately  neglected  to  appoint 
electors.  In  1864  the  authority  of  the  United  States  was  de- 
nied in,  and  complete  sovereignty  was  claimed  by  the  regular 
governments  of,  eleven  States.  But  in  some  of  them  there 
had  been  set  up  rival  governments,  asserting  their  own  loyalty 
to  the  Union,  and  claiming  the  recognition  of  Congress  as  the 
true  government  of  those  States.  In  one  case,  at  least,  the  ques- 
tion presented  was  a  puzzling  one.  The  consent  of  the  State 
of  Virginia  to  the  erection  of  the  State  of  West  Virginia  within 
its  territory  —  consent  which  was  required  by  the  terms  of 
the  Constitution  —  was  given  by  one  of  these  mushroom  gov- 
ernments. After  the  creation  of  that  new  State,  however, 
the  territory  and  the  population  which  admitted  the  authority 
of  this  government  of  Virginia  were  so  small  that  Congress  re- 
fused to  recognize  the  claims  of  those  who  presented  themselves 
as  senators  and  representatives. 

Nevertheless,  pretended  elections  had  been  held  in  Louis- 
iana and  Tennessee,  and  the  question  was  evidently  to  be 
pressed  upon  Congress  whether  or  not  the  electoral  votes  cast 
in  those  States  by  a  handful  of  men,  many  of  them  mere  ad- 
venturers, were  to  be  received.  No  such  question  had  ever 
arisen  before.  Never  had  there  been  offered,  at  the  joint 
meeting  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  a  certificate  of  elec- 
toral votes  which  it  was  clearly  the  duty  of  Congress  to  reject, 
if  Congress  had  any  power  to  reject.  In  most  such  cases  a 
decision  of  the  question  whether  or  not  the  disputed  votes 
should  be  counted  had  been  evaded ;  but  in  all  these  instances 
a  determination  either  way  could  not  affect  the  result.  Nor 
would  the  admission  or  the  rejection  of  the  Southern  votes  in 


LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED  309 

1864  change  the  result.  But  if  the  votes  were  allowed,  the 
act  would  be  equivalent  to  a  declaration  that  the  governments 
by  whose  authority  they  were  given  were  valid  and  regular, 
and  such  a  declaration  might  make  trouble  when  the  time  for 
reconstruction  should  come. 

In  these  circumstances,  and  in  order  to  fix  the  status  of  the 
seceded  States  until  their  governments  had  been  duly  recon- 
structed by  Congress,  a  joint  resolution  was  passed  by  both 
Houses  in  January,  1865.     It  was  in  the  following  words  :  — 

Whereas,  The  inhabitants  and  local  authorities  of  the  States  of 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Ala- 
bama, Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Texas,  Arkansas,  and  Tennessee  re- 
belled against  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  were  in 
such  condition  on  the  8th  day  of  November,  1864,  that  no  valid 
election  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  according  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  thereof,  was  held 
therein  on  said  day ;  therefore  — 

Be  it  resolved,  By  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the 
States  mentioned  in  the  preamble  to  this  joint  resolution  are  not 
entitled  to  representation  in  the  Electoral  College  for  the  choice  of 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  for  the  term 
commencing  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1865,  and  no  electoral  votes 
shall  be  received  or  counted  from  said  States  concerning  the  choice 
of  President  and  Vice-President  for  said  term  of  office. 

The  President  was  committed  to  the  validity  and  regularity 
of  the  governments  of  Louisiana  and  Tennessee.  A  state 
government  was  in  full  operation  in  Louisiana,  with  Governor 
Hahn  at  its  head,  and  the  election  in  Tennessee  had  been 
ordered  by  Governor  Andrew  Johnson,  Mr.  Lincoln's  asso- 
ciate on  the  ticket.  Accordingly,  the  President  was  earnestly 
opposed  to  the  resolution  just  recited,  which  virtually  declared 
the  invalidity  of  governments  which  he  recognized,  although 
Congress  did  not.  But  the  Republicans  in  Congress  were 
resolved  that  the  votes  should  not  be  counted,  and  they  de- 
termined that  if  they  could  not  exclude  Louisiana  and  Ten- 
nessee by  law,  they  would  do  so  by  joint  action  of  the  two 
Houses  in  counting  the  vote.  Owing  to  a  fear  that  the  Presi- 
dent would  not  sign  the  joint  resolution,  the  "  twenty-second 
joint  rule,"  which  played  an  important  part  during  the  six- 
teen years  it  was  in  force,  was  nastily  drawn  and  as  hastily 
adopted  by  both  branches.     At  the  same  time  great  pressure 


310  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

was  brought  to  bear  upon  the  President  to  approve  the  joint 
resolution.  He  finally  yielded  on  the  day  the  count  was  to  take 
place,  February  8,  but  not  in  time  formally  to  notify  Congress 
that  he  had  done  so.  The  joint  rule,  which  would  have  been 
unnecessary  if  he  had  signed  the  resolution  promptly,  and 
which  was  to  make  much  mischief  in  after  years,  served  the 
same  purpose.     It  was  as  follows :  — 

The  two  Houses  shall  assemble  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  at  the  hour  of  one  o'clock  p.  m.,  on  the  second 
Wednesday  in  February  next  succeeding  the  meeting  of  the  electors 
of  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
President  of  the  Senate  shall  be  their  presiding  officer.  One  teller 
shall  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  two  on  the  part 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to  whom  shall  be  handed,  as  they 
are  opened  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  the  certificates  of  the 
electoral  votes ;  and  said  tellers,  having  read  the  same  in  the  pre- 
sence and  hearing  of  the  two  Houses  then  assembled,  shall  make 
a  list  of  the  votes  as  they  shall  appear  from  the  said  certificates ; 
and  the  votes  having  been  counted,  the  result  of  the  same  shall  be 
delivered  to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  who  shall  thereupon  an- 
nounce the  state  of  the  vote  and  the  names  of  the  persons,  if  any, 
elected ;  which  announcement  shall  be  deemed  a  sufficient  declara- 
tion of  the  persons  elected  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  and,  together  with  a  list  of  the  votes,  be  entered  on 
the  journals  of  the  two  Houses. 

If,  upon  the  reading  of  any  such  certificate  by  the  tellers,  any 
question  shall  arise  in  regard  to  counting  the  votes  therein  certi- 
fied, the  same  having  been  stated  by  the  presiding  officer,  the  Sen- 
ate shall  thereupon  withdraw,  and  said  question  shall  be  submitted 
to  that  body  for  its  decision ;  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  shall,  in  like  manner,  submit  said  question  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  for  its  decision;  and  no  question  shall  be 
decided  affirmatively,  and  no  vote  objected  to  shall  be  counted,  ex- 
cept by  the  concurrent  votes  of  the  two  Houses,  which  being 
obtained,  the  two  Houses  shall  immediately  reassemble,  and  the 
presiding  officer  shall  then  announce  the  decision  of  the  question 
submitted,  and  upon  any  such  question  there  shall  be  no  debate  in 
either  House ;  and  any  other  question  pertinent  to  the  object  for 
which  the  two  houses  are  assembled  may  be  submitted  and  deter- 
mined in  like  manner. 

At  such  joint  meeting  of  the  two  Houses,  seats  shall  be  provided 
as  follows :  for  the  President  of  the  Senate,  the  Speaker's  chair ;  for 
the  Speaker,  a  chair  immediately  upon  his  left;  for  the  senators,  in 
the  body  of  the  hall,  upon  the  right  of  the  presiding  officer ;  for  the 


LINCOLN  RE-ELECTED  311 

representatives,  In  the  body  of  the  hall  not  occupied  by  the  sena- 
tors ;  for  the  tellers,  Secretary  of  the  Senate,  and  Clerk  of  the  House 
A  Representatives,  at  the  Clerk's  desk ;  for  the  other  officers  of  the 
two  Houses,  in  front  of  the  Clerk's  desk,  and  upon  either  side  of 
the  Speaker's  platform. 

Such  joint  meeting  shall  not  be  dissolved  until  the  electoral 
votes  are  all  counted  and  the  result  declared ;  and  no  recess  shall 
be  taken  unless  a  question  shall  have  arisen  in  regard  to  counting 
any  of  such  votes,  in  which  case  it  shall  be  competent  for  either 
House,  acting  separately,  in  the  manner  hereinbefore  provided, 
to  direct  a  recess,  not  beyond  the  next  day  at  the  hour  of  one 
o'clock  p.  M. 

The  power  assumed  by  Congress  in  the  adoption  of  this 
joint  resolution  has  frequently  been  assailed  as  an  invention 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  as  a  power  never  before  asserted. 
But  by  reference  to  the  proceedings  in  Congress  in  the  year 
1800  (p.  64  et  seq.),  it  will  be  seen  that  a  bill  making  per- 
manent provision  for  counting  the  electoral  vote  failed  only 
because  the  Senate  then  insisted  that  either  branch  of  Congress 
might  reject  a  vote,  while  the  House  of  Representatives  main- 
tained that  it  should  be  rejected  only  by  a  concurrent  vote. 
The  act  of  1887,  which  is  now  in  force,  permits  the  rejection 
of  the  vote  of  a  State  by  concurrent  action  of  both  branches. 

On  the  8th  of  February  the  joint  meeting  was  held.  The 
Vice-President,  Mr.  Hamlin,  presided.  The  votes  were  opened 
by  him  and  read  by  the  tellers.  When  all  the  returns  had 
been  read,  and  the  result  was  about  to  be  declared,  Senator 
Cowan  of  Pennsylvania  inquired  if  there  were  any  more  re- 
turns to  be  counted,  and  if  so,  "  why  they  are  not  submitted 
to  this  body  in  joint  convention,  which  alone  is  capable  of 
determining  whether  they  should  be  counted  or  not."  The 
Vice-President  replied :  — 

The  chair  has  in  his  possession  returns  from  the  States  of  Louis- 
iana and  Tennessee,  but,  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  the  land,  the 
chair  holds  it  to  be  his  duty  not  to  present  them  to  the  conven- 
tion. 

Senator  Cowan  thereupon  asked  if  the  joint  resolution  had 
become  a  law  by  the  signature  of  the  President,  to  which  the 
Vice-President  responded  that  it  had  been  signed,  but  there 
had  been  no  official  notification  of  the  act.  A  debate  ensued 
upon  the  question  whether  the  proceedings  should  have  been 
had  under  the  joint  resolution  or  under  the  joint  rule.     The 


312  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Vice-President  ultimately  acted  under  the  resolution,  and  did 
not  present  the  doubtful  votes.  The  election  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  as  President,  and  of  Andrew  Johnson,  of 
Tennessee,  as  Vice-President,  for  the  term  commencing  March 
4,  1865,  was  then  proclaimed,  and  the  joint  convention  was 
dissolved. 


XXIII 

GENERAL  GRANT 

Events  moved  rapidly  between  the  time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
election  and  that  of  his  entering  upon  his  second  term.  The 
South  was  exhausted  by  the  struggle,  and  its  army  was  hemmed 
in  on  all  sides.  Although,  in  his  second  inaugural  address,  "  no 
prediction  is  ventured  "  as  to  the  issue  of  the  war,  it  was  be- 
lieved that  the  civil  war  was  virtually  at  an  end,  and  already 
plans  of  u  reconstruction  "  were  much  discussed.  No  one  was 
in  favor  of  restoring  to  power,  or  of  leaving  in  power,  those 
who  had  governed  the  States  while  they  were  in  insurrection. 
Nevertheless  there  was  room  for  a  wide  diversity  of  opinion 
as  to  the  extent  to  which  the  disfranchisement  of  the  former 
voters  in  those  States  should  be  carried.  Mr.  Lincoln's  own 
views  were  much  more  liberal  than  those  of  most  of  the 
Northern  statesmen.  There  was  even  some  apprehension  of 
a  political  conflict  between  him  and  Congress.  Six  weeks 
after  the  inauguration  the  President  was  assassinated,  and 
Andrew  Johnson  became  President.  A  man  could  not  have 
been  found  less  fitted  than  he  to  enter  into  the  plans  of  those 
who,  having  determined  the  policy  of  the  country  during  the 
war,  were  resolved  that  the  fruits  of  the  war  should  be  se- 
cured. Compliance  was  not  in  his  nature.  He  lacked  that 
characteristic  of  greatness  which  enables  strong  popular  leaders 
to  persuade  their  followers  to  support  measures  which  their 
judgment  does  not  approve.  Jackson  dragged  his  party  after 
him  in  his  attack  on  the  Bank,  and  ultimately  inspired  them 
with  such  zeal  for  the  war  that  his  conduct  in  that  affair  has 
been  held  up  for  popular  applause  for  more  than  half  a  cen- 
tury after  the  conflict  ended.  Yet  it  was  not  praiseworthy 
in  its  motive,  in  its  conduct,  or  in  its  results.  Lincoln  would 
probably  have  carried  his  liberal  policy,  in  spite  of  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  Senator  Ben  Wade,  and  all  the  radicals,  because  the 
people  believed  in  Lincoln,  in  his  motives,  and  in  his  wis- 
dom.   They  saw,  and  history  sees,  in  President  Johnson  much 


314  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

obstinacy,  little  wisdom,  and  no  tact.  But  a  combination  of 
circumstances  alienated  him,  almost  at  the  beginning  of  his 
administration,  from  those  to  whom  he  owed  his  election,  and 
made  him  a  more  strenuous  opponent  of  the  conditions  de- 
vised by  their  leaders  for  the  readmission  of  the  southern 
States  than  Mr.  Lincoln  could  ever  have  been. 

The  four  years  of  Mr.  Johnson's  administration  were  a 
peiiod  scarcely  less  agitated  than  the  four  years  which  pre- 
ceded secession.  Civil  war  between  the  two  sections,  North 
and  South,  was  succeeded  by  war,  bloodless  but  severe,  be- 
tween the  executive  and  legislative  departments  of  the  govern- 
ment. Mr.  Johnson's  training  had  been  that  of  a  southern 
state-rights  Democrat ;  and  although  his  patriotism  was  strong 
enough  to  keep  him  loyal  when  Tennessee  voted  herself  out  of 
the  Union,  no  sooner  was  the  military  conquest  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy  accomplished  than  his  former  principles  reasserted 
themselves.  The  more  radical  Republicans  of  the  North, 
remembering  the  experience  of  the  Whigs  with  Mr.  Tyler, 
were  only  too  ready  to  see  evidence  that  he  was  to  betray  the 
party  in  all  that  Mr.  Johnson  did.  They  began  to  suspect 
him  and  to  criticise  him  unpleasantly  upon  the  appearance  of 
his  first  proclamations.  They  feared  the  worst  when  he  made 
known  his  selection  of  provisional  governors  of  the  seceded 
States.  Little  by  little  his  adherence  to  his  lifelong  political 
principles,  and  the  unnecessarily  persistent  and  violent  oppo- 
sition of  the  radical  Republicans,  widened  the  breach ;  and  at 
last  he  found  himself  in  full  sympathy  with  the  Democratic 
party. 

The  chief  cause  of  the  difference  between  President  and 
Congress  was  the  extra-constitutional  position  in  which  the 
seceded  States  were  left  when  armed  hostility  to  the  Union 
was  extinguished.  War  had  been  waged  against  them,  or 
rather  against  their  inhabitants,  upon  the  theory  that  a  State 
had  no  right  to  secede.  The  logical  sequence  of  this  proposi- 
tion was  that,  since  no  State  had  seceded,  the  "  States  lately 
in  rebellion,"  as  the  phrase  ran,  were  still  members  of  the 
Union  ;  and  that  their  laws  and  acts,  so  far  as  they  were  not 
contrary  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  were  in  full 
force.  Under  this  view  of  the  case  the  white  men  of  the 
South,  and  they  alone,  would  be  entitled  to  reestablish  rela- 
tions with  the  other  States,  to  send  senators  and  members  to 
Congress,  and,  in  short,  to  resume  the  position  which  they  had 


GENERAL  GRANT  315 

abandoned  in  1861,  suffering  no  political  penalty  whatever  for 
their  attempt  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

It  need  not  be  said  that  not  even  the  most  moderate  Repub- 
licans allowed  the  theory  of  the  indissoluble  nature  of  the 
Union  to  overcome  the  practical  necessity  of  imposing  condi- 
tions to  the  reinstatement  of  the  South  in  that  Union.  The 
President's  views,  to  which  he  referred  as  "  my  policy/'  were 
that  the  States  were  already  restored  to  their  old  position 
when  they  chose  to  exercise  their  right  by  the  election  of 
senators  and  members.  Congress  rejected  this  policy  abso- 
lutely, and,  by  a  series  of  measures  known  as  the  reconstruc- 
tion acts,  required  the  southern  States  to  abjure  all  the  princi- 
ples for  which  they  had  contended  on  the  field  of  battle.  The 
States  were  placed  under  military  governors  until  they  should 
have  complied  with  the  conditions  of  readmission.  Thorough 
revision  of  the  state  constitutions  was  required  ;  the  assent  of 
the  States  to  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  also  a  necessary  preliminary  to  restoration.  The 
enfranchisement  of  the  negroes,  and  the  disfranchisement  of 
those  who  had  been  in  arms  against  the  Union,  deprived  the 
former  ruling  class  of  its  privileges.  These  measures  and 
others,  some  of  which  were  subsequently  declared  unconstitu- 
tional by  the  Supreme  Court,  made  almost  every  southern 
State  Republican  by  the  simple  expedient  of  excluding  the 
Democrats  who  had  participated  in  the  war  against  the  Union 
from  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise. 

Congress  carried  through  its  measures  of  reconstruction  only 
by  overcoming  a  succession  of  vetoes.  The  President  expressed 
his  constitutional  views,  which  were  shared  by  no  Republicans, 
in  returning  the  bills  :  "  to  provide  for  the  more  efficient  govern- 
ment of  the  rebel  States,"  to  establish  the  Freedmen's  Bureau, 
to  secure  civil  rights,  to  admit  Colorado  and  Nebraska  to  the 
Union,  and  many  others.  He  tried  to  remove  Republicans 
from  office,  and  to  fill  their  places  with  Democrats ;  and  Con- 
gress retorted  upon  him  with  the  tenure-of -office  bill,  which 
Mr.  Johnson  returned  without  his  signature,  and  which  Con- 
gress promptly  passed  over  the  veto.  By  this  act  the  power 
of  removal,  always  previously  conceded  to  the  President,  was 
denied,  and  the  consent  of  the  Senate  to  the  removal  was 
required.  The  savage  contest  with  Secretary  Stanton,  whom 
the  President  was  resolved  to  remove  from  the  war  office  and 
from  the  cabinet,  his  correspondence  with  General  Grant,  the 


316  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

disrespectful  manner  in  which  he  spoke  of  Congress  in 
"  swinging  round  the  circle,"  —  all  these  events  aggravated  a 
contest  which  culminated  in  the  impeachment  of  the  President 
by  the  House  of  Representatives  and  his  trial  by  the  Senate. 
During  all  this  time  the  Republicans  in  Congress  were  strongly 
supported  in  the  North,  which  then,  constitutionally  or  not, 
governed  the  country  without  assistance  from  the  South.  The 
resolution  that  the  long  struggle  againstrrebellion  should  not  be 
fruitless  was  firm  and  unchangeable,  and  the  Republicans  -had 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  all  their  measures  adopted,  ineffectual 
as  some  of  them  have  since  proved  to  be. 

During  this  period  another  set  of  questions  began  to  be  dis- 
cussed, and  some  of  them  were  to  be  the  basis  of  a  new  party 
and  of  a  new  school  of  politicians,  and  to  form  the  issue  on 
which  future  elections  were  to  be  decided.  In  the  prosecution 
of  the  war  a  great  debt  had  been  created,  and  a  part  of  this 
debt  consisted  of  treasury  notes,  made  a  legal  tender  for  all 
public  and  private  debts,  except  duties  on  imports  and  the 
interest  of  the  public  debt.  An  attempt  in  the  early  part  of. 
Mr.  Johnson's  term  to  reduce  the  amount  of  legal-tender  notes, 
or  greenbacks,  outstanding,  had  resulted  in  a  temporary  strin- 
gency in  the  money  market,  and  had  led  to  action  by  Congress 
which  forbade  a  further  reduction  of  the  volume  of  the  cur- 
rency. The  heavy  taxation  caused  by  the  war,  the  high  pre- 
mium on  gold,  and  the  rapidly  increasing  value  of  government 
bonds  which  were  drawing  gold  interest,  induced  some  politicians 
to  propose  a  variety  of  schemes  which  would  lighten  the  burden 
of  the  taxpayer  at  the  cost  of  a  virtual  breach  of  faith  on  the 
part  of  the  government.  One  of  the  propositions  was  the  taxa- 
tion of  bonds,  which  were  by  their  terms  expressly  exempted 
from  state  and  municipal  taxation.  Taxation  of  them  by 
national  authority  would  have  been  the  same  thing  as  reducing 
the  rate  of  interest  which  had  been  promised  upon  them.  The 
most  popular  form  of  attack  upon  the  bondholders  was  a 
proposition  to  pay  the  principal  of  the  bonds  in  greenbacks. 
The  letter  of  the  law  did  not  forbid  this,  but  the  Republicans 
maintained  that  the  spirit  of  the  law  was  against  it,  and  that 
it  would  be  virtual  repudiation.  A  large  number  of  Demo- 
crats, particularly  in  the  West,  took  up  this  proposition  with 
great  enthusiasm.  One  of  the  most  prominent  among  them 
was  Mr.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio,  who  had  been  General  McClel- 
lan's  associate  on  the  national  ticket  in  1864,  and  was-  now 


GENERAL  GRANT  317 

regarded  as  the  leading  candidate  for  the  first  place  in  1868. 
While  this  view  of  public  policy  was  most  prevalent  among 
Democrats,  there  were  many  Republicans  also,  who  shared 
it.  Thaddeus  Stevens  was  the  most  conspicuous  example  of 
dissent  from  the  general  opinion  of  the  party,  yet  even  he 
finally  voted  in  favor  of  a  bill  to  strengthen  the  public  credit, 
which  President  Johnson  defeated  by  a  "  pocket  veto."  If 
was  in  the  canvass  preliminary  to  the  election  of  1868  that 
the  Democrats  first  manifested  that  preference  for  the  green- 
back currency  which  continued  to  be  a  principle  of  the  con- 
trolling wing  of  the  party  until  it  transferred  its  affections  to_ 
silver. 

A  great  many  circumstances  united  to  make  General  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  the  natural  and  inevitable  choice  of  the  Republicans 
for  a  candidate  for  President.  The  chief  of  these  reasons  were 
his  military  success,  and  the  conspicuous  position  into  which  he 
was  thrust  by  the  controversy  with  Mr.  Johnson.  But  added 
to  these  recommendations  was  the  confidence  reposed  in  his 
judgment  in  the  choice  of  men ;  and  the  fact  that  he  was  no 
politician  increased  not  a  little  his  popularity  with  the  people, 
who  were  tired  of  the  wrangles  of  the  past  few  years.  Gen- 
eral Grant,  it  was  well  known,  had  never  voted  for  Republi- 
can candidates  in  his  life.  There  were  many  persons  who 
feared  that  the  risk  was  too  great  in  taking  for  the  leader  of 
the  party,  at  such  a  time,  a  man  whose  political  principles  were 
thought  not  to  be  well  defined,  and  that  the  Republicans  might 
be  about  to  repeat  their  own  mistake  of  1864.  But  nothing 
could  stay  the  tide  of  public  sentiment  in  General  Grant's 
favor,  and  the  warnings  of  the  dissentients  were  drowned 
in  the  nearly  universal  demand  that  he  should  be  selected. 
The  wisest  and  most  cautious  men  of  the  party  convinced 
themselves  by  General  Grant's  letters  and»private  conversation 
that  he  was  fully  to  be  trusted,  and  their  confidence  was  not 
misplaced. 

The  question  of  the  candidacy  for  the  first  place  being  fully 
decided  by  the  action  of  the  state  and  district  conventions,  as 
well  as  by  popular  sentiment,  all  the  interest  in  the  Republi- 
can convention  was  concentrated  upon  the  vice-presidency  and 
the  platform.  The  vote  of  the  Senate  upon  the  impeachment 
of  the  President  had  been  taken  the  week  before  the  conven- 
tion met.  Inasmuch  as  several  Republican  senators  had  voted 
for  acquittal  on  the  eleventh  article,  which  had  been  taken  for 


318  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

a  test,  some  of  the  more  radical  and  impulsive  delegates  were 
in  favor  of  expressing  decided  condemnation  of  the  act  which 
had  rendered  the  removal  of  the  President  impossible.  In 
spite  of  the  vehemence  of  the  more  hot-headed  members  of 
the  party,  the  proposed  action  was  defeated,  and  the  conven- 
tion contented  itself  with  expressing  the  opinion  that  those 
who  voted  for  conviction  were  in  the  right. 

There  was  a  long  list  of  candidates  for  the  nomination  for 
Vice-President,  including  Mr.  Hamlin,  who  had  been  left  off 
the  ticket  four  years  before  in  order  to  give  a  representation  to 
the  loyalty  of  the  South ;  Mr.  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  senator 
from  Ohio,  who  was  President  of  the  Senate  during  a  part  of 
the  time  that  the  war  between  the  President  and  Congress  was 
waging ;  Mr.  Colfax,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives ;  Senators  Fenton,  of  New  York,  and  Wilson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Governor  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  other  candi- 
dates of  less  prominence. 

Prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  national  convention  of  the 
Republicans,  a  convention  of  soldiers  and  sailors  was  held  at 
Chicago.  It  was  presided  over  by  General  John  A.  Logan,  and 
was  full  of  enthusiasm  for  General  Grant.  The  Republican 
convention  met  on  May  20  at  Chicago,  and  completed  its  work 
in  two  days.  General  Carl  Schurz  was  the  temporary  pre- 
siding officer,  and  General  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut, 
was  made  permanent  president.  The  first  day  was  occupied 
with  preliminaries.  On  the  morning  of  the  second  day  the 
committee  on  resolutions  reported  a  platform,  which  was 
adopted.  Two  additional  resolutions  were  afterwards  appended 
to  the  platform,  having  been  moved  from  the  floor  by  Mr. 
Schurz,  and  unanimously  approved.  The  platform  in  full  was 
as  follows :  — 

The  National  Republican  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled 
in  national  convention  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  on  the  twenty-first 
day  of  May,  1868,  make  the  following  declaration  of  principles  :  — 

1.  We  congratulate  the  country  on  the  assured  success  of  the 
reconstruction  policy  of  Congress,  as  evinced  by  the  adoption,  in 
the  majority  of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion,  of  constitutions 
securing  equal  civil  and  political  rights  to  all ;  and  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  government  to  sustain  those  institutions,  and  to  prevent  the 
people  of  such  States  from  being  remitted  to  a  state  of  anarchy. 

2.  The  guarantee  by  Congress  of  equal  suffrage  to  all  loyal  men 
at  the  South  was  demanded  by  every  consideration  of  public  safety, 


GENERAL   GRANT  319 

of  gratitude,  and  of  justice,  and  must  be  maintained ;  while  the 
question  of  suffrage  in  all  the  loyal  States  properly  belongs  to  the 
people  of  those  States. 

3.  We  denounce  all  forms  of  repudiation  as  a  national  crime ; 
and  the  national  honor  requires  the  payment  of  the  public  indebt- 
edness in  the  uttermost  good  faith  to  all  creditors  at  home  and 
abroad,  not  only  according  to  the  letter,  but  the  spirit  of  the  laws 
under  which  it  was  contracted. 

4.  It  is  due  to  the  labor  of  the  nation  that  taxation  should  be 
equalized,  and  reduced  as  rapidly  as  the  national  faith  will  permit. 

5.  The  national  debt,  contracted  as  it  has  been  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union  for  all  time  to  come,  should  be  extended  over  a 
fair  period  for  redemption;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to 
reduce  the  rate  of  interest  thereon  whenever  it  can  be  honestly 
done. 

6.  That  the  best  policy  to  diminish  our  burden  of  debt  is  so  to 
improve  our  credit  that  capitalists  will  seek  to  loan  us  money  at 
lower  rates  of  interest  than  we  now  pay,  and  must  continue  to  pay» 
so  long  as  repudiation,  partial  or  total,  open  or  covert,  is  threat- 
ened or  suspected. 

7.  The  government  of  the  United  States  should  be  administered 
with  the  strictest  economy;  and  the  corruptions  which  have  been 
so  shamefully  nursed  and  fostered  by  Andrew  Johnson  call  loudly 
for  radical  reform. 

8.  We  profoundly  deplore  the  untimely  and  tragic  death  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  and  regret  the  accession  to  the  presidency  of 
Andrew  Johnson,  who  has  acted  treacherously  to  the  people  who 
elected  him  and  the  cause  he  was  pledged  to  support;  who  has 
usurped  high  legislative  and  judicial  functions ;  who  has  refused 
to  execute  the  laws ;  who  has  used  his  high  office  to  induce  other 
officers  to  ignore  and  violate  the  laws ;  who  has  employed  his  ex- 
ecutive  powers  to  render  insecure  the  property,  the  peace,  the 
liberty  and  life  of  the  citizen;  who  has  abused  the  pardoning 
power ;  who  has  denounced  the  national  legislature  as  unconstitu- 
tional ;  who  has  persistently  and  corruptly  resisted,  by  every  means 
in  his  power,  every  proper  attempt  at  the  reconstruction  of  the 
States  lately  in  rebellion ;  who  has  perverted  the  public  patronage 
into  an  engine  of  wholesale  corruption ;  and  who  has  been  justly 
impeached  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  properly  pro- 
nounced guilty  thereof  by  the  vote  of  thirty-five  senators. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other  European  powers, 
that  because  a  man  is  once  a  subject  he  is  always  so,  must  be 
resisted  at  every  hazard  by  the  United  States  as  a  relic  of  feudal 
times,  not  authorized  by  the  laws  of  nations,  and  at  war  with  our 
national  honor  and  independence.  Naturalized  citizens  are  entitled 


320  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

to  protection  in  all  their  rights  of  citizenship,  as  though  they  were 
native  born ;  and  no  citizen  of  the  United  States,  native  or  natural- 
ized, must  be  liable  to  arrest  and  imprisonment  by  any  foreign 
power  for  acts  done  or  words  spoken  in  this  country ;  and,  if  so 
arrested  and  imprisoned,  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  inter- 
fere in  his  behalf. 

10.  Of  all  who  were  faithful  in  the  trials  of  the  late  war,  there 
were  none  entitled  to  more  special  honor  than  the  brave  soldiers 
and  seamen  who  endured  the  hardships  of  campaign  and  cruise, 
and  imperilled  their  lives  in  the  service  of  the  country ;  the  boun- 
ties and  pensions  provided  by  the  laws  for  these  brave  defenders  of 
the  nation  are  obligations  never  to  be  forgotten ;  the  widows  and 
orphans  of  the  gallant  dead  are  the  wards  of  the  people,  —  a  sacred 
legacy  bequeathed  to  the  nation's  protecting  care. 

11.  Foreign  immigration,  which  in  the  past  has  added  so  much 
to  the  wealth,  development,  and  resources,  and  increase  of  power 
to  this  republic,  —  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed  of  all  nations,  — 
should  be  fostered  and  encouraged  by  a  liberal  and  just  policy. 

12.  This  convention  declares  itself  in  sympathy  with  all  oppressed 
peoples  struggling  for  their  rights. 

13.  We  highly  commend  the  spirit  of  magnanimity  and  forbear- 
ance with  which  men  who  have  served  in  the  rebellion,  but  who 
now  frankly  and  honestly  cooperate  with  us  in  restoring  the  peace 
of  the  country  and  reconstructing  the  southern  state  governments 
upon  the  basis  of  impartial  justice  and  equal  rights,  are  received 
back  into  the  communion  of  the  loyal  people ;  and  we  favor  the 
removal  of  the  disqualifications  and  restrictions  imposed  upon  the 
late  rebels  in  the  same  measure  as  the  spirit  of  disloyalty  will  die 
out,  and  as  may  be  consistent  with  the  safety  of  the  loyal  people. 

14.  We  recognize  the  great  principles  laid  down  in  the  immortal 
Declaration  of  Independence  as  the  true  foundation  of  democratic 
government ;  and  we  hail  with  gladness  every  effort  toward  mak- 
ing these  principles  a  living  reality  on  every  inch  of  American 
soil. 

When  the  convention  was  ready  to  proceed  with  its  nomina- 
tions, General  Logan  presented  the  name  of  General  Grant  in 
a  brief  but  stirring  speech,  and,  the  roll  of  the  States  being 
called,  every  vote  —  650  in  all  —  was  given  to  him.  While 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  convention  was  at  its  height,  a  large 
portrait  of  General  Grant  was  uncovered  behind  the  president's 
fhair,  and  the  delegates  again  went  wild  with  cheering.  Five 
votes  were  necessary  to  effect  a  nomination  for  the  second  place 
on  the  ticket.  The  result  of  the  several  votes  is  shown  in  the 
following  table :  — 


GENERAL   GRANT 


321 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

5th. 

Benjamin  F.  Wade,  Ohio 

Reuben  E.  Fenton,  New  York      .... 

Henry  Wilson,  Massachusetts 

Schuyler  Colfax,  Indiana 

Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Pennsylvania  .... 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  Maine 

James  Speed,  Kentucky 

James  Harlan,  Iowa 

John  A.  J.  Creswell,  Maryland     .... 

Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  Kansas 

William  D.  Kelley,  Pennsylvania      .    .    . 

147 

126 

119 

115 

51 

28 

22 

16 

14 

6 

4 

170 
144 
114 
145 
45 
30 

178 
139 
101 
165 
40 
25 

206 
144 
87 
186 

25 

38 
69 

541 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Colfax,  the  youngest  candidate  of 
all,  was  made  unanimous,  and  the  convention  adjourned. 

The  Democratic  convention  was  called  to  meet  at  Tammany 
Hall,  New  York,  on  the  fourth  of  July.  Democratic  soldiers 
and  sailors  were  invited  to  meet  on  the  same  day,  also  in  New 
York.  The  interest  centred  wholly  in  the  nomination  of  a  can- 
didate for  the  presidency,  and  it  was  from  the  first  a  contest  of 
"  the  field  "  against  Mr.  Pendleton.  Other  candidates  had  strong 
supporters.  The  sentiment  in  the  soldiers*  convention  was 
all  in  favor  of  General  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  who  commended 
himself  to  those  who  had  favored  the  war  by  his  own  gallant 
services,  and  to  Democrats  by  his  action  as  military  commander 
at  New  Orleans  during  Mr.  Johnson's  administration.  The 
Southern  delegations  were  at  least  outwardly  for  Mr.  Johnson 
himself.  There  was  an  undercurrent  in  favor  of  Chief  Justice 
Chase.  Most  of  the  delegates  from  the  Eastern  States  were 
not  bound  by  instructions,  and  were  prepared  to  support  any 
candidate  —  except  perhaps  Mr.  Pendleton  —  who  seemed  to 
have  a  chance  of  success. 

Meantime,  the  Northwest  was  strong  for  Mr.  Pendleton, 
though,  as  the  event  proved,  the  feeling  was  not  deep.  A 
day  or  two  before  the  convention  a  body  of  three  hundred 
men  —  the  "  Pendleton  Escort  "  —  arrived  from  Ohio,  and 
marched  through  New  York,  each  man  wearing,  pinned  to 
his  breast,  a  flag  on  which  was  a  representation  of  a  five-dollar 
greenback,  and  an  inscription  demanding  the  payment  of  the 
five-twenty  bonds  in  that  currency. 

The  fourth  of  July  fell  on  Saturday.  The  convention 
organized  by  the  choice  of  Henry  S.  Palmer,  of  Wisconsin,  as 
temporary  chairman.  Governor  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New 
York,  was  permanent  president.      The  convention  was  from  the 


322  A  HISTORY   OF  THE   PRESIDENCY 

first  extremely  suspicious  of  the  Pendleton  men.  A  motion 
that  the  rules  of  the  national  House  of  Representatives  be  the 
rules  of  the  convention  was  offered,  and  voted  down  because 
it  was  proposed  by  an  Ohio  man,  and  because  of  a  fear  that  it 
might  mean  an  abrogation  of  the  two-thirds  rule.  The  two- 
thirds  rule  was  adopted  without  opposition.  On  the  first  day 
the  supporters  of  Mr.  Pendleton  were  in  favor  of  prompt  work, 
that  a  ballot  might  be  taken  before  their  opponents  could 
have  an  opportunity  to  concentrate ;  but  they  were  defeated, 
and  the  convention  adjourned  until  Monday.  Afterward  the 
Pendleton  men  were  in  favor  of  all  possible  delay,  and  on 
Monday  they  "  filibustered  "  to  retard  the  progress  of  business. 
It  was  not  until  Tuesday  that  the  committee  on  resolutions 
was  ready  to  report.  The  platform  was  unanimously  reported 
and  unanimously  adopted,  as  follows :  — 

The  Democratic  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  repos- 
ing its  trust  in  the  intelligence,  patriotism,  and  discriminating  jus- 
tice of  the  people,  standing  upon  the  Constitution  as  the  foundation 
and  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  government,  and  the  guarantee 
of  the  liberties  of  the  citizen,  and  recognizing  the  questions  of  sla- 
very and  secession  as  having  been  settled,  for  all  time  to  come,  by 
the  war,  or  the  voluntary  action  of  the  Southern  States  in  consti- 
tutional conventions  assembled,  and  never  to  be  renewed  or  re- 
agitated,  do,  with  the  return  of  peace,  demand,  — 

1.  Immediate  restoration  of  all  the  States  to  their  rights  in  the 
Union  under  the  Constitution,  and  of  civil  government  to  the 
American  people. 

2.  Amnesty  for  all  past  political  offences,  and  the  regulation  of 
the  elective  franchise  in  the  States  by  their  citizens. 

3.  Payment  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States  as  rapidly 
as  practicable  ;  all  moneys  drawn  from  the  people  by  taxation, 
except  so  much  as  is  requisite  for  the  necessities  of  the  govern- 
ment, economically  administered,  being  honestly  applied  to  such 
payment,  and  where  the  obligations  of  the  government  do  not 
expressly  state  upon  their  face,  or  the  law  under  which  they  were> 
issued  does  not  provide,  that  they  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  they  ought, 
in  right  and  injustice,  to  be  paid  in  the  lawful  money  of  the  United 
States.  , 

4.  Equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  property  according  to  its 
real  value,  including  government  bonds  and  other  public  securities. 

5.  One  currency  for  the  government  and  the  people,  the  laborer 
and  the  office-holder,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  producer  and 
the  bondholder. 

6.  Economy  in  the  administration  of  the  government;  the  re« 


GENERAL  GRANT  323 

auction  of  the  standing  army  and  navy ;  the  abolition  of  the  freed- 
men's  bureau,  and  all  political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure 
negro  supremacy ;  simplification  of  the  system,  and  discontinuance 
of  inquisitorial  modes  of  assessing  and  collecting  internal  revenue, 
so  that  the  burden  of  taxation  may  be  equalized  and  lessened ;  the 
credit  of  the  government  and  the  currency  made  good ;  the  repeal 
of  all  enactments  for  enrolling  the  state  militia  into  national  forces 
in  time  of  peace ;  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  upon  foreign  imports, 
and  such  equal  taxation  under  the  internal  revenue  laws  as  will 
afford  incidental  protection  to  domestic  manufacturers,  and  as  will, 
without  impairing  the  revenue,  impose  the  least  burden  upon,  and 
best  promote  and  encourage,  the  great  industrial  interests  of  the 
country. 

7.  Reform  of  abuses  in  the  administration,  the  expulsion  of  cor- 
rupt men  from  office,  the  abrogation  of  useless  offices,  the  resto- 
ration of  rightful  authority  to,  and  the  independence  of,  the  execu- 
tive and  judicial  departments  of  the  government,  the  subordination 
of  the  military  to  the  civil  power,  to  the  end  that  the  usurpations 
of  Congress  and  the  despotism  of  the  sword  may  cease. 

8.  Equal  rights  and  protection  for  naturalized  and  native-born 
citizens,  at  home  and  abroad ;  the  assertion  of  American  national- 
ity which  shall  command  the  respect  of  foreign  powers,  and  fur- 
nish an  example  and  encouragement  to  peoples  struggling  for 
national  integrity,  constitutional  liberty,  and  individual  rights, 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  naturalized  citizens  against 
the  absolute  doctrine  of  immutable  allegiance,  and  the  claims  of 
foreign  powers  to  punish  them  for  alleged  crime  committed  be- 
yond their  jurisdiction. 

In  demanding  these  measures  and  reforms,  we  arraign  the  Radical 
party  for  its  disregard  of  right,  and  the  unparalleled  oppression  and 
tyranny  which  have  marked  its  career. 

After  the  most  solemn  and  unanimous  pledge  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  to  prosecute  the  war  exclusively  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  government  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union  under  the  Con- 
stitution, it  has  repeatedly  violated  that  most  sacred  pledge  under 
which  alone  was  rallied  that  noble  volunteer  army  which  carried 
our  flag  to  victory.  Instead  of  restoring  the  Union  it  has,  so  far  as 
in  its  power,  dissolved  it,  and  subjected  ten  States,  in  the  time  of 
profound  peace,  to  military  despotism  and  negro  supremacy.  It  has 
nullified  there  the  right  of  trial  by  jury ;  it  has  abolished  the  habeas 
corpus,  that  most  sacred  writ  of  liberty ;  it  has  overthrown  the  free- 
dom of  speech  and  the  press  ;  it  has  substituted  arbitrary  seizure? 
and  arrests,  and  military  trials  and  secret  star-chamber  inquisi- 
tions, for  the  constitutional  tribunals ;  it  has  disregarded,  in  time 
of  peace,  the  right  of  the  people  to  be  free  from  searches  and  seiz- 


824  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

tires ;  it  has  entered  the  post  and  telegraph  offices,  and  even  the 
private  rooms  of  individuals,  and  seized  their  private  papers  and 
letters  without  any  specific  charge  or  notice  or  affidavit,  as  required 
by  the  organic  law ;  it  has  converted  the  American  Capitol  into  a 
bastille ;  it  has  established  a  system  of  spies  and  official  espionage 
to  which  no  constitutional  monarchy  of  Europe  would  now  dare  to 
resort ;  it  has  abolished  the  right  of  appeal,  on  important  consti- 
tutional questions,  to  the  supreme  judicial  tribunals,  and  threat- 
ened to  curtail  or  destroy  its  original  jurisdiction,  which  is  irre- 
vocably vested  by  the  Constitution ;  while  the  learned  chief  justice 
has  been  subjected  to  the  most  atrocious  calumnies,  merely  because 
he  would  not  prostitute  his  high  office  to  the  support  of  the  false 
and  partisan  charges  preferred  against  the  President.  Its  corrup- 
tion and  extravagance  have  exceeded  anything  known  in  history, 
and,  by  its  frauds  and  monopolies,  it  has  nearly  doubled  the  burden 
of  the  debt  created  by  the  war.  It  has  stripped  the  President  of 
his  constitutional  power  of  appointment,  even  of  his  own  cabinet 
Under  its  repeated  assaults  the  pillars  of  the  government  are  rock- 
ing on  their  base,  and  should  it  succeed  in  November  next,  and 
inaugurate  its  President,  we  will  meet,  as  a  subjected  and  con- 
quered people,  amid  the  ruins  of  liberty  and  the  scattered  frag- 
ments of  the  Constitution. 

And  we  do  declare  and  resolve  that,  ever  since  the  people  of  the 
United  States  threw  off  all  subjection  to  the  British  crown,  the 
privilege  and  trust  of  suffrage  have  belonged  to  the  several  States, 
and  have  been  granted,  regulated,  and  controlled  exclusively  by  the 
political  power  of  each  State  respectively,  and  that  any  attempt  by 
Congress,  on  any  pretext  whatever,  to  deprive  any  State  of  this 
right,  or  interfere  with  its  exercise,  is  a  flagrant  usurpation  of 
power,  which  can  find  no  warrant  in  the  Constitution,  and,  if  sanc- 
tioned by  the  people,  will  subvert  our  form  of  government,  and  can 
only  end  in  a  single  centralized  and  consolidated  government,  in 
which  the  separate  existence  of  the  States  will  be  entirely  absorbed, 
and  unqualified  despotism  be  established  in  place  of  a  federal  Union 
of  coequal  States.  And  that  we  regard  the  reconstruction  acts  (so 
called)  of  Congress,  as  such,  as  usurpations,  and  unconstitutional, 
revolutionary,  and  void. 

That  our  soldiers  and  sailors,  who  carried  the  flag  of  our  country 
to  victory  against  a  most  gallant  and  determined  foe,  must  ever  be 
gratefully  remembered,  and  all  the  guarantees  given  in  their  favor 
must  be  faithfully  carried  into  execution. 

That  the  public  lands  should  be  distributed  as  widely  as  possible 
among  the  people,  and  should  be  disposed  of  either  under  the  pre- 
emption or  homestead  laws,  or  sold  in  reasonable  quantities,  and 
to  none  but  actual  occupants,  at  the  minimum  price  established  by 


GENERAL   GRANT 


325 


the  government.  When  grants  of  the  public  lands  may  be  allowed, 
necessary  for  the  encouragement  of  important  public  improvements, 
the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  such  lands,  and  not  the  lands  themselves, 
should  be  so  applied. 

That  the  President  of  the  United  States,  Andrew  Johnson,  in 
exercising  the  powers  of  his  high  office  in  resisting  the  aggressions 
of  Congress  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  States  and  the 
people,  is  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  the  whole  American  people, 
and  in  behalf  of  the  Democratic  party  we  tender  him  our  thanks 
for  his  patriotic  efforts  in  that  regard. 

Upon  this  platform  the  Democratic  party  appeal  to  every  patriot, 
including  all  the  conservative  element  and  all  who  desire  to  sup- 
port the  Constitution  and  restore  the  Union,  forgetting  all  past  dif- 
ferences of  opinion,  to  unite  with  us  in  the  present  great  struggle 
for  the  liberties  of  the  people ;  and  that  to  all  such,  to  whatever 
party  they  may  have  heretofore  belonged,  we  extend  the  right 
hand  of  fellowship,  and  hail  all  such  cooperating  with  us  as 
friends  and  brethren. 

To  this  platform  two  additional  resolutions  were  subsequently 
appended,  on  motion,  as  follows :  — 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  sympathize  cordially  with  the 
workingmen  of  the  United  States  in  their  efforts  to  protect  the 
rights  and  interests  of  the  laboring  classes  of  the  country. 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  convention  are  tendered  to 
Chief  Justice  Salmon  P.  Chase  for  the  justice,  dignity,  and  im- 
partiality with  which  he  presided  over  the  court  of  impeachment 
on  the  trial  of  President  Andrew  Johnson. 

Voting  for  a  candidate  then  began,  and  continued  until 
Thursday.  The  whole  number  of  votes  —  each  delegate  hav- 
ing one  half  a  vote  —  was  317 ;  and  212,  two  thirds  of  the 
whole,  were  necessary  for  a  choice.  A  few  only  of  the  twenty- 
two  separate  trials  are  necessary  to  show  the  increase  and  de- 
crease of  strength  of  the  respective  candidates  :  — 


1st. 

8th. 

16th. 

18th. 

19th. 

21st. 

George  H.  Pendleton,  Ohio 

Andrew  Johnson,  Tennessee 

Winfield  S.  Hancock,  Pennsylvania  .    .     . 

Sanford  E.  Church,  New  York 

Asa  Packer,  Pennsylvania 

Joel  Parker,  New  Jersey 

James  E.  English,  Connecticut      .... 

James  R.  Doolittle,  Wisconsin 

Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Indiana      .... 

Salmon  P.  Chase,  Ohio 

.Ill  others 

105 
65 
331 
33 
26 
13 
16 
13 
2i 

9 

1561 
6 

28 

26 

7 

6 
12 
75 

1 

1071 
113£ 

7 

12 

70£ 

56J 
10 
1441 

k 

12 
87 

4 

1351 

22 

6 
12 

1071 

5 
1351 

19 

12 

132 

4 

326  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Great  excitement  had  prevailed  during  the  voting.  On 
several  occasions,  delegates  from  States  which  had  instructed 
their  members  to  vote  "as  a  unit,"  insisted  upon  their  right 
to  a  record  of  their  individual  votes,  but  it  was  uniformly  de- 
cided that  the  delegations  as  a  whole  were  empowered  to  decide 
how  the  votes  should  be  cast,  and  that  only  one  spokesman  from 
a  State  could  be  heard.  There  was  much  intriguing  during 
the  three  days  of  voting.  The  New  York  and  Pennsylvania 
delegations,  with  a  combined  vote  of  59,  assisted  by  the  dele- 
gations from  other  Eastern  States,  prevented  a  nomination 
more  than  once  by  abandoning  candidates,  whose  strength  was 
increasing,  when  they  were  becoming  too  dangerous.  On  the 
twenty-first  vote  the  contest  was  apparently  narrowed  down  to 
Hancock  and  Hendricks,  neither  of  whom  was  acceptable  to 
New  York.  At  this  point  a  sensation  was  created.  When 
the  votes  of  a  few  States  had  been  recorded  at  the  twenty- 
second  trial,  some  votes  were  given  to  Horatio  Seymour,  the 
president  of  the  convention.  Mr.  Seymour  promptly  refused 
to  be  a  candidate,  but  there  was  a  hurried  consultation,  and 
the  vote  was  persisted  in.  More  votes  were  given  to  Seymour, 
and  a  "stampede"  began.  Mr.  Seymour  withdrew  from  the 
chair,  and  the  changes  of  votes  went  on,  amid  the  greatest 
excitement  and  enthusiasm,  until  he  was  made  the  nominee  of 
the  convention  by  317  votes,  —  a  full  convention.  It  was 
asserted  then,  as  it  has  been  on  every  other  occasion  of  a  nomi- 
nation suddenly  made  after  a  long  contest,  from  that  of  Mr. 
Polk  in  1844  to  that  of  General  Garfield  in  1880,  that  the 
whole  affair  was  carefully  planned  and  rehearsed  beforehand. 
In  some  cases  the  assertion  was  true.  But  if  it  was  so  in 
1868,  and  not  a  line  of  evidence  was  ever  adduced  to  prove  it, 
a  few  persons  only  could  have  been  in  the  secret,  and  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  delegates  was  genuine  and  sincere.  Indeed, 
the  convention  had  selected  one  of  the  strongest  men  in  the 
party. 

General  Francis  P.  Blair,  Jr.,  of  Missouri,  was  nominated 
unanimously  for  Vice-President  at  the  first  trial.  Mr.  Blair 
had  just  brought  himself  into  prominence  by  a  violent,  not  to 
say  a  revolutionary  letter,  addressed  to  Colonel  J.  O.  Brodhead, 
dated  a  few  days  before  the  convention  met.  The  nomination 
seemed  to  be,  and  probably  was,  a  result  of  that  letter. 

The  canvass  was  shorter  than  usual,  and,  although  one-sided, 
was  decidedly  interesting.     The  fame  of  General  Grant,  and 


GENERAL  GRANT  327 

the  high  regard  in  which  he  was  held,  did  not  allow  the  result 
to  be  doubtful ;  but  there  were  already  some  noteworthy  de- 
fections from  the  Republican  party  at  the  North  on  account 
of  the  radical  character  of  its  Southern  legislation ;  and  a 
new  element  of  discord  in  politics  appeared  in  the  shape  of 
the  movement,  already  mentioned,  to  pay  the  five-twenty  bonds 
in  greenbacks.  It  was  never  seriously  believed  that  Governor 
Seymour  was  in  favor  of  that  measure,  yet  he  "  stood  upon 
the  platform,"  and  declared,  in  accepting  the  nomination,  that 
the  resolutions  "  are  in  accord  with  my  views."  The  Repub- 
licans made  much  of  the  virtual  repudiation  which  such  a 
financial  policy  as  the  resolutions  demanded  would  effect,  and, 
while  they  lost  some  votes  of  a  certain  class,  they  gained  many 
others  which  were  better  worth  having,  even  if  they  did  not 
count  any  more.  Toward  the  end  of  the  canvass  there  was  a 
strong  movement  by  business  men  to  defeat  the  Democrats, 
which  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  overwhelming  success  of 
General  Grant. 

The  South  was  secure  for  the  Republicans.  Reconstruc- 
tion with  negro  suffrage,  protected  by  the  general  government, 
and  with  extensive  disfranchisement  of  those  who  had  joined 
in  the  rebellion,  made  the  triumph  of  the  Republican  electoral 
ticket  a  certainty.  Delaware,  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Louis- 
iana only,  of  all  the  Southern  States,  gave  Governor  Seymour 
a  majority ;  but  some  of  the  States  were  not,  under  the  act  of 
Congress,  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress,  and  conse- 
quently not  to  electoral  votes.  The  votes  of  thirty-three 
States  were  counted ;  that  of  Georgia  was  treated  as  the  vote 
of  Missouri  had  been  in  1820.  Nebraska  having  been  ad- 
mitted to  the  Union,  —  the  proclamation  declaring  its  admission 
was  dated  March  1,  1867,  —  the  number  of  States  became 
thirty-seven.  All  the  Southern  States,  except  Virginia,  Mis- 
sissippi, and  Texas,  had  been  readmitted  to  representation  in 
Congress,  and  to  the  right  to  choose  electors.  The  position  of 
Georgia  was  in  doubt.  In  the  reorganization  of  South  Caro- 
lina the  practice  of  a  choice  of  electors  by  the  legislature  was 
abandoned  ;  but  Florida  adopted  the  discarded  system,  and 
accordingly  there  was  not  as  yet  complete  uniformity.  The 
electoral  and  popular  votes  of  the  States,  including  Georgia, 
were  as  follows  :  — 


328 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


Populab  Von*. 

Electoral  Vote. 

States. 

i 

co"§ 

li 

0 

•r 

u 

k 

gl 

o 
H 

jj 

8 

i 

a 

1 

S 

1 

Alabama 

76,366 
22,152 
54,592 
50,641 
7,623 

57,134 

250,293 

176,552 

120,399 

31,049 

39,566 

33,263 

70,426 

30,438 

136,477 

128,550 

43,542 

85,671 

9,729 

6,480 

38,191 

80,121 

419,883 
96,226 

280,128 
10,961 

342,280 
12,993 
62,301 
56,757 

44,167 

29,025 

108,857 

72,086 
19,078 
54,078 
47,600 
10,980 

102,822 

199,143 

166,980 

74,040 

14,019 

115,889 

80,225 

42,396 

62,357 

59,408 

97,069 

28,072 

59,788 

5,439 

5,218 

31,224 

83,001 

429,883 

84,090 

238,700 

11,125 

313,382 

6,548 

45,237 

26,311 

12,045 

20,306 
84,710 

8 
5 
5 
6 

3 

16 
13 

8 
3 

7 

12 

8 
4 

11 
3 
3 
5 

9 
21 

26 
4 
6 

10 

5 

5 

8 

- 

California 

Connecticut 

Delaware 

Florida*     ......... 

3 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

9 

_ 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

11 

7 

Maryland 

Massachusetts 

Michigan . 

Minnesota 

Mississippi  t . 

Missouri 

7 

_ 

New  Hampshire 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

7 
33 

North  Carolina 

Ohio 

Oregon   . . 

Pennsylvania 

Rhode  Island 

South  Carolina 

Tennessee 

Texas t  

3 

Virginia  t 

- 

Total 

3,012,833 

2,703,249 

214 

80 

Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature. 


t  No  vote  in  the  State. 


GENERAL  GRANT  329 

There  were  many  charges  of  gross  fraud  in  the  election. 
Aside  from  the  irregularities  alleged  in  the  Southern  States, 
the  most  famous  case  was  that  of  New  York.  At  the  time 
the  election  took  place,  the  "  Tweed  Ring  "  was  in  full  power ; 
and  some  telegrams  which  the  Republicans  regarded  as  highly 
suspicious  passed  between  members  of  the  Democratic  State 
Central  Committee  and  certain  prominent  politicians.  It  will 
be  observed  that  the  vote  as  canvassed  gave  a  majority  of  ex- 
actly ten  thousand  to  Mr.  Seymour.  This  result,  it  was  be- 
lieved by  many  persons,  was  brought  about  intentionally,  with 
a  view  to  saving  certain  large  wagers  upon  the  Democratic 
majority  in  New  York. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  fact  that  some  of 
the  southern  States  were,  while  others  according  to  the  legis- 
lation of  Congress  were  not,  entitled  to  vote  for  electors  of 
President  and  Vice-President.  Congress  had  passed  a  joint 
resolution  declaring  that  no  State  of  those  lately  in  rebel- 
lion should  be  entitled  to  electoral  votes  unless,  at  the  time 
prescribed  for  the  election,  such  State  had  adopted  a  constitu- 
tion since  the  4th  of  March,  1867,  under  which  a  state  govern- 
ment had  been  organized ;  unless  the  election  was  held  under 
the  authority  of  that  government ;  and  unless  the  State  had 
become  entitled  to  representation  in  Congress  under  the  recon- 
struction laws.  President  Johnson  vetoed  the  resolution  on 
July  20,  1868.  Both  Houses  of  Congress  passed  it  over  his 
veto,  the  Senate  by  45  to  8,  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
by  134  to  36,  and  it  was  proclaimed  a  law.  Under  the  resolu- 
tion, Virginia,  Mississippi,  and  Texas  were  excluded  absolutely 
from  the  election.  All  the  other  seceded  States,  except 
Georgia,  had  been  admitted  to  representation  in  Congress  and 
were  entitled  to  vote  for  President.  The  question  whether  or 
not  Georgia  had  complied  with  the  terms  of  the  act  authoriz- 
ing a  representation  of  that  State  in  Congress  was  in  dispute. 
Accordingly,  on  the  6th  of  February,  1869,  two  days  before  the 
count  of  electoral  votes  was  to  take  place,  Mr.  Edmunds,  of 
Vermont,  introduced  in  the  Senate  a  concurrent  resolution, 
which  does  not  require  the  approval  of  the  President,  in  the 
following  terms :  — 

Whereas,  The  question  whether  the  State  of  Georgia  has  become 
and  is  entitled  to  representation  in  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  is 
now  pending  and  undetermined ;  and  whereas  by  the  joint  resolu- 
tion of  Congress,  passed  July  20,  1868,  entitled  "  resolution  exclud- 


330  A  HISTORY  OP  THE  PRESIDENCY 

ing  from  the  electoral  college  votes  of  States  lately  in  rebellion 
which  shall  not  have  been  reorganized,"  it  was  provided  that  no 
electoral  votes  from  any  of  the  States  lately  in  rebellion  should 
be  received  or  counted  for  President  or  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States  until,  among  other  things,  such  State  should  have 
become  entitled,  to  representation  in  Congress  pursuant  to  acts  of 
Congress  in  that  behalf  ;  therefore 

Resolved,  That,  on  the  assembling  of  the  two  Houses  on  the 
second  Wednesday  of  February,  1869,  for  the  counting  of  the 
electoral  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President,  as  provided  by 
law  and  the  joint  rules,  if  the  counting  or  omitting  to  count  the 
electoral  votes,  if  any,  which  may  be  presented  as  of  the  State  of 
Georgia,  shall  not  essentially  change  the  result,  in  that  case  they 
shall  be  reported  by  the  President  of  the  Senate  in  the  following 
manner :  Were  the  votes  presented  as  of  the  State  of  Georgia  to 

be  counted,  the  result  would  be,  for for   President  of  the 

United  States votes  ;  if  not  counted,  for for  President  of 

the  United  States votes  ;  but,  in  either  case, is  elected 

President  of  the  United  States ;  and  in  the  same  manner  for  Vice- 
President. 

Mr.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  was  the  only  senator  who  took 
an  active  part  in  the  debate  against  this  resolution ;  although 
Mr.  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  would 
be  best  to  count  the  vote  of  Georgia  and  say  nothing  about  it, 
and  finally  voted  —  alone  among  the  Republicans  —  against 
the  resolution.  It  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives on  the  same  day  under  a  suspension  of  the  rules.  It  is 
worth  noting  that  three  of  the  candidates  on  presidential 
tickets  in  1884  —  Messrs.  Blaine,  Logan,  and  Butler  —  voted 
in  the  affirmative  in  the  House  on  the  passage  of  this  resolu- 
tion, while  a  fourth  —  Mr.  Hendricks  —  voted  against  it  in 
the  Senate. 

The  count  of  the  electoral  votes  took  place  on  the  10th  of 
February.  It  proceeded  regularly  until  the  votes  of  Louisiana 
were  presented,  when  a  member  from  Tennessee  objected  to 
them,  under  the  twenty-second  joint  rule  (see  page  310),  and 
the  two  Houses  separated  to  consider  the  matter.  Although 
no  debate  was  in  order,  much  time  was  consumed  by  the  Sen- 
ate in  agreeing  upon  a  form  in  which  the  decision  of  the  ques- 
tion should  be  put.  In  the  end  the  Senate  voted  to  admit 
the  votes  by  51  to  7.  The  House  promptly  decided  the  ques- 
tion the  same  way  by  137  to  63.  The  count  was  then  re- 
sumed, and  all  the  votes  were  opened  and  recorded,  except 


GENERAL  GRANT  331 

those  of  Georgia.  On  the  presentation  of  the  votes  of  that 
State,  General  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  arose  and  objected 
in  writing  to  them  on  four  distinct  grounds  :  first,  that  the 
votes  were  not  given  on  the  day  fixed  by  law,  —  the  electoral 
college  of  Georgia  had  met  on  the  9th  instead  of  the  2d  of 
December,  1868  ;  secondly,  because  at  the  date  of  the  election 
Georgia  had  not  been  admitted  to  representation  in  Congress ; 
thirdly,  because  Georgia  had  not  complied  with  the  reconstruc- 
tion acts  ;  and,  fourthly,  because  the  election  had  not  been 
fair  and  free.  The  question  arose  at  once  whether  the  con- 
current resolution  of  the  Senate  and  House,  directing  how  the 
vote  of  Georgia  should  be  treated,  or  the  joint  rule,  was  to 
govern.  The  presiding  officer,  Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio,  was  at 
first  inclined  to  hold  the  two  Houses  to  the  concurrent  reso- 
lution ;  but,  as  the  situation  became  complicated,  he  led  the 
Senate  back  to  its  chamber. 

The  House  of  Representatives  quickly  decided,  without 
debate,  — 150  to  41,  —  that  the  vote  of  Georgia  should  not 
be  counted.  In  the  Senate  there  was  a  long  and  somewhat 
ungoverned  discussion.  Mr.  Wade  explained  that  the  reason 
why  he  had  yielded  his  first  position  in  the  joint  meeting  was 
that  two  of  Mr.  Butler's  objections  were  not  of  the  kind  con- 
templated by  the  concurrent  resolution  directing  how  the  votes 
of  Georgia  should  be  declared.  Many  propositions  were  made  ; 
and  at  last  the  Senate  voted,  by  28  votes  against  25,  "  that, 
under  the  special  order  of  the  two  Houses  respecting  the  elec- 
toral vote  from  the  State  of  Georgia,  the  objections  made  to 
the  counting  of  the  vote  of  the  electors  for  the  State  of  Georgia 
are  not  in  order."  The  action  of  each  House  having  been 
communicated  to  the  other,  the  Senate  returned  to  the  Repre- 
sentatives' Hall.  Then  ensued  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
and  disgraceful  scenes  ever  enacted  in  Congress.  Mr.  Wade, 
on  taking  the  chair,  remarked  that  the  objections  of  the  gentle- 
man from  Massachusetts  had  been  overruled  by  the  Senate, 
and  that  the  vote  would  be  announced  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  concurrent  resolution.  General  Butler  said  that  the 
House  had  sustained  the  objections,  and  proposed  to  offer  a 
resolution,  remarking,  "  I  do  not  understand  that  we  are  to  be 
overruled  by  the  Senate  in  that  way."  The  President  of  the 
Senate  refused  to  entertain  the  resolution,  and  General  Butler 
appealed  from  the  decision  of  the  chair.  The  President 
declined  to  entertain  the  appeal.  A  scene  of  indescribable 
disorder  and  confusion  followed,  several  members  speaking  at 


332  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

once,  Mr.  Butler  distinguishing  himself  by  the  violence  of  his 
language,  and,  as  General  Garfield  said  in  the  debate  which 
followed  the  joint  meeting,  by  "  a  manner  and  bearing  of  un- 
paralleled insolence."  Some  of  his  remarks  were  omitted  in  the 
revised  version,  which  appears  in  the  "  Congressional  Globe ; " 
but  they  were  referred  to  in  the  debate  just  mentioned.  His 
last  remark,  as  revised,  is  thus  reported  :  — 

Mr.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts  :  I  move  that  this  convention  now 
be  dissolved,  and  that  the  Senate  have  leave  to  retire.  [Continued 
cries  of  "  Order  !  "  "  Order  !  "]  And  on  that  motion  I  demand  a 
vote.  [Cries  of  "  Order  !  "  "  Order  !  "  from  various  parts  of  the 
hall.]     We  certainly  have  the  right  to  clear  the  hall  of  interlopers. 

The  presiding  officer,  not  noticing  these  interruptions,  pro- 
ceeded to  sum  up  the  result,  as  directed  by  the  concurrent 
resolution,  and  declared  Grant  and  Colfax  elected.  The 
Senate  then  retired. 

As  soon  as  the  House  was  by  itself,  Mr.  Butler  rose  to  a 
question  of  privilege,  and  offered  a  resolution  that "  the  House 
protest  that  the  counting  of  the  vote  of  Georgia  by  the  order 
of  the  Vice-President  pro  tempore  was  a  gross  act  of  oppression 
and  an  invasion  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  House." 
Upon  this  resolution  a  long  and  most  acrimonious  debate  took 
place,  which  lasted  three  days.  It  contributed  little  or  nothing 
to  the  settlement  of  the  constitutional  questions  that  have 
arisen  in  regard  to  the  count  of  votes.  The  position  of  affairs 
was  quite  novel,  and  the  gentlemen  who  took  part  in  the 
debate  seemed,  without  exception,  to  give  hasty  impressions 
rather  than  the  result  of  careful  study.  The  only  point  which 
was  made  clear  was  that  the  Constitution  and  the  action  of 
Congress  left  room  for  a  variety  of  views,  and  that  no  member 
need  be  at  a  loss  for  precedents  to  sustain  his  own  opinion. 
General  Butler  changed  his  resolution  several  times  before  a 
vote  was  taken.  In  one  of  its  forms  it  proposed  to  abrogate 
the  twrenty-second  joint  rule,  —  a  proposition  which  was  re- 
ceived with  derision  by  many  Republican  members,  who 
declared  that  it  was  not  possible  for  one  House  to  rescind  a 
joint  rule.  Nevertheless,  eight  years  later  the  Senate  rescinded 
the  same  rule,  and  refused  to  be  bound  by  it,  although  the 
House  was  then  in  favor  of  acting  under  it.  General  Butler's 
resolution,  greatly  toned  down,  and  providing  for  the  reference 
of  the  subject  to  a  select  committee,  was  at  last  brought  to  a 
vote,  on  a  motion  to  lay  it  on  the  table,  which  was  carried  by 
130  to  55,  and  the  matter  was  dropped. 


XXIV 

THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN 

The  reconstruction  of  the  southern  States  had  been  sub- 
stantially completed  before  the  term  of  General  Grant  as  Pre- 
sident began.  It  remained  for  three  States  only  to  comply 
with  the  conditions  already  established.  This  they  did  soon 
afterward,  and  the  legislation  of  the  Forty-first  Congress  was 
accomplished,  with  every  State  in  the  Union  fully  represented. 
But  the  Southern  question  was  not  yet  settled.  The  constitu- 
tions of  the  re-admitted  States  contained  guaranties  of  the 
right  of  the  people  to  vote  without  distinction  on  account  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude ;  but,  in  effect, 
both  the  political  and  social  rights  of  the  colored  people  were 
much  restricted.  A  state  of  terrorism  existed  in  some  parts  of 
the  South,  where  a  secret  organization  known  as  the  Ku-Klux- 
Klan  committed  outrages  upon  the  colored  people,  intended  to 
intimidate  them  and  to  prevent  them  from  voting.  To  defeat 
the  schemes  of  those  who  endeavored  by  lawless  acts  to  render 
the  legislation  of  Congress  nugatory,  the  act  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  com- 
monly known  as  the  Ku-Klux  Act,  was  passed.  This  measure, 
although  it  seemed  necessary  at  the  time,  gave  the  Democrats 
an  opportunity,  which  they  were  not  slow  to  improve,  to  sneer 
at  the  inefficiency  of  a  party  which,  with  unlimited  power, 
had  not  been  able  in  five  years  since  the  war  closed  to  finish 
its  work  with  the  South.  Military  force  was  constantly  neces- 
sary to  uphold  the  southern  state  governments,  and  the  internal 
condition  of  some  districts  was  sadly  disturbed. 
.  Beside  the  Southern  question,  there  were  others  which  now 
began  to  assume  political  importance.  The  first  act  signed  by 
President  Grant  pledged  the  faith  of  the  government  to  the 
payment  of  the  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the  United  States  in 
coin,  and  to  an  early  resumption  of  specie  payments.  For  the 
time  being,  the  opposition  confined  their  attacks  upon  the  finan- 
cial system  to  the  national  banks.     The  annexation  of  Santo 


334  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Domingo  to  the  United  States  was  a  favorite  scheme  with  the 
President,  and  he  did  all  that  was  in  his  power,  both  publicly 
and  privately,  to  accomplish  it.  In  the  course  of  his  negotia- 
tions to  that  end,  and  by  other  measures,  he  alienated  the 
support  of  Mr.  Sumner  and  of  Horace  Greeley,  whose  standing 
as  Republicans  and  as  public  men  was  almost  unique,  and 
whose  adhesion  to  the  opposition  in  the  ensuing  canvass  was 
deemed  at  the  time  to  be  most  disastrous  to  the  Republicans. 

There  was  another  issue,  which  had  its  origin  at  this  time, 
which  has  since  played  an  important  part  in  congressional  and 
presidential  elections.  The  principle  tersely  expressed  by  Mr. 
Marcy  to  justify  the  wholesale  removals  from  office  practised 
by  General  Jackson,  that  "  to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils  of 
the  enemy,"  had  been  adopted  by  every  Democratic  and  oppo- 
sition administration  which  followed  that  of  Jackson.  On  the 
accession  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  Democratic  officers  were  driven 
out  and  Republicans  took  their  places,  in  every  department  of 
the  government,  from  the  foreign  minister  to  the  country  post- 
master. Mr.  Johnson  had  been  restrained  from  substituting 
Democrats  for  them  all  by  the  tenure-of-office  act.  General 
Grant  found  few  Democrats  to  expel  from  public  positions ;  but 
an  evil  which  had  grown  up  with  that  of  a  partisan  civil 
service  now  took  on  alarming  proportions.  Certain  gentle- 
men, usually  one  for  each  State,  became  practically  recognized 
as  dispensers  of  patronage  within  those  States,  and,  by  the 
exercise  of  the  power  which  the  virtual  right  to  dismiss  and 
appoint  to  office  gave  them,  made  themselves  "  bosses  "  and 
dictators  of  Republican  politics  in  their  respective  States. 
The  heads  of  the  custom-houses,  the  post-offices,  and  other 
government  offices  were  in  many  cases  the  servants  of  these 
bosses,  and  were  forced  to  work  in  the  interest  of  the  personal 
fortunes  of  their  protectors,  and  to  employ  the  subordinates 
under  them  to  promote  the  same  object,  —  all  under  the  pen- 
alty of  removal.  Manipulation  of  the  offices  for  private  pur- 
poses developed  a  demand  for  a  reform  of  the  civil  service,  and 
emphasized  the  objections  of  many  who  had  been  sturdy  Re- 
publicans to  the  administration  of  General  Grant. 

The  supporters  of  the  administration  were,  however,  neither 
few  nor  inactive.  In  addition  to  those  who  cordially  approved 
the  public  acts  of  Grant,  there  were  many  others  who  were 
not  prepared  to  abandon  it  on  account  of  its  mistakes.  They 
set  down  some  of  the  President's  errors  to  his  inexperience  in 


THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  335 

civil  life  ;  and  while  other  errors  could  not  be  so  explained, 
the  Republicans  generally  held  that  for  certain  tasks  which 
they  thought  remained  to  be  done  before  the  South  could  be 
safely  left  to  itself  General  Grant  was  the  best  executive  the 
country  could  have.  While,  therefore,  the  elements  existed 
for  an  unusually  powerful  opposition  to  the  Eepublican  party, 
the  leaders  of  that  party  had  no  doubt  of  their  ability  to  carry 
the  election  of  1872. 

The  beginning  of  a  united  opposition  was  made  in  Missouri 
in  1870,  when  a  part  of  the  Republicans  united  with  the 
Democrats  in  a  "  liberal "  movement,  and  carried  the  state 
election.  It  was  further  developed  the  next  year.  Meetings 
were  held  in  St.  Louis  and  Cincinnati  in  the  spring,  in  which 
opposition  to  the  reelection  of  General  Grant  was  freely  ex- 
pressed ;  for  even  then  it  was  assumed  that  he  would  expect 
to  be  nominated  for  reelection.  About  the  same  time  Mr. 
Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  who  had  been  identified  with  the  most 
extreme  form  of  Democratic  opposition  to  the  war  for  the 
Union,  and  had  been  equally  radical  in  his  condemnation  of 
Republican  reconstruction  and  treatment  of  the  South,  pre- 
sented and  supported  in  a  local  caucus  in  Ohio  a  series  of  re- 
solutions looking  to  a  union  of  all  elements  of  opposition  on 
the  basis  of  a  full  acceptance  of  the  results  of  the  war,  the 
legislation  already  enacted,  and  the  three  amendments  made  to 
the  Constitution.  Finally,  at  a  mass  meeting  of  Liberal 
Republicans  of  Missouri,  held  at  Jefferson  City  in  January, 
1872,  in  which  nearly  all  the  counties  of  the  State  were  repre- 
sented, it  was  voted  to  call  a  national  convention  of  Liberal 
Republicans,  to  be  held  at  Cincinnati  on  the  1st  of  May. 

The  first  conventions  for  making  nominations  for  the  pre- 
sidency were  held  at  Columbus,  Ohio,  in  February.  The 
Labor  Reformers  met  on  the  21st  of  that  month,  with  repre- 
sentatives present  from  seventeen  States.  The  party  had  its 
origin  in  Massachusetts,  where  a  trade  union  of  shoemakers, 
who  took  the  name  of  Knights  of  St.  Crispin,  formed  the 
nucleus  of  a  Labor  Reform  party.  The  reference  in  the  sixth 
resolution  of  the  platform  which  follows,  indicates  this  origin. 
A  Massachusetts  manufacturer  who  had  trouble  with  his 
"  Crispin  "  hands  brought  a  car-load  of  Chinese  from  Califor- 
nia to  operate  his  machinery.  Mr.  E.  M.  Chamberlin,  of 
Massachusetts,  who  was  the  permanent  president  of  the  con- 
vention, had  been  the  candidate  of  the  party  for  governor. 


336  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  convention  was  in  session  two  days,  and  adopted  the  fol- 
lowing platform :  — 

We  hold  that  all  political  power  is  inherent  in  the  people,  and 
free  government  is  founded  on  their  authority  and  established  for 
their  benefit ;  that  all  citizens  are  equal  in  political  rights,  entitled 
to  the  largest  religious  and  political  liberty  compatible  with  the 
good  order  of  society,  as  also  to  the  use  and  enjoyment  of  the  fruits 
of  their  labor  and  talents ;  and  no  man  or  set  of  men  is  entitled  to 
exclusive  separable  endowments  and  privileges,  or  immunities  from 
the  government,  but  in  consideration  of  public  services  ;  and  any 
laws  destructive  of  these  fundamental  principles  are  without  moral 
binding  force,  and  should  be  repealed.  And  believing  that  all  the 
evils  resulting  from  unjust  legislation  now  affecting  the  industrial 
classes  can  be  removed  by  the  adoption  of  the  principles  contained 
in  the  following  declaration,  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  establish  a  just 
standard  of  distribution  of  capital  and  labor  by  providing  a  purely 
national  circulating  medium,  based  on  the  faith  and  resources  of 
the  nation,  issued  directly  to  the  people  without  the  intervention 
of  any  system  of  banking  corporations;  which  money  shall  be 
legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and 
interchangeable  at  the  option  of  the  holder  for  government  bonds 
bearing  a  rate  of  interest  not  to  exceed  3.65  per  cent.,  subject  to 
future  legislation  by  Congress. 

2.  That  the  national  debt  should  be  paid  in  good  faith,  accord- 
ing to  the  original  contract,  at  the  earliest  option  of  the  govern- 
ment, without  mortgaging  the  property  of  the  people  or  the  future 
earnings  of  labor,  to  enrich  a  few  capitalists  at  home  and  abroad. 

3.  That  justice  demands  that  the  burdens  of  government  should 
be  so  adjusted  as  to  bear  equally  on  all  classes,  and  that  the  exemp- 
tion from  taxation  of  government  bonds  bearing  extortionate  rates 
of  interest  is  a  violation  of  all  just  principles  of  revenue  laws. 

4.  That  the  public  lands  of  the  United  States  belong  to  the 
people,  and  should  not  be  sold  to  individuals  nor  granted  to  cor- 
porations, but  should  be  held  as  a  sacred  trust  for  the  benefit  of 
the  people,  and  should  be  granted  to  landless  settlers  only,  in 
amounts  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land. 

5.  That  Congress  should  modify  the  tariff  so  as  to  admit  free 
such  articles  of  common  use  as  we  can  neither  produce  nor  grow, 
and  lay  duties  for  revenue  mainly  upon  articles  of  luxury  and  upon 
such  articles  of  manufacture  as  will,  we  having  the  raw  materials 
in  abundance,  assist  in  further  developing  the  resources  of  the 
country. 

6.  That  the  presence  in  our  country  of  Chinese  laborers,  im- 
ported by  capitalists  in  large  numbers  for  servile  use,  is  an  evil, 


THE   GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  337 

entailing  want  and  its  attendant  train  of  misery  and  crime  on  all 
classes  of  the  American  people,  and  should  be  prohibited  by  legis- 
lation. 

7.  That  we  ask  for  the  enactment  of  a  law  by  which  all  mechan- 
ics and  day-laborers  employed  by  or  on  behalf  of  the  government, 
whether  directly  or  indirectly,  through  persons,  firms,  or  corpora- 
tions, contracting  with  the  State, -shall  conform  to  the  reduced 
standard  of  eight  hours  a  day,  recently  adopted  by  Congress  for 
national  employees,  and  also  for  an  amendment  to  the  acts  of 
incorporation  for  cities  and  towns,  by  which  all  laborers  and 
mechanics  employed  at  their  expense  shall  conform  to  the  same 
number  of  hours. 

8.  That  the  enlightened  spirit  of  the  age  demands  the  abolition 
of  the  system  of  contract  labor  in  our  prisons  and  other  reforma- 
tory institutions. 

9.  That  the  protection  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  are  the  three 
cardinal  principles  of  government,  and  the  first  two  are  more 
sacred  than  the  latter;  therefore  money  needed  for  prosecuting 
wars  should,  as  it  is  required,  be  assessed  and  collected  from  the 
wealth  of  the  country,  and  not  entailed  as  a  burden  upon  poster- 
ity. 

10.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  exercise  its  power 
over  railroads  and  telegraph  corporations,  that  they  shall  not  in  any 
case  be  privileged  to  exact  such  rates  of  freight,  transportation,  or 
charges,  by  whatever  name,  as  may  bear  unduly  or  unequally  upon 
the  producer  or  consumer. 

11.  That  there  should  be  such  a  reform  in  the  civil  service  of  the 
national  government  as  will  remove  it  beyond  all  partisan  influ- 
ence, and  place  it  in  the  charge  and  under  the  direction  of  intelli- 
gent and  competent  business  men. 

12.  That  as  both  history  and  experience  teach  us  that  power 
ever  seeks  to  perpetuate  itself  by  every  and  all  means,  and  that  its 
prolonged  possession  in  the  hands  of  one  person  is  always  danger- 
ous to  the  interests  of  a  free  people,  and  believing  that  the  spirit 
of  our  organic  laws  and  the  stability  and  safety  of  our  free  institu- 
tions are  best  obeyed  on  the  one  hand,  and  secured  on  the  other, 
by  a  regular  constitutional  change  in  the  chief  of  the  country  at 
each  election ;  therefore,  we  are  in  favor  of  limiting  the  occupancy 
of  the  presidential  chair  to  one  term. 

13.  That  we  are  in  favor  of  granting  general  amnesty  and  restor- 
ing the  Union  at  once  on  the  basis  of  equality  of  rights  and  privi- 
leges to  all,  the  impartial  administration  of  justice  being  the  only 
true  bond  of  union  to  bind  the  States  together  and  restore  the 
government  of  the  people. 

14.  That  we  demand  the  subjection  of  the  military  to  the  civil 


338 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


authorities,  and  the  confinement  of  its  operations  to  national  pur- 
poses alone. 

15.  That  we  deem  it  expedient  for  Congress  to  supervise  the 
patent  laws,  so  as  to  give  labor  more  fully  the  benefit  of  its  own 
ideas  and  inventions. 

16.  That  fitness,  and  not  political  or  personal  considerations, 
should  be  the  only  recommendation  to  public  office,  either  appoint- 
ive or  elective,  and  any  and  all  laws  looking  to  the  establishment 
of  this  principle  are  heartily  approved. 

One  informal  and  three  formal  ballots  were  required  to  effect 
the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President.  These  several 
votes  were  as  follows :  — 


Informal. 

1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

John  W.  Geary,  Pennsylvania  .     . 
Horace  H.  Day,  New  York      .     . 

David  Davis,  Illinois 

Wendell  Phillips,  Massachusetts  . 
J.  M.  Palmer,  Illinois      .... 
Joel  Parker,  New  Jersey     .     .     . 
George  W.  Jnlian,  Indiana  .     .     . 
B.  Gratz  Brown,  Missouri    .     .     . 
Horace  Greeley,  New  York     .     . 

60 
59 
47 
13 

8 
7 
6 

21 

88 
76 

7 

1 

59 
93 
12 

7 

5 

14 

11 

3 

201 

~7 

On  the  first  vote  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  E.  M. 
Chamberlin,  of  Massachusetts,  had  72;  Joel  Parker,  of  New 
Jersey,  70  ;  Alanson  M.  West,  of  Mississippi,  18  ;  Thomas 
Ewing,  of  Ohio,  31 ;  and  W.  G.  Bryan,  of  Tennessee,  10.  On 
the  second  trial,  Parker  had  112,  Chamberlin  57,  and  Ewing 
22. 

The  candidates  were  men  of  eminent  ability  and  of  high 
standing,  and  would  have  dignified  almost  any  convention 
that  might  put  them  in  nomination.  But  the  Labor  Reform 
convention,  although  some  of  its  members  were  able  men, 
was  for  the  most  part  made  up  of  trade  union  bosses  and 
political  adventurers.  Its  platform  seemed  at  the  time  the 
utterance  of  madmen  ;  yet  it  is  far  less  radical  than  other 
platforms  since  adopted  by  much  more  important  political 
bodies.  But  no  other  convention  would  have  failed  to  per- 
ceive that  when  it  resolved  that  the  money  needed  for  war 
purposes  should  not  be  "  entailed  as  a  burden  upon  poster- 
ity," posterity  might  be  more  than  willing  to  bear  the  burden  j 


THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  339 

or  would  have  spoken  of  a  "  bond  of  union  to  bind  the  States 
together ;  "  or  would  have  asked  Congress  to  "  supervise  "  the 
patent  laws,  instead  of  asking  it  to  revise  them.  But  if  the 
convention  went  mad  in  its  platform,  it  was  evidently  directed 
by  skilful  tacticians  in  making  its  nominations.  Judge  Davis 
was  popularly  credited  with  having  political  aspirations,  and 
was  known  to  be  no  longer  in  full  sympathy  with  the  Eepub- 
lican  party.  It  seems  to  have  been  hoped  that  the  united 
opposition  would  adopt  this  ticket.  Judge  Davis  sent  a 
non-committal  dispatch  to  the  convention,  thanking  it  for  the 
honor  without  accepting  the  nomination.  In  June  both  he 
and  Judge  Parker  formally  declined.  The  convention  was 
called  together  again,  but  only  a  small  number  of  delegates 
attended.  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for 
President,  and  no  nomination  was  made  for  the  second  place 
on  the  ticket. 

Another  party,  destined  to  have  a  long  life,  although  the 
part  it  has  played  in  national  politics  has  not  been  an  impor- 
tant one,  made  its  first  appearance  in  this  canvass.  The  advo- 
cates of  the  prohibition  of  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  had 
formed  a  more  or  less  distinct  group  in  the  politics  of  many 
States  since  the  "  Maine  law "  agitation  in  the  early  fifties. 
During  the  civil  war,  all  other  issues  save  that  of  the  Union 
were  thrust  aside.  But  now  the  agitation  was  renewed,  and 
the  Prohibition  party  met  in  national  convention  at  Columbus, 
Ohio,  on  February  22.  One  hundred  and  ninety-four  delegates 
were  present,  from  nine  States.  Samuel  Chase,  of  Ohio,  was 
the  president.  A  very  long  platform  was  reported  and  adopted 
by  the  convention,  of  which  the  newspapers  of  the  day  give  but 
a  brief  abstract.  In  addition  to  a  declaration  in  favor  of  the 
main  principle  of  the  party,  —  the  legislative  prohibition  of 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor,  —  the  resolutions  declare  that 
sobriety  is  one  of  the  main  qualifications  for  a  public  officer ; 
that  officers  should  not  be  removed  for  political  reasons ;  that 
public  servants  should  be  paid  fixed  salaries,  and  not  by  fees ; 
that  all  possible  measures  should  be  adopted  to  prevent  cor- 
ruption in  the  government;  that  Congress  should  pass  laws 
which  will  secure  a  sound  national  currency  convertible  at  the 
will  of  the  holder  into  gold  and  silver  coin;  that  the  rates  of 
inland  and  ocean  postage,  and  the  charges  for  transportation 
by  railway  and  water  conveyances,  and  for  communication  by 
telegraph,  should  be  as  low  as  possible ;  that  there  should  be 


340  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

no  discrimination  in  favor  of  capital  against  labor ;  that  mo- 
nopoly and  class  legislation  are  evils;  that  the  right  of  suffrage 
should  be  conferred  without  regard  to  sex;  that  the  common- 
school  system  should  be  fostered ;  and  that  all  judicious  means 
should  be  employed  to  promote  immigration. 

The  names  of  James  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  candidate 
for  President,  and  of  John  Russell,  of  Michigan,  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent, were  presented  by  a  committee  on  nominations,  and  ac- 
cepted by  acclamation  by  the  convention. 

The  Liberal  Republican  convention  attracted  much  atten- 
tion, and  caused  not  a  little  uneasiness  in  advance  among  the 
friends  of  the  administration.  It  was  evident  that  the  Demo- 
crats were  ready  to  take  up  with  any  good  candidates  whom 
the  dissatisfied  Republicans  might  nominate.  Suggestions  were 
numerous,  but  unity  of  purpose  there  was  not.  Some  of  the 
most  influential  politicians  and  newspapers  which  supported 
the  movement  were  strongly  in  favor  of  a  free-trade  policy  ; 
Mr.  Greeley  and  his  "  Tribune  "  being  almost  the  only  con- 
spicuous exceptions.  Of  candidates  there  was  a  full  supply. 
Illinois  furnished  no  less  than  three,  —  Judge  David  Davis, 
Governor  John  M.  Palmer,  and  Senator  Lyman  Trumbull. 
Missouri  brought  forward  her  favorite  son,  B.  Gratz  Brown. 
Ohio  suggested  ex-Secretary  Jacob  D.  Cox,  and  Chief  Justice 
Chase  was  not  forgotten.  The  candidate  most  spoken  of  at 
the  East  was  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  of  Massachusetts. 
The  aspirations  of  Mr.  Greeley  were  well  known,  but,  even 
when  the  convention  met,  the  idea  of  nominating  him  was 
treated  almost  as  a  joke. 

Just  before  sailing  for  Europe,  as  arbitrator  at  Geneva  on 
the  Alabama  Claims,  Mr.  Adams  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr. 
David  A.  Wells,  which  was  made  public  a  day  or  two  before 
the  convention.  The  writer  expressed  his  indifference  in  re- 
gard to  the  nomination,  and  declared  his  unwillingness  to 
authorize  any  one  to  speak  for  him,  except  that,  if  he  was 
expected  to  give  any  pledges  or  assurances  of  his  own  honesty, 
"  you  will  please  to  draw  me  out  of  that  crowd."  In  spite  of 
the  cautious  way  in  which  Mr.  Adams  refused  to  commit  him- 
self to  the  movement,  which  alienated  many  who  might  have 
supported  him,  his  nomination  was  urgently  pressed  by  his 
friends  upon  the  members  of  the  convention  as  they  arrived. 
On  the  other  hand  some  of  the  most  influential  Democrats  in 
Congress  and  elsewhere  sent  word  that,  should  Mr.  Adams  be 


THE   GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  341 

nominated,  they  would  oppose  the  acceptance  of  the  Cincin- 
nati ticket  by  the  Democratic  convention.  As  the  Liberal 
Republicans  felt  confident  that,  with  the  assistance  of  the 
Democrats,  victory  was  assured,  the  several  cliques  made 
great  exertions  to  secure  the  nominations  for  their  respective 
favorites. 

The  convention  was  a  mass  meeting.  Except  in  a  few 
places  the  Liberal  Republicans  had  no  organization,  and  the 
members  were  all  volunteers.  Mr.  Stanley  Matthews,  of  Ohio, 
was  made  temporary  chairman.  The  question  of  membership 
was  a  puzzling  one,  certain  States  having  but  a  small,  and 
others  a  large,  number  of  representatives,  while  in  the  case 
of  New  York  there  were  two  distinct  and  opposing  factions. 
It  was  finally  determined  that  the  membership  should  be  on 
the  basis  of  two  delegates  for  each  senator  and  representative 
to  which  a  State  was  entitled  ;  that  if  a  smaller  number  of 
members  were  present  from  any  State,  they  should  be  allowed 
to  cast  the  full  vote  of  the  State  ;  and  that  delegations  too 
numerous  should  meet  and  designate  the  delegates.  The 
New  York  quarrel  was  composed.  The  organization  was  com- 
pleted by  the  choice  of  Gen.  Carl  Schurz,  of  Missouri,  as  per- 
manent president.  Although  the  free-traders  were  a  majority 
of  the  convention,  the  importance  of  uniting  all  who  were 
opposed  to  General  Grant  was  recognized,  and,  greatly  to  the 
chagrin  of  the  most  earnest  advocates  of  free  trade,  a  resolu- 
tion on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  which  had  been  prepared  by 
Mr.  Greeley,  was  adopted.  The  convention  issued  an  address 
to  the  people  of  the  country  and  a  platform  of  principles, 
which  are  given  in  full :  — 

The  administration  now  in  power  has  rendered  itself  guilty  of 
wanton  disregard  of  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  of  usurping  powers 
not  granted  by  the  Constitution ;  it  has  acted  as  if  the  laws  had 
binding  force  only  for  those  who  were  governed,  and  not  for  those 
who  govern.  It  has  thus  struck  a  blow  at  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples of  constitutional  government  and  the  liberties  of  the  citizen. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  has  openly  used  the  powers 
and  opportunities  of  his  high  office  for  the  promotion  of  personal 
ends. 

He  has  kept  notoriously  corrupt  and  unworthy  men  in  places  of 
power  and  responsibility,  to  the  detriment  of  the  public  interest. 

He  has  used  the  public  service  of  the  government  as  a  machinery 
of  corruption  and  personal  influence,  and  has  interfered  with  tyran- 


342  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

nical  arrogance  in  the  political  affairs  of  States  and  municipal- 
ities. 

He  has  rewarded  with  influential  and  lucrative  offices  men  who 
had  acquired  his  favor  by  valuable  presents,  thus  stimulating  the 
demoralization  of  our  political  life  by  his  conspicuous  example. 

He  has  shown  himself  deplorably  unequal  to  the  task  imposed 
upon  him  by  the  necessities  of  the  country,  and  culpably  careless 
of  the  responsibilities  of  his  high  office. 

The  partisans  of  the  administration,  assuming  to  be  the  Repub- 
lican party  and  controlling  its  organization,  have  attempted  to 
justify  such  wrongs  and  palliate  such  abuses  to  the  end  of  main- 
taining partisan  ascendency. 

They  have  stood  in  the  way  of  necessary  investigations  and  indis- 
pensable reforms,  pretending  that  no  serious  fault  could  be  found 
with  the  present  administration  of  public  affairs,  thus  seeking  to 
blind  the  eyes  of  the  people. 

They  have  kept  alive  the  passions  and  resentments  of  the  late 
civil  war,  to  use  them  for  their  own  advantage ;  they  have  resorted 
to  arbitrary  measures  in  direct  conflict  with  the  organic  law,  in- 
stead of  appealing  to  the  better  instincts  and  latent  patriotism  of 
the  Southern  people  by  restoring  to  them  those  rights  the  enjoy- 
ment of  which  is  indispensable  to  a  successful  administration  of 
their  local  affairs,  and  would  tend  to  revive  a  patriotic  and  hope- 
ful national  feeling. 

They  have  degraded  themselves  and  the  name  of  their  party, 
once  justly  entitled  to  the  confidence  of  the  nation,  by  a  base  syco- 
phancy to  the  dispenser  of  executive  power  and  patronage,  un- 
worthy of  republican  freemen;  they  have  sought  to  silence  the 
voice  of  just  criticism,  and  stifle  the  moral  sense  of  the  people,  and 
to  subjugate  public  opinion  by  tyrannical  party  discipline. 

They  are  striving  to  maintain  themselves  in  authority  for  selfish 
ends  by  an  unscrupulous  use  of  the  power  which  rightfully  belongs 
to  the  people,  and  should  be  employed  only  in  the  service  of  the 
country. 

Believing  that  an  organization  thus  led  and  controlled  can  no 
longer  be  of  service  to  the  best  interests  of  the  republic,  we  have 
resolved  to  make  an  independent  appeal  to  the  sober  judgment, 
conscience,  and  patriotism  of  the  American  people. 

We,  the  Liberal  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  national 
convention  assembled  at  Cincinnati,  proclaim  the  following  prin- 
ciples as  essential  to  just  government :  — 

1.  We  recognize  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  and  hold 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  government,  in  its  dealings  with  the  people, 
to  mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all,  of  whatever  nativity, 
race,  color,  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 


THE   GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  343 

2.  We  pledge  ourselves  to  maintain  the  union  of  these  States, 
emancipation,  and  enfranchisement,  and  to  oppose  any  reopening 
of  the  questions  settled  by  the  Thirteenth,  Fourteenth,  and  Fif- 
teenth Amendments  of  the  Constitution. 

3.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  absolute  removal  of  all  dis- 
abilities imposed  on  account  of  the  rebellion,  which  was  finally 
subdued  seven  years  ago,  believing  that  universal  amnesty  will 
result  in  complete  pacification  in  all  sections  of  the  country. 

4.  Local  self-government,  with  impartial  suffrage,  will  guard 
the  rights  of  all  citizens  more  securely  than  any  centralized  power. 
The  public  welfare  requires  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the 
military  authority,  and  the  freedom  of  the  person  under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  habeas  corpus.  We  demand  for  the  individual  the 
largest  liberty  consistent  with  public  order,  for  the  State  self-gov- 
ernment, and  for  the  nation  a  return  to  the  methods  of  peace  and 
the  constitutional  limitations  of  power. 

5.  The  civil  service  of  the  government  has  become  a  mere  instru- 
ment of  partisan  tyranny  and  personal  ambition,  and  an  object  of 
selfish  greed.  It  is  a  scandal  and  reproach  upon  free  institutions, 
and  breeds  a  demoralization  dangerous  to  the  perpetuity  of  repub- 
lican government.  We  therefore  regard  a  thorough  reform  of  the 
civil  service  as  one  of  the  most  pressing  necessities  of  the  hour ; 
that  honesty,  capacity,  and  fidelity  constitute  the  only  valid  claims 
to  public  employment ;  that  the  offices  of  the  government  cease  to 
be  a  matter  of  arbitrary  favoritism  and  patronage  and  that  public 
station  shall  become  again  a  post  of  honor.  To  this  end  it  is 
imperatively  required  that  no  President  shall  be  a  candidate  for 
reelection. 

6.  We  demand  a  system  of  federal  taxation  which  shall  not  un- 
necessarily interfere  with  the  industry  of  the  people,  and  which 
shall  provide  the  means  necessary  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  gov- 
ernment, economically  administered,  the  pensions,  the  interest  on 
the  public  debt,  and  a  moderate  reduction  annually  of  the  princi- 
pal thereof ;  and,  recognizing  that  there  are  in  our  midst  honest 
but  irreconcilable  differences  of  opinion  with  regard  to  the  respect- 
ive systems  of  protection  and  free  trade,  we  remit  the  discussion 
of  the  subject  to  the  people  in  their  congressional  districts  and  the 
decision  of  Congress  thereon,  wholly  free  from  executive  interfer- 
ence or  dictation. 

7.  The  public  credit  must  be  sacredly  maintained,  and  we  de- 
nounce repudiation  in  every  form  and  guise. 

8.  A  speedy  return  to  specie  payments  is  demanded  alike  by  the 
highest  considerations  of  commercial  morality  and  honest  govern- 
ment. 

9.  We  remember  with  gratitude  the  heroism  and  sacrifices  of  the 


344 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic,  and  no  act  of  ours  shall  ever 
detract  from  their  justly  earned  fame  or  the  full  rewards  of  their 
patriotism. 

10.  We  are  opposed  to  all  further  grants  of  lands  to  railroads  or 
other  corporations.  The  public  domain  should  be  held  sacred  to 
actual  settlers. 

11.  We  hold  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  in  its  inter, 
course  with  foreign  nations  to  cultivate  the  friendships  of  peace  by 
treating  with  all  on  fair  and  equal  terms,  regarding  it  alike  dis- 
honorable to  demand  what  is  not  right  or  submit  to  what  is 
wrong. 

12.  For  the  promotion  and  success  of  these  vital  principles,  and 
the  support  of  the  candidates  nominated  by  this  convention,  we 
invite  and  cordially  welcome  the  cooperation  of  all  patriotic  citi- 
zens, without  regard  to  previous  political  affiliations. 

Mr.  Greeley  was  nominated  for  President  on  the  sixth  vote. 
The  several  votes  were  as  follows :  —       i 


Charles  Francis  Adams,  Massachusetts  . 

Horace  Greeley,  New  York 

Lyman  Trumbull,  Illinois 

B.  Gratz  Brown,  Missouri 

David  Davis,  Illinois 

Andrew  G.  Curtin,  Pennsylvania  .     .    . 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  Ohio 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

5th. 

6th. 

203 

243 

264 

279 

258 

324 

147 

245 

258 

251 

309 

332 

110 

148 

156 

141 

81 

19 

95 

2 

2 

2 

2 

- 

92£ 

75 

41 

51 

30 

6 

62 

2i 

1 

?    - 

24 

32 

Before  the  result  of  the  sixth  trial  was  announced,  mem- 
bers began  to  change  their  votes.  When  the  changes  had  been 
made  the  result  stood,  for  Greeley  482,  for  Adams  187.  On 
a  motion  that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Greeley  be  made  unani- 
mous, the  negative  votes  were  numerous.  Two  votes  only 
were  required  to  effect  a  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice- 
President.     They  were  as  follows  :  — 


B.  Gratz  Brown,  Missouri  .  . 
Lyman  Trumbull,  Illinois  .  . 
George  W.  Julian,  Indiana 
Gilbert  C.  Walker,  Virginia  . 
Cassius  M.  Clay,  Kentucky  . 
Jacob  D.  Cox,  Ohio  .... 
John  M.  Scoville,  New  Jersey 
Thomas  W.  Tipton,  Nebraska 
John  M.  Palmer,  Illinois    .     . 


237 

435 

158 

175 

18 

75 

34 

- 

25 

- 

12 

- 

THE   GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  345 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Brown  was  then  made  unanimous, 
and  the  convention  adjourned.  Its  work  was  received  by 
Republicans  throughout  the  country  with  a  shout  of  derision. 
Greatly  as  Mr.  Greeley  was  esteemed  for  his  sincerity  and 
respected  for  his  ability,  he  had  always  been  regarded  as  an 
erratic  man,  and  there  were  few  persons  who  credited  him  with 
the  cool  judgment  and  tact  needed  in  a  President.  But  the 
cry  of  "  anybody  to  beat  Grant "  had  been  raised ;  and  al- 
though many  members  of  the  Cincinnati  convention  were  cha- 
grined at  the  failure  to  present  acceptable  candidates,  and 
although  many  Democrats  did  not  conceal  their  disappoint- 
ment, it  soon  became  evident  that  the  Democratic  convention 
would  adopt  both  the  platform  and  the  candidates  of  that  con- 
vention. The  Tennessee  Democratic  convention,  held  the 
week  after  Greeley  and  Brown  had  been  nominated,  instructed 
its  delegates  to  the  Baltimore  convention  to  support  that  ticket. 
The  New  York  Democrats  did  the  same  thing  a  week  or  two 
later,  and  sixteen  other  Democratic  state  conventions  held  in 
June  followed  the  example.  Accordingly  it  was  not  doubtful, 
when  the  Democratic  convention  met,  what  its  action  would  be. 

The  interest  in  the  Republican  convention  was  confined  to 
t&e  question  of  the  vice-presidency.  The  renomination  of 
General  Grant  by  a  unanimous  vote  was  a  foregone  conclusion. 
There  was  no  dissatisfaction  with  Mr.  Colfax  as  Vice-President. 
He  had  been  most  assiduous  in  his  attention  to  the  few  duties 
of  his  office,  and  had  given  general  satisfaction  as  presiding 
ofticer  of  the  Senate.  The  scandal  which  involved  him  and 
others  at  a  later  date  had  not  then  been  whispered.  But  Mr. 
Colfax  had  given  offence  to  certain  of  the  fraternity  of  Wash- 
ington correspondents,  and  they  determined  to  use  all  their 
power  to  prevent  his  nomination.  They  were  assisted  in  their 
work  by  the  presentation  of  the  name  of  Mr.  Henry  Wilson  as 
a  candidate  by  the  Republicans  of  Massachusetts.  Consider- 
ing the  closeness  of  the  vote  in  the  convention,  it  is  not  too 
much  to  say  that  Mr.  Wilson  owed  his  nomination  to  these 
correspondents. 

The  convention  met  at  Philadelphia  on  June  5,  and  did  its 
work  with  promptness  and  harmony.  Mr.  Morton  McMichael, 
of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  Judge 
Tkomas  Settle,  of  North  Carolina,  the  permanent  president  of 
the  convention.  The  committee  on  resolutions  reported  the 
following  platform,  which  was  unanimously  adopted :  — 


346  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  Republican  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in  na- 
tional convention  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  on  the  fifth  and  sixth 
days  of  June,  1872,  again  declares  its  faith,  appeals  to  its  history, 
and  announces  its  position  upon  the  questions  before  the  country. 

1.  During  eleven  years  of  supremacy  it  has  accepted  with  grand 
courage  the  solemn  duties  of  the  time.  It  suppressed  a  gigantic 
rebellion,  emancipated  four  millions  of  slaves,  decreed  the  equal 
citizenship  of  all,  and  established  universal  suffrage.  Exhibiting 
unparalleled  magnanimity,  it  criminally  punished  no  man  for 
political  offences,  and  warmly  welcomed  all  who  proved  loyalty  by 
obeying  the  laws  and  dealing  justly  with  their  neighbors.  It  has 
steadily  decreased  with  firm  hand  the  resultant  disorders  of  a  great 
war,  and  initiated  a  wise  and  humane  policy  toward  the  Indians. 
The  Pacific  Railroad  and  similar  vast  enterprises  have  been  gener- 
ously aided  and  successfully  conducted,  the  public  lands  freely 
given  to  actual  settlers,  immigration  protected  and  encouraged, 
and  a  full  acknowledgment  of  the  naturalized  citizens'  rights 
secured  from  European  powers.  A  uniform  national  currency  has 
been  provided,  repudiation  frowned  down,  the  national  credit  sus- 
tained under  the  most  extraordinary  burdens,  and  new  bonds 
negotiated  at  lower  rates.  The  revenues  have  been  carefully  col- 
lected and  honestly  applied.  Despite  annual  large  reductions  of 
the  rates  of  taxation,  the  public  debt  has  been  reduced  during 
General  Grant's  presidency  at-  the  rate  of  a  hundred  millions  a 
year.  Great  financial  crises  have  been  avoided,  and  peace  and 
plenty  prevail  throughout  the  land.  Menacing  foreign  difficulties 
have  been  peacefully  and  honorably  composed,  and  the  honor  and 
power  of  the  nation  kept  in  high  respect  throughout  the  world. 
This  glorious  record  of  the  past  is  the  party's  best  pledge  for  the 
future.  We  believe  the  people  will  not  entrust  the  government  to 
any  party  or  combination  of  men  composed  chiefly  of  those  who 
have  resisted  every  step  of  this  beneficent  progress. 

2.  The  recent  amendments  to  the  national  Constitution  should 
be  cordially  sustained  because  they  are  right,  not  merely  tolerated 
because  they  are  law,  and  should  be  carried  out  according  to  their 
spirit  by  appropriate  legislation,  the  enforcement  of  which  can 
safely  be  entrusted  only  to  the  party  that  secured  these  amend- 
ments. 

3.  Complete  liberty  and  exact  equality  in  the  enjoyment  of  all 
civil,  political,  and  public  rights  should  be  established  and  effectu- 
ally maintained  throughout  the  Union  by  efficient  and  appropriate 
state  and  federal  legislation.  Neither  the  law  nor  its  adminis- 
tration shoulq*  admit  any  discrimination  in  respect  of  citizens  by 
reason  of  race,  creed,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

4.  The  national  government  should  seek  to  maintain  honorable 


THE   GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  347 

peace  with  all  nations,  protecting  its  citizens  everywhere,  and  sym- 
pathizing with  all  peoples  who  strive  for  greater  liberty. 

5.  Any  system  of  the  civil  service  under  which  the  subordinate 
positions  of  the  government  are  considered  rewards  for  mere  party 
zeal  is  fatally  demoralizing,  and  we  therefore  favor  a  reform  of  the 
system  by  laws  which  shall  abolish  the  evils  of  patronage  and 
make  honesty,  efficiency,  and  fidelity  the  essential  qualifications 
for  public  positions,  without  practically  creating  a  life-tenure  of 
office. 

6.  We  are  opposed  to  further  grants  of  the  public  lands  to  cor- 
porations and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national  domain 
be  set  apart  for  free  homes  for  the  people. 

7.  The  annual  revenue,  after  paying  current  expenditures,  pen- 
sions, and  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  should  furnish  a  moder- 
ate balance  for  the  reduction  of  the  principal,  and  that  revenue, 
except  so  much  as  may  be  derived  from  a  tax  upon  tobacco  and 
liquors,  should  be  raised  by  duties  upon  importations,  the  details 
of  which  should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  aid  in  securing  remunerative 
wages  to  labor,  and  promote  the  industries,  prosperity,  and  growth 
of  the  whole  country. 

8.  We  hold  in  undying  honor  the  soldiers  and  sailors  whose 
valor  saved  the  Union.  Their  pensions  are  a  sacred  debt  of  the 
nation,  and  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  for  their 
country  are  entitled  to  the  care  of  a  generous  and  grateful  people. 
We  favor  such  additional  legislation  as  will  extend  the  bounty  of 
the  government  to  all  soldiers  and  sailors  who  were  honorably  dis- 
charged, and  who,  in  the  line  of  duty,  became  disabled,  without 
regard  to  the  length  of  service  or  cause  of  such  discharge. 

9.  The  doctrine  of  Great  Britain  and  other  European  powers 
concerning  allegiance  —  "  Once  a  subject  always  a  subject "  — 
having  at  last,  through  the  efforts  of  the  Republican  party,  been 
abandoned,  and  the  American  idea  of  the  individual  right  to  transfer 
allegiance  having  been  accepted  by  European  nations,  it  is  the  duty 
of  our  government  to  guard  with  jealous  care  the  rights  of  adopted 
citizens  against  the  assumption  of  unauthorized  claims  by  their 
former  governments,  and  we  urge  continued  careful  encourage- 
ment and  protection  of  voluntary  immigration. 

10.  The  franking  privilege  ought  to  be  abolished,  and  the  way 
prepared  for  a  speedy  reduction  in  the  rates  of  postage. 

11.  Among  the  questions  which  press  for  attention  is  that  which 
concerns  the  relations  of  capital  and  labor,  and  the  Republican 
party  recognizes  the  duty  of  so  shaping  legislation  as  to  secure  full 
protection  and  the  amplest  field  for  capital,  and  for  labor,  the  creator 
of  capital,  the  largest  opportunities  and  a  just  share  of  the  mutual 
profits  of  these  two  great  servants  of  civilization. 


348  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

12.  We  hold  that  Congress  and  the  President  have  only  fulfilled 
an  imperative  duty  in  their  measures  for  the  suppression  of  violent 
and  treasonable  organizations  in  certain  lately  rebellious  regions, 
and  for  the  protection  of  the  ballot-box ;  and  therefore  they  are 
entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  nation. 

13.  We  denounce  repudiation  of  the  public  debt,  in  any  form  or 
disguise,  as  a  national  crime.  We  witness  with  pride  the  reduction 
of  the  principal  of  the  debt,  and  of  the  rates  of  interest  upon  the 
balance,  and  confidently  expect  that  our  excellent  national  currency 
will  be  perfected  by  a  speedy  resumption  of  specie  payment. 

14.  The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  its  obligations  to  the 
loyal  women  of  America  for  their  noble  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  freedom.  Their  admission  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness  is 
viewed  with  satisfaction ;  and  the  honest  demand  of  any  class  of 
citizens  for  additional  rights  should  be  treated  with  respectful 
consideration. 

15.  We  heartily  approve  the  action  of  Congress  in  extending 
amnesty  to  those  lately  in  rebellion,  and  rejoice  in  the  growth  of 
peace  and  fraternal  feeling  throughout  the  land. 

16.  The  Republican  party  proposes  to  respect  the  rights  reserved 
by  the  people  to  themselves  as  carefully  as  the  powers  delegated  by 
them  to  the  States  and  to  the  federal  government.  It  disapproves 
of  the  resort  to  unconstitutional  laws  for  the  purpose  of  removing 
evils  by  interference  with  the  rights  not  surrendered  by  the  people 
to  either  the  state  or  the  national  government. 

17.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  general  government  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  may  tend  to  encourage  and  restore  American  commerce 
and  ship-building. 

18.  We  believe  that  the  modest  patriotism,  the  earnest  purpose, 
the  sound  judgment,  the  practical  wisdom,  the  incorruptible  integ- 
rity, and  the  illustrious  services  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  have  com- 
mended him  to  the  heart  of  the  American  people,  and  with  him  at 
our  head  we  start  to-day  upon  a  new  march  to  victory. 

19.  Henry  Wilson,  nominated  for  the  vice-presidency,  known 
to  the  whole  land  from  the  early  days  of  the  great  struggle  for 
liberty  as  an  indefatigable  laborer  in  all  campaigns,  an  incorrup- 
tible legislator,  and  representative  man  of  American  institutions,  is 
worthy  to  associate  with  our  great  leader  and  share  the  honors 
which  we  pledge  our  best  efforts  to  bestow  upon  them. 

General  Grant  was  nominated  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  all 
the  delegates,  amid  great  enthusiasm.  A  single  trial  was  suffi- 
cient to  give  the  nomination  as  Vice-President  to  Mr.  Wilson, 
who  received  364^  votes,  to  321J  for  Mr.  Colfax. 

In  spite  of  their  apparent  unanimity,  the  Democrats  were 


THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  349 

not  really  united  in  the  movement  for  Greeley  and  Brown. 
Nevertheless  most  of  the  leaders  believed  that  nothing  better 
remained  to  be  done  than  to  adopt  the  principles  and  the  can- 
didates of  the  Liberal  Republicans,  and  they  had  gone  too  far 
to  recede.  The  convention  met  at  Baltimore  on  July  9.  Mr. 
Thomas  Jefferson  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  was  the  temporary 
chairman,  and  ex-Senator  James  R.  Doolittle,  of  Wisconsin, 
the  permanent  president.  The  committee  on  resolutions  re- 
ported the  Cincinnati  platform  without  change.  Its  accept- 
ance was  strongly  opposed  by  Senator  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of 
Delaware,  but  the  platform  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  670 
to  62.  It  was  decided  not  to  nominate  candidates  by  accla- 
mation, but  to  take  the  vote  as  usual.  Mr.  Greeley  received 
686  votes ;  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  21 ;  Thomas  F. 
Bayard,  of  Delaware,  16 ;  William  S.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio,  2 ;  and 
7  votes  were  cast  blank.  Mr.  Greeley  was  thus  nominated  by 
much  more  than  the  necessary  two  thirds.  On  a  vote  for  a 
candidate  for  Vice-President,  Mr.  Brown  received  713 ;  John 
W.  Stephenson,  of  Kentucky,  6 ;  and  13  votes  were  blank. 

Although  this  result  of  the  convention  had  been  universally 
expected,  there  was  great  dissatisfaction  with  it  in  many  Demo- 
cratic circles.  Some  members  of  the  party  were  outspoken  in 
their  objection  to  what  they  regarded  as  a  cowardly  surrender 
of  principle  for  the  sake  of  a  possible  victory.  Others  said 
little,  but  it  was  easy  to  see  that  they  had  not  much  heart 
in  the  "  new  departure,"  and  would  not  cordially  support  Mr. 
Greeley,  even  if  they  should  so  far  overcome  their  repugnance 
as  to  vote  the  ticket.  The  open  opposition  to  the  Greeley 
movement  found  expression  in  a  call  for  a  straight  Democratic 
convention,  which  was  held  at  Louisville,  Kentucky,  on  Sep- 
tember 3,  and  was  well  attended.  Mr.  James  Lyon,  of  Vir- 
ginia, was  the  president.  The  following  resolutions  were 
adopted :  — 

Whereas,  A  frequent  recurrence  to  first  principles,  and  eternal 
vigilance  against  abuses,  are  the  wisest  provisions  for  liberty, 
which  is  the  source  of  progress,  and  fidelity  to  our  constitutional 
system  is  the  only  protection  for  either ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  the  original  basis  of  our  whole  political  struc- 
ture is  a  consent  in  every  part  thereof.  The  people  of  each  State 
voluntarily  created  their  State,  and  the  States  voluntarily  formed 
the  Union  ;  and  each  State  has  provided,  by  its  written  Constitu- 
tion, for  everything  a  State  should  do  for  the  protection  of  life, 


350  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

liberty,  and  property  within  it ;  and  each  State,  jointly  -with  the 
others,  provided  a  Federal  Union  for  foreign  and  inter-state  re- 
lations. 

Resolved,  That  all  government  powers,  whether  state  or  federal, 
are  trust  powers  coming  from  the  people  of  each  State ;  and  that 
they  are  limited  to  the  written  letter  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws  passed  in  pursuance  of  it,  which  powers  must  be  exercised 
in  the  utmost  good  faith,  the  Constitution  itself  providing  in  what 
manner  they  may  be  altered  and  amended. 

Resolved,  That  the  interests  of  labor  and  capital  should  not  be 
permitted  to  conflict,  but  should  be  harmonized  by  judicious  legis- 
lation. While  such  a  conflict  continues,  labor,  which  is  the  parent 
of  wealth,  is  entitled  to  paramount  consideration. 

Resolved,  That  we  proclaim  to  the  world  that  principle  is  to  be 
preferred  to  power ;  that  the  Democratic  party  is  held  together  by 
the  cohesion  of  time-honored  principles  which  they  will  never  sur- 
render in  exchange  for  all  the  offices  which  presidents  can  confer. 
The  pangs  of  the  minorities  are  doubtless  excruciating;  but  we 
welcome  an  eternal  minority  under  the  banner  inscribed  with  our 
principles,  rather  than  an  almighty  and  everlasting  majority  pur- 
chased by  their  abandonment. 

Resolved,  That,  having  been  betrayed  at  Baltimore  into  a  false 
creed  and  a  false  leadership  by  the  convention,  we  repudiate  both, 
and  appeal  to  the  people  to  approve  our  platform  and  to  rally  to 
the  polls  and  support  the  true  platform,  and  the  candidates  who 
embody  it. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  opposed  to  giving  public  lands  to  corpora- 
tions, and  favor  their  disposal  to  actual  settlers  only. 

Resolved,  That  we  favor  a  judicious  tariff  for  revenue  purposes 
only,  and  that  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  class  legislation 
which  enriches  a  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many  under  the  plea 
of  protection. 

The  convention  nominated  Mr.  Charles  O'Conor  for  Presi- 
dent, and  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice- 
President.  Mr.  Adams  had  written  a  letter,  in  which  he 
said  that,  while  he  did  not  wish  for  the  nomination,  he  would 
not  refuse  it  if  Mr.  O'Conor  should  head  the  ticket.  Mr. 
O'Conor,  on  being  notified  by  telegraph  of  his  nomination, 
declined  peremptorily.  The  convention  then  hastily  passed 
a  vote  nominating  Mr.  Lyon,  the  president  of  the  convention, 
in  his  place  ;  but  Mr.  Lyon  wisely  declined.  Mr.  Adams  also 
refused  to  take  any  but  the  second  place,  and  not  even  that, 
unless  Mr.  O'Conor  were  to  stand  at  the  head  of  the  ticket. 
Under  these  circumstances,   the  convention  returned  to   Mr. 


THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN  351 

O'Conor,  and  left  the  ticket  as  it  had  been  originally  arranged, 
whether  its  candidates  would  accept  or  decline. 

The  result  of  the  canvass  was  at  no  time  in  doubt.  Some 
of  the  Democrats  deluded  themselves  with  the  idea  that  there 
was  a  chance  for  Mr.  Greeley,  and  that  gentleman  departed 
from  the  usual  custom  of  candidates  by  going  "on  the  stump." 
The  early  elections  showed  clearly  the  drift  of  public  opinion  ; 
and  General  Grant  was  elected  by  a  larger'  majority  than  he 
had  received  at  his  first  election.  As  in  1868,  thirty-seven 
States  formed  the  Union ;  and  on  this  occasion,  for  the  first 
time  in  the  history  of  the  government,  all  the  States  chose 
electors  by  a  popular  vote.  The  apportionment  which  fol- 
lowed the  census  of  1870  enlarged  the  number  of  electors. 
Mr.  Greeley  died  a  few  days  after  the  choice  of  electors  had 
been  made,  and  the  Democratic  electors  cast  their  votes  with- 
out serious  attempt  at  concentration.  The  popular  vote  is 
given  on  the  next  page. 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  popular  vote  of  Louisiana  is 
given  in  two  forms.  Political  affairs  in  the  State  were  in  a 
chaotic  condition,  both  then  and  subsequently.  The  gov- 
ernor, Henry  C.  Warmoth,  had  been  elected  as  a  Republican, 
but  had  joined  the  Greeley  movement,  and  was  disposed  to  do 
all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  give  the  vote  of  the  State  to  the 
Democratic  candidates.  The  votes  of  the  State  were  at  that 
time  canvassed  by  a  "  returning  board,"  consisting  of  the  gov- 
ernor, lieutenant-governor,  secretary  of  state,  and  two  others. 
The  lieutenant-governor  and  one  of  the  unofficial  members 
became  disqualified  by  being  candidates  for  office.  The  gov- 
ernor then  removed  the  secretary  of  state  and  appointed  an- 
other man  in  his  place  ;  and  he,  with  this  new  secretary,  pro- 
ceeded to  fill  up  the  vacancies  in  the  returning  board.  But 
the  old  secretary  of  state,  before  his  removal,  and  the  re- 
maining unofficial  member  of  the  board,  had  previously  filled 
the  vacancies.  Accordingly  there  were  two  returning  boards. 
The  official  returns  were  canvassed  by  that  board  only  of  which 
the  governor  was  the  head  ;  the  other  board  made  up  returns 
from  the  best  sources  of  information  it  could  command.  Each 
board  seems  to  have  manipulated  the  figures  so  as  to  bring 
about  a  desired  result.  This  is  a  very  brief  account  of  a  long 
and  complicated  controversy,  full  particulars  of  which  may 
be  found  in  the  newspapers  and  in  official  documents  of  the 
time.     Two  sets  of  electors  met,  voted,  and  forwarded  their 


352 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


States. 


Alabama  .  . 
Arkansas  .  . 
California  .  . 
Connecticut  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Florida  .  .  . 
Georgia  i  . 
Illinois  .  .  . 
Indiana  .  .  . 
Iowa ...» 
Kansas  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Louisiana  * 
Louisiana  t 
Maine  .  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Massachusetts 
Michigan  .  . 
Minnesota  .  . 
Mississippi .  . 
Missouri  .  . 
Nebraska  .  . 
Nevada  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
New  Jersey  . 
New  York  .  . 
North  Carolina 
Ohio  .... 
Oregon  .  .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
South  Carolina 
Tennessee  .  . 
Texas  .  .  . 
Vermont  .  . 
Virginia  .  . 
West  Virginia 
Wisconsin  .     . 

Total .     .     . 


i 

oa  3 

it 

fl 

J  J 

CO  HH 

Set 

00  S» 

90,272 

79,444 

41,373 

37,927 

- 

- 

54,020 

40,718 

1,068 

- 

50,638 

45,880 

204 

206 

11,115 

10,206 

487 

_ 

17,763 

15,427 

- 

- 

62,550 

76,356 

4,000 

- 

241,944 

184,938 

3,058 

- 

186,147 

163,632 

1,417 

- 

131,566 

71,196 

2,221 

— 

67,048 

32,970 

596 

- 

88,766 

99,995 

2,374 

- 

71,663 

57,029 

- 

— 

59,975 

66,467 

- 

- 

61,422 

29,087 

— 

- 

66,760 

67,687 

19 

- 

133,472 

59,260 

- 

- 

138,455 

78,355 

2,861 

1,271 

55,117 

34,423 

- 

- 

82,175 

47,288 

- 

- 

119,196 

151,434 

2,439 

- 

18,329 

7,812 

- 

- 

8,413 

6,236 

- 

- 

37,168 

31,424 

100 

200 

91,656 

76,456 

630 

- 

440,736 

387,281 

1,454 

201 

94,769 

70,094 

- 

- 

281,852 

244,321 

1,163 

2,100 

11,819 

7,730 

572 

- 

349,589 

212,041 

- 

1,630 

13,665 

5,329 

- 

- 

72,290 

22,703 

187 

- 

85,655 

94,391 

- 

- 

47,468 

66,546 

2,580 

- 

41,481 

10,927 

593 

- 

93,468 

91,654 

•   42 

- 

32,315 

29,451 

600 

- 

104,997 

86,477 

834 

~ 

3,597,132 

2,834,125 

29,489 

5,608 

*  "  Custom-house  "  count.     The  total  vote  of  the  country,  as  given  above,  includes 
these  returns, 
t  Count  by  the  Warmoth  returning  board.    If  these  returns  should  be  substituted 

o°L.ihr^o0ther8' the  tofcal  vote  oi  the  country  woul<*  be  I  'or  Grant,  3,585,444 ;  Greeley, 

2,84.3,563. 


THE  GREELEY  CAMPAIGN 


353 


returns  to  Washington  ;  but  the  vote  of  the  State  was  excluded, 
as  will  be  noticed  in  the  report  of  the  electoral  count.  The 
votes  of  the  electoral  colleges  as  actually  cast,  including  both 
the  votes  of  Louisiana,  are  given  below.  These  and  all 
others  which  were  rejected  by  Congress  are  marked  with  an 
asterisk :  — 


President. 

Vice-President. 

States. 

I 

O 

CO 

I 

5 

t 

<— 

I 
1 

< 

i 

I 

H 

i 

I 

X 

N 

>5 

ni 
>> 

1 

I 

8 

4 
i 

1 

i 

I 

o 

M 
to 

"5 

ft 
I 

1 

a 

■ 

4 

a 

1 
1 

9 

i 

s 

i 

0 

it 
9 

if 

J 
o 
V 

W 

1 

d 

M 

« 

a 

2 

1 

>> 

« 

1 

! 

cm 

1 
1 

d 

4 

1 

5 

1 

a 

1 

4 

a 

1 

« 

1 

Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Connectic 

Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa    . 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Louisiana 

Maine  . 

Maryland 

Massachuf 

Michigan 

Minnesota 

Mississipp 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New  Ham 

New  Jerse 

New  York 

North  Car 

Ohio     . 

Oregon 

Pennsylva 

Rhode  Ish 

South  Car 

Tennessee 

Texas  . 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West  Virg 

Wisconsin 

Total  as  dt 

ut.'     '. 

t !  ! 
t  .  . 

setts  ! 
L    !    .' 

rahire 
y  •    • 

olina 

nia     . 

md     . 
>lina . 

inia   . 
clared 

10 
6* 
6 
6 
3 
4 

21 
15 
11 
5 

8* 

7 

13 
11 
5 

8 

3 

3 

5 

9 
35 
10 
22 

3 
29 

4 

7 

5 

11 
5 
10 

286 

8 

8 

6 

12 
8 

42 

6 

4 

8 
18 

3* 

2 
2 

1 
1 

10 
6* 
6 
6 
3 
4 

21 
15 
11 
5 

8* 

7 

13 
11 
5 

8 

3 
3 
5 
9 

35 

10 

22 
3 

29 
4 
7 

5 
11 

5 
10 

286 

5 

8 

8* 

8 

6 

12 
8 

47 

5 
6 

5 
5 

3 
3 

3 
3 

l 
1 

1 
1 

*  Rejected  by  Congress,    t  k  CuBtom-houae  "  electors,    *  Warmoth  electors. 


354  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Many  questions  arose  during  the  count  of  electoral  votes, 
which  took  place  on  February  12,  1873,  was  conducted  in  accord- 
ance with  the  twenty-second  joint  rule,  and  occupied  seven 
hours.  The  first  objection  was  made  by  Mr.  Hoar,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, to  counting  the  three  votes  cast  in  Georgia  for  Horace 
Greeley,  on  the  ground  that  Mr.  Greeley  was  dead  at  the  time 
the  votes  were  given.  This  raised  the  question  whether  Con- 
gress might  take  cognizance  of  the  ineligibility  of  a  candidate 
for  the  presidential  office.  The  next  objection  was  raised  by 
Senator  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  to  the  vote  of  Mississippi,  on  the 
ground  that  the  certificates  did  not  state  that  the  electors  voted 
by  ballot.  Mr.  Potter,  of  New  York,  also  objected  especially 
to  one  vote  of  Mississippi,  cast  by  an  elector  chosen  to  fill  a 
vacancy,  the  choice  of  whom  was  certified  only  by  the  secre- 
tary of  state  of  Mississippi,  and  by  him  only  upon  information 
and  not  of  his  own  knowledge.  Upon  these  three  objections 
the  two  Houses  separated.  The  House  of  Representatives 
voted  to  reject  the  Greeley  votes  in  Georgia ;  the  Senate  voted 
to  accept  them  ;  under  the  joint  rule  they  were  cast  out  and 
not  counted.  Each  House  overruled  both  objections  to  the 
vote  of  Mississippi,  and  it  was  counted.  Upon  the  resumption 
of  the  count,  when  the  State  of  Missouri  was  reached,  attention 
was  called  to  the  fact  that  votes  were  cast  for  Mr.  Brown  both 
as  President  and  as  Vice-President,  but  the  objection  that  this 
was  contrary  to  the  provision  of  the  Constitution  that  electors 
shall  vote  for  two  persons,  "  one  of  whom,  at  least,  shall  not 
be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves,"  was 
obviated  by  reading  the  concluding  part  of  the  certificate,  that 
no  person  who  voted  for  Mr.  Brown  as  President  also  voted 
for  him  as  Vice-President.  The  vote  of  Texas  was  next 
objected  to,  on  the  ground  that  the  choice  of  the  electors  was 
certified  to  only  by  the  acting  secretary  of  state,  and  not,  as 
the  law  required,  by  the  governor.  A  second  objection  was 
made  on  the  ground  that  four  of  the  eight  electors  (not  a  ma- 
jority) had  met  and  filled  vacancies.  Both  objections  were 
overruled  by  each  House,  and  the  vote  of  Texas  was  counted. 

The  count  then  proceeded  until  the  only  votes  remaining  to 
be  counted  were  those  of  Arkansas  and  Louisiana.  The  votes 
of  both  States  were  objected  to.  The  returns  for  Arkansas 
were  certified  to  by  the  secretary  of  state  only,  and  his  office 
seal  was  the  only  one  which  the  papers  bore.  Both  sets  of 
electors   for   Louisiana  were   objected  to.     The  two  Houses 


THE   GREELEY   CAMPAIGN  355 

having  separated,  the  Senate  passed  a  resolution  that  the  votes 
of  Arkansas  should  not  be  counted  ;  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives agreed  to  admit  them.  The  vote  in  the  Senate  was  a 
consequence  of  the  bad  rule  that  no  debate  should  be  allowed. 
In  fact  the  only  seal  in  use  in  the  State  was  that  of  the  secre- 
tary of  state ;  and  the  rejection  of  the  vote  was  a  hasty  act 
upon  the  most  frivolous  of  pretexts.  Both  Houses  voted  not  to 
count  any  votes  from  Louisiana.  The  result  of  this  action, 
under  the  twenty-second  joint  rule,  was  that  the  votes  of 
Arkansas  and  Louisiana  were  excluded.  The  joint  session  of 
Congress  was  then  resumed,  and  the  result  of  the  election  was 
declared. 


XXV 

THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION 

When  slavery  had  been  overthrown  by  the  convulsion  of 
war,  and  when  the  fruits  of  victory  had  been  secured,  so  far 
as  legislation  could  secure  them,  the  original  mission  of  the 
Republican  party  was  accomplished.  The  more  or  less  success- 
ful solution  of  the  great  moral  and  political  problems  which 
caused  the  party  to  come  into  being  was  followed  by  several 
changes  that  must  be  noticed  briefly,  since  they  explain  the 
political  reverses  that  began  during  General  Grant's  second 
term. 

"  It  was  not  yet  time  for  the  revival  of  old  issues,  the  tariff, 
for  example,  to  send  back  into  the  Democratic  party  men  who 
had  seceded  from  it  when  slavery  became  the  predominant 
question  before  the  people.  That  change  was  to  come  later. 
Many  "war  Democrats"  who  had  acted  with  the  Republi- 
cans now  felt  that  the  reconstruction  measures  were  too  radi- 
cal, and  many  of  them  returned  to  their  old  party  allegiance. 
But  in  the  main  the  personnel  of  the  Republican  party  re- 
mained unchanged.  There  was,  nevertheless,  an  internal  modi- 
fication that  was  to  work  mischief  in  the  future.  The  long 
possession  of  power  increased  the  appetite  for  power,  and  led 
some  of  the  politicians  to  employ  objectionable  means  for  re- 
taining it,  — means  that  were  possibly  justified  when  the  life 
of  the  nation  and  its  future  well-being  seemed  to  depend  upon 
the  continuance  of  the  Republican  policy,  but  which  were 
reprehensible  when  no  such  necessity  existed.  All  this  implied 
an  alteration  which  is  perhaps  too  harshly  described  as  moral 
degeneration.  The  demoralization  did  not  affect  the  body  of 
the  party,  save  that  the  change  was  regarded  with  too  much 
toleration  ;  but  the  leaders  became  overbearing  and  reckless. 
The  party  suffered  greatly,  also,  by  reason  of  the  character  of 
its  membership  in  the  South.  The  great  body  of  the  party  in 
that  section  consisted  of  the  newly  enfranchised  blacks,  —  not 
too  well  qualified  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage,  —  who  were 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  357 

permitted  by  the  white  men  to  vote  when  and  where  only 
their  votes  would  not  change  the  result  of  an  election.  The 
white  contingent  of  the  party,  a  handful  only,  was  made  up 
of  "  carpet-baggers  "  and  "  scallawags."  Carpet-baggers  were 
Northern  men  who  had  removed  —  with  hand-luggage  only,  it 
was  sarcastically  asserted  by  the  Democrats  —  to  the  South  in 
order  to  get  elected  to  office  by  negro  votes.  Scallawags  were 
Southern-born  men  who  had  braved  the  social  ostracism  that 
followed  their  non-conformity  to  the  formula  that  "  this  is  a 
white  man's  government,"  for  the  same  purpose  of  obtaining 
office. 

The  overturn  which  resulted  in  the  election  of  a  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives  in  1874  was  by  no  means  caused 
wholly  by  the  changes  just  noted.  A  much  more  direct  cause 
was  the  great  financial  panic  of  1873.  There  had  been  no 
serious  effort  to  reform  the  disordered  currency,  the  excessive 
volume  of  which  produced  an  era  of  speculation  and  extension 
of  credit.  When  the  crash  came,  there  was  widespread  disaster 
and  insolvency.  A  season  of  hard  times  set  in  ;  and,  as  is  usu- 
ally the  case,  the  party  in  power  was  held  responsible  for  the 
evil.  It  was  then  that  a  party  sprang  up  in  many  parts  of  the 
country,  particularly  in  the  West,  which  held  that  the  cause 
of  the  disaster  was  not  too  much  but  too  little  paper  money  ; 
and  it  urged  not  merely  the  retention  of  the  greenbacks  as  the 
permanent  money  of  the  country,  but  a  large  —  even  an  un- 
limited —  increase  of  the  amount. 

As  if  the  Republican  party  had  even  then  not  enough  to 
bear,  the  startling  revelation  of  the  condition  of  the  public 
service  which  was  popularly  supposed  to  be  given  by  the  dis- 
covery of  the  complicity  of  high  officers  in  the  "  whiskey 
ring"  frauds  upon  the  revenue,  and  the  acts  of  General  Bel- 
knap, the  Secretary  of  War,  —  more  sinned  against  than  sinning, 
as  the  true  history  of  the  affair  shows,  —  were  scandals  of  a  most 
serious  character.  The  people  began,  too,  to  be  somewhat 
weary  of  the  Southern  question,  —  of  "  waving  the  bloody 
shirt,"  as  it  was  called,  —  and  no  longer  responded  eagerly  to 
demands  upon  their  loyalty  to  support  further  legislation,  in 
order  that  the  blood  spilled  in  the  war  might  not  be  wasted. 
Inasmuch  as  the  Southern  States  themselves  had  become  almost 
"  solid "  already  in  the  support  of  the  Democratic  party,  it 
required  but  a  slight  change  in  the  North  to  give  a  majority 
to  the  opposition. 


V 


3"58  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Before  entering  upon  a  chronicle  of  the  events  of  1876,  it  it 
advisable  to  record  the  efforts  made  in  Congress  to  modify  thi> 
electoral  system  and  to  regulate  the  count  of  votes. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  session  of  1874-5,  Senator  Oliver 
P.  Morton  called  up,  and  endeavored  to  secure  action  upon, 
several  propositions  which  had  for  their  object  to  remedy  the 
constitutional  defects  which  ninety  years  of  experience  had  de- 
veloped. The  first  of  these  was  a  proposition  to  amend  the 
Constitution,  the  origin  of  which  was  this  :  Under  a  resolu- 
tion offered  by  Mr.  Morton  in  March,  1873,  the  committee 
on  privileges  and  elections,  of  which  he  was  chairman,  was 
directed  to  examine  and  report  at  the  next  session  upon  the 
best  and  most  practicable  mode  of  electing  the  President  and 
Vice-President,  and  providing  a  tribunal  to  adjust  and  decide 
all  contested  questions  connected  therewith.  The  committee 
reported,  May  28,  1874,  a  proposition  to  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion by  the  adoption  of  the  following  new  article :  — 

1.  The  President  and  Vice-President  shall  be  elected  by  the 
direct  vote  of  the  people  in  the  manner  following :  Each  State  shall 
be  divided  into  districts,  equal  in  number  to  the  number  of  Repre- 
sentatives to  which  the  State  may  be  entitled  in  the  Congress,  to 
be  composed  of  contiguous  territory,  and  to  be  as  nearly  equal  in 
population  as  may  be ;  and  the  person  having  the  highest  number 
of  votes  in  each  district  for  President  shall  receive  the  vote  of  that 
district,  which  shall  count  one  presidential  vote. 

2.  The  person  having  the  highest  number  of  votes  for  President 
in  a  State  shall  receive  two  presidential  votes  from  the  State  at 
large. 

3.  The  person  having  the  highest  number  of  presidential  votes 
in  the  United  States  shall  be  President. 

4.  If  two  persons  have  the  same  number  of  votes  in  any  State,  it 
being  the  highest  number,  they  shall  receive  each  one  presiden- 
tial vote  from  the  State  at  large ;  and  if  more  than  two  persons 
shall  have  each  the  same  number  of  votes  in  any  State,  it  being 
the  highest  number,  no  presidential  vote  shall  be  counted  from  the 
State  at  large.  If  more  persons  than  one  shall  have  the  same 
number  of  votes,  it  being  the  highest  number  in  any  district,  no 
presidential  vote  shall  be  counted  from  that  district. 

5.  The  foregoing  provisions  shall  apply  to  the  election  of  Vice- 
President. 

6.  The  Congress  shall  have  the  power  to  provide  for  holding  and 
conducting  the  elections  of  President  and  Vice-President,  and  to 
establish  tribunals  for  the  decision  of  such  elections  as  may  be 
contested. 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  359 

7.  The  State  shall  be  divided  into  districts  by  the  legislatures 
thereof,  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law  make  or  alter 
the  same. 

The  report  which  accompanied  this  proposition  was  one  of. 
great  ability  and  thoroughness.  It  was  the  work  of  Senator 
Morton  himself,  who  probably  devoted  more  time  and  though'1, 
to  this  part  of  the  Constitution  than  have  been  given  to  it  by 
any  other  statesman  of  any  period  in  our  history.  The  reso* 
iution  of  amendment  was  called  up  in  the  Senate  on  the  20th 
of  January,  1875,  and  Mr.  Morton  made  a  long  speech  in  favor 
of  it,  pointing  out  once  more  in  forcible  language  what  he  re- 
garded as  the  evils  and  dangers  of  the  existing  system.  He 
maintained  that  the  twenty-second  joint  rule  was  grossly  un- 
constitutional. Senators  Thurman,  Conkling,  and  Anthony 
followed.  They  all  agreed  that  some  change  was  absolutely 
necessary,  but  the  general  judgment  was  that  the  greatest 
danger  lay  in  the  matter  of  the  electoral  count.  Mr.  Anthony 
went  so  far  as  to  say  that  "  all  the  machinery  of  the  existing 
system  is  absurd."  But  notwithstanding  the  concurrence  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Senate  in  the  opinion  that  some  measure 
should  be  passed,  the  resolution  was  laid  aside  and  debate 
upon  it  was  never  resumed. 

A  few  days  later,  however,  the  Senate  began  a  discussion  of 
a  resolution,  also  submitted  by  Mr.  Morton,  that  the  twenty- 
second  joint  rule  be  repealed.  Subsequently  he  modified  this 
resolution.  He  proposed  to  amend,  not  to  repeal  the  rule, 
and  to  make  an  affirmative  vote  of  both  Houses  necessary  for 
the  rejection  of  an  electoral  vote.  A  long  debate  took  place 
upon  this  proposition ;  and  the  resolution  was  finally  referred 
to  the  committee  on  privileges  and  elections.  The  committee 
reported  speedily  a  bill,  which,  if  enacted,  would  take  the 
place  of  the  joint  rule.  For  the  most  part  it  followed  the 
language  of  that  rule,  but  with  these  exceptions :  no  vote  could 
be  rejected  except  by  the  concurrent  vote  of  the  two  Houses  ; 
if  more  than  one  return  should  be  presented  from  a  State,  that 
one  was  to  be  accepted  which  the  two  Houses  acting  separately 
should  determine  to  be  the  true  return  ;  and  when  the  Houses 
separated  to  decide  upon  any  objection,  debate  was  to  be  allowed, 
each  member  being  permitted  to  speak  for  ten  minutes,  once 
only.  When  the  debate  had  lasted  two  hours  the  House  was  to 
have  the  right,  by  a  majority  vote,  to  order  the  main  question 
to  be  put.    This  bill  was  fully  debated.    Numerous  amendments 


360  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

were  offered,  but  none  were  adopted,  except  for  the  purpose  of 
perfecting  the  language.  The  only  important  suggestion  of 
amendment  was  made  by  Mr.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  who  pro- 
posed to  substitute  for  the  whole  bill  a  plan  for  a  joint  com- 
mittee, resembling  the  grand  committee  provided  for  in  the 
bill  of  the  year  1800  (see  p.  64  et  seq.).  The  bill  was  passed 
by  a  vote  of  28  to  20.  All  the  affirmative  votes  were  given 
by  Republicans,  but  six  members  of  that  party,  including  Sen- 
ators Carpenter,  Conkling,  Edmunds,  and  Windom,  voted 
against  the  bill.  It  was  never  taken  up  in  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives. 

Mr.  Morton  was  greatly  in  earnest  in  regard  to  this  matter. 
Immediately  on  the  reassembling  of  Congress  —  it  was  a  new 
Congress,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  was  Democratic  — 
he  again  introduced  the  bill.  It  was  referred  and  reported 
back,  and  on  the  13th  of  March,  1876,  a  debate  began  which 
occupied  a  large  part  of  nearly  every  daily  session  until  the 
24th  of  the  month,  when  it  was  passed,  32  to  26.  Although 
this  was  nearly  a  party  vote,  Mr.  Thurman  supported  the  bill. 
But  he  had  an  objection  to  one  feature  of  it,  and  therefore 
moved  that  the  vote  passing  it  be  reconsidered  for  the  purpose 
of  amendment.  The  motion  was  agreed  to  late  in  April,  and 
the  bill  was  then  laid  aside.  It  was  again  taken  up,  just  at 
the  close  of  the  session,  in  August,  but  no  action  was  had  upon 
the  bill,  and  of  course  it  failed. 

It  began  to  be  rumored  in  1875  that  General  Grant  would 
be  a  candidate  for  a  third  term.  Since  the  time  of  Washington 
it  had  been  an  unwritten  law  that  eight  years  should  be  the 
limit  of  any  man's  service  at  the  head  of  the  government.  The 
idea  that  the  rule  established  by  the  Father  of  his  Country 
was  to  be  broken  was  highly  displeasing  to  a  large  body  of 
Republicans,  and  still  more  so  to  all  Democrats.  There  was 
much  public  and  private  discussion  on  the  subject.  The 
President  himself  allowed  it  to  be  understood  that  he  was  not 
disposed  to  refuse  a  third  term  if  it  should  be  offered  him.  In 
a  letter  addressed  to  General  Harry  White,  of  Pennsylvania,  he 
expressed  himself  in  terms  that  could  not  be  misunderstood. 
The  Republican  state  convention,  over  which  General  White 
presided,  had  passed  a  resolution  of  unalterable  "  opposition  to 
the  election  to  the  presidency  of  any  person  for  a  third  term." 
This  drew  from  General  Grant  the  letter  referred  to,  in  which 
he   said :   "  Now  for  the  third  term.     I  do  not  want  it  any 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  361 

more  than  I  did  the  first ; "  but  he  also  remarked  that  the 
people  were  not  restricted  to  two  terms  by  the  Constitution ; 
that  the  time  might  come  when  it  would  be  unfortunate  to 
make  a  change  at  the  end  of  eight  years ;  and  that  he  "  would 
not  accept  a  nomination  if  it  were  tendered,  unless  it  should 
come  under  such  circumstances  as  to  make  it  an  imperative 
duty,  —  circumstances  not  likely  to  arise."  The  universal  in- 
terpretation of  these  phrases  was  that  General  Grant's  friends 
were  at  liberty  to  make  it  appear  the  imperative  duty  of  the 
Republicans  to  nominate  him  again,  and  of  the  President  to 
accept .  the  nomination.  But  the  idea  made  little  headway 
except  among  the  officials  of  the  government  and  the  most  de- 
voted adherents  of  the  President.  There  was,  nevertheless, 
much  apprehension  that  the  close  organization  of  the  official 
class  would  make  it  possible  to  manipulate  the  primary  meet- 
ings and  secure  his  nomination.  A  death-blow  to  the  movement 
was  dealt  soon  after  the  opening  of  Congress,  in  December, 
1875.  A  Democratic  member  from  Illinois  offered  a  reso- 
lution, "that,  in  the  opinion  of  this  House,  the  precedent 
established  by  Washington  and  other  Presidents  of  the  United 
States,  in  retiring  from  the  presidential  office  after  their  second 
term,  has  become,  by  universal  concurrence,  a  part  of  our  re- 
publican system  of  government,  and  that  any  departure  from 
this  time-honored  custom  would  be  unwise,  unpatriotic,  and 
fraught  with  peril  to  our  free  institutions."  This  resolution  was 
passed  by  the  immense  majority  of  234  to  18.  Not  only  did  all 
the  Democrats  present  support  it,  but  70  out  of  the  88  Repub- 
licans voting  were  also  found  in  the  affirmative. 

Nothing  more  was  heard  that  year  of  the  third  term,  and 
the  Republicans  who  had  been  willing  to  entertain  the  idea 
turned  their  attention  to  other  candidates,  while  the  Republi- 
can leaders  who  had  been  special  friends  of  the  administration 
felt  themselves  at  liberty  to  become  candidates  for  the  Republi- 
can nomination.  There  were  many  candidates.  The  favor  of 
the  administration  was  believed  to  have  gone  chiefly  to  Senator 
Conkling,  of  New  York,  when  General  Grant  himself  was  put  out 
of  the  running ;  but  there  was  no  hostility  to  Senator  Morton, 
of  Indiana,  who  ultimately  secured  most  of  the  southern  dele- 
gations. Both  of  these  gentlemen  had  been  ardent  defenders 
of  the  President  whenever  he  had  been  attacked,  and  trust- 
worthy supporters  of  all  administration  measures. 

The  strongest  movement,  outside  of  the  official  circles,  was 


£62  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

in  favor  of  Mr.  James  Gr.  Blaine,  of  Maine.  Mr.  Blaine  had 
been  six  years  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
had  gained  extraordinary  popularity  among  members  of  Con- 
gress. At  the  beginning  of  the  Forty-fourth  Congress,  in 
1875,  the  control  of  the  House  having  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  Democrats,  he  had  become  the  natural  leader  of  the 
minority  on  the  floor,  and  had  drawn  the  attention  of  the 
country  by  some  brilliant  parliamentary  victories.  Many  Re- 
publicans, however,  regretted  that  in  so  doing  he  had  revived 
memories  of  the  war  which  they  were  entirely  willing  should 
be  forgotten.  When  the  movement  to  make  him  the  Republi- 
can candidate  became  formidable  some  of  them  felt  constrained 
to  oppose  him.  Soon  afterward  whispers  were  heard  that  his 
public  career  was  not  free  from  acts  which,  if  not  corrupt, 
involved  corrupt  motives  and  desires ;  and  these  insinuations 
took  a  form  which  led  to  an  investigation  into  Mr.  Blaine's 
connection  with  the  Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  Railroad  Com- 
pany and  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  Company.  In  brief,  Mr. 
Blaine  had,  as  Speaker,  given  a  decision  which  facilitated  the 
passage  of  a  bill  authorizing  the  State  of  Arkansas  to  aid  in  the 
construction  of  the  Fort  Smith  road.  Afterward  he  had  become 
interested  in  the  securities  of  the  company  ;  and  it  was  asserted 
that  he  had  traded  upon  the  service  he  had  rendered  to  the 
company  to  obtain  specially  favorable  terms  from  those  wTho 
had  the  disposal  of  the  securities.  Mr.  Blaine's  prominence 
in  public  affairs,  and  the  strong  position  he  occupied  as  a  candi- 
date for  the  Republican  nomination,  caused  the  scandal  to  attract 
general  attention.  The  letters  he  had  written  upon  the  sub- 
ject were  in  hostile  hands.  Mr.  Blaine  obtained  possession  of 
them,  and  in  a  memorably  dramatic  scene  read  them,  with  his 
own  explanation,  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  The  effect 
was  precisely  what  might  have  been  expected  :  those  who  were 
previously  convinced  of  his  guilt  saw  in  them  proof  of  the 
charges  against  him  ;  his  ardent  admirers,  of  whom  there  was 
a  host  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  accepted  them  as  a  com- 
plete exoneration.  The  present  writer,  who  enjoyed  a  lifelong 
personal  friendship,  and  for  many  years  was  on  terms  of  inti- 
macy, with  Mr.  Blaine,  always  believed  in  his  innocence  not 
only  of  the  charges  here  referred  to,  but  of  others  which  his 
political  opponents  made  against  him.  The  unpleasant  chapter 
in  his  history  is  recorded  here  because  it  had  an  important 
bearing  upon  his  aspirations  to  the  presidency,  but  with  keen 
regret  that  a  perpetuation  of  it  is  necessary. 


THE   DISPUTED   ELECTION  303 

A  strong  movement  was  organized  in  the  party  in  favor  of 
Mr.  Benjamin  H.  Bristow,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Mr. 
Bristow  had  won  the  high  opinion  of  the  country  hy  his 
vigorous  proceedings  against  the  western  "whiskey  rings." 
The  heavy  tax  upon  distilled  spirit  was  a  great  temptation  to 
fraud  in  its  manufacture.  Evidence  was  obtained  that  many 
western  distilleries  were  enabled  by  collusion  with  government 
officers  to  manufacture  vast  amounts  of  whiskey  upon  which 
no  tax  was  paid.  They  secured  a  great  profit,  which  profit 
was  divided  between  those  who  committed  the  frauds  and 
those  who  permitted  them.  Certain  persons  near  the  adminis- 
tration were  implicated,  or  at  least  open  to  serious  suspicion. 
The  President  directed  that  the  prosecutions  should  be  pressed 
with  all  vigor  ;  but  Mr.  Bristow  received  most  of  the  credit 
for  the  unrelenting  vigor  with  which  the  prosecutions  were 
carried  to  a  successful  issue.  Accordingly  he  became  the 
favorite  candidate  of  those  who  were  most  opposed  to  what  it 
was  the  fashion  to  call  "  Caesarism  "  and  "  Grantism." 

Ohio  presented  her  governor,  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  a  gen- 
eral in  the  Union  army  during  the  war,  formerly  a  member  of 
Congress,  and  in  187G,  for  the  third  time,  governor  of  Ohio. 
Governor  John  F.  Hartranft,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Mr.  Mar- 
shall Jewell,  who  had  been  governor  of  Connecticut,  minister 
to  Russia,  and  Postmaster-general,  were  also  candidates. 

The  leading  candidate  on  the  Democratic  side  was  Governor 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  but  his  supremacy  was  not 
undisputed.  Mr.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  who  had  received 
most  of  the  votes  of  Democratic  electors  in  1872,  after  the 
death  of  Mr.  Greeley,  had  strong  western  support.  General 
Hancock  was  a  favorite  of  the  soldiers,  as  he  had  been  in  1868. 
Ohio  was  in  the  field  with  ex-Governor  William  Allen,  who 
had  carried  the  State  in  1873.  But  as  the  state  and  district 
conventions  made  Mr.  Blaine  the  leading  candidate  on  the 
Republican  nide,  so  those  of  the  Democrats  placed  Mr.  Tilden 
far  in  advance  of  all  competitors.  Mr.  Tilden  had  gained  a 
high  reputation  by  his  warfare  against  the  "Tweed  ring"  in 
New  York  city  some  years  before,  and  had  added  to  it  by  his 
career  as  governor  of  the  State  of  New  York.  But  he  was 
opposed  most  warmly  by  the  Tammany  organization  in  his  own 
city,  an^  this  was  deemed  by  many  a  sufficient  reason  why  he 
should  not  be  nominated.  Such  was  the  situation  when  the 
6eason  of  national  conventions  began,  in  May,  1876. 


364  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  first  convention  of  the  series  was  that  of  the  Prohibi- 
tionists, which  was  held  in  Cleveland,  Ohio,  on  the  17th  of 
May.  This  convention  nominated,  for  President,  Green  Clay 
Smith,  of  Kentucky,  and,  for  Vice-President,  G.  T.  Stewart,  of 
Ohio  ;  and  adopted  the  following  platform  :  — 

The  Prohibition  Reform  party  of  the  United  States,  organized 
in  the  name  of  the  people  to  revive,  enforce,  and  perpetuate  in  the 
government  the  doctrines  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  sub- 
mit in  this  centennial  year  of  the  republic,  for  the  suff rages  of  all 
good  citizens,  the  following  platform  of  national  reforms  and  mea- 
sures :  — 

1.  The  legal  prohibition  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Terri- 
tories, and  in  every  other  place  subject  to  the  laws  of  Congress,  of 
the  importation,  exportation,  manufacture,  and  traffic  of  all  alco- 
holic beverages  as  high  crimes  against  society ;  an  amendment  of 
the  national  Constitution  to  render  these  prohibitory  measures  uni- 
versal and  permanent ;  and  the  adoption  of  treaty  stipulations  with 
foreign  powers  to  prevent  the  importation  and  exportation  of  all 
alcoholic  beverages. 

2.  The  abolition  of  class  legislation  and  of  special  privileges  in 
the  government,  and  of  the  adoption  of  equal  suffrage  and  eligibil- 
ity to  office  without  distinction  of  race,  religious  creed,  property, 
or  sex. 

3.  The  appropriation  of  the  public  lands  in  limited  quantities  to 
actual  settlers  only ;  the  reduction  of  the  rates  of  inland  and  ocean 
postage;  of  telegraphic  communication;  of  railroad  and  water 
transportation  and  travel  to  the  lowest  practicable  point  by  force 
of  law,  wisely  and  justly  framed,  with  reference  not  only  to  the 
interests  of  capital  employed,  but  to  the  higher  claims  of  the  gen- 
eral good. 

4.  The  suppression  by  law  of  lottery  and  gambling  in  gold, 
stocks,  produce,  and  every  form  of  money  and  property,  and  the 
penal  inhibition  of  the  use  of  the  public  mails  for  advertising 
schemes  of  gambling  and  lotteries. 

5.  The  abolition  of  those  foul  enormities,  polygamy  and  the 
social  evil,  and  the  protection  of  purity,  peace,  and  happiness  of 
homes  by  ample  and  efficient  legislation. 

6.  The  national  observance  of  the  Christian  Sabbath,  established 
by  laws  prohibiting  ordinary  labor  and  business  in  all  departments 
of  public  service  and  private  employment  (works  of  necessity,  char- 
ity, and  religion  excepted)  on  that  day. 

7.  The  establishment  by  mandatory  provisions  in  national  and 
state  constitutions,  and  by  all  necessary  legislation,  of  a  system  of 
free  public  schools  for  the  universal  and  forced  education  of  all 
the  youth  of  the  land. 


THE   DISPUTED   ELECTION  365 

8.  The  free  use  of  the  Bible,  not  as  a  ground  of  religious  creeds, 
but  as  a  text-book  of  the  purest  morality,  the  best  liberty,  and  the 
noblest  literature,  in  our  public  schools,  that  our  children  may 
grow  up  in  its  light,  and  that  its  spirit  and  principles  may  pervade 
the  nation. 

9.  The  separation  of  the  government  in  all  departments  and 
institutions,  including  the  public  schools  and  all  funds  for  their 
maintenance,  from  the  control  of  every  religious  sect  or  other 
association,  and  the  protection  alike  of  all  sects  by  equal  laws, 
with  entire  freedom,  of  religious  faith  and  worship. 

10.  The  introduction  into  all  treaties  hereafter  negotiated  with 
foreign  governments  of  a  provision  for  the  amicable  settlement  of 
international  difficulties  by  arbitration. 

11.  The  abolition  of  all  barbarous  modes  and  instruments  of 
punishment ;  the  recognition  of  the  laws  of  God  and  the  claims  of 
humanity  in  the  discipline  of  jails  and  prisons,  and  of  that  higher 
and  wiser  civilization  worthy  of  our  age  and  nation,  which  regards 
the  reform  of  criminals  as  a  means  for  the  prevention  of  crime. 

12.  The  abolition  of  executive  and  legislative  patronage,  and 
the  election  of  President,  Vice-President,  United  States  senators, 
and  of  all  civil  officers,  so  far  as  practicable,  by  the  direct  vote  of 
the  people. 

13.  The  practice  of  a  friendly  and  liberal  policy  to  immigrants 
from  all  nations,  the  guarantee  to  them  of  ample  protection,  and 
of  equal  rights  and  privileges. 

14.  The  separation  of  the  money  of  government  from  all  bank- 
ing institutions.  The  national  government  only  should  exercise 
the  high  prerogative  of  issuing  paper  money,  and  that  should  be 
subject  to  prompt  redemption  on  demand  in  gold  and  silver,  the 
only  equal  standards  of  value  recognized  by  the  civilized  world. 

15.  The  reduction  of  the  salaries  of  public  officers  in  a  just  ratio 
with  the  decline  of  wages  and  market  prices,  the  abolition  of  sine- 
cures, unnecessary  offices,  and  official  fees  and  perquisites;  the 
practice  of  strict  economy  in  government  expenses,  and  a  free  and 
thorough  investigation  into  any  and  all  alleged  abuses  of  public 
trusts. 

Reference  has  been  made  already,  in  this  chapter,  to  the 
rise  and  growth  of  a  party  favorable  to  a  paper  money  regime. 
It  had  its  origin  as  early  as  1868,  when  the  retirement  of 
greenbacks  was  prohibited  by  Congress  on  the  ground  that  a 
contraction  of  the  currency  was  injurious  to  business.  It 
found  expression  in  the  canvass  of  that  year,  in  the  demand 
that  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  should  be  made  payable 
In  greenbacks.     After  the  panic  of  1873  the  secretary  of  the 


36(3  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

treasury  issued  a  part  of  the  notes  retired  six  years  before, 
taking  the  position  that  the  forty-four  million  dollars  so 
retired  were  a  "  reserve."  It  was  urged  on  the  one  hand  that 
the  volume  of  the  currency  ought  to  be  still  further,  and 
largely,  increased;  and  on  the  other  that  "inflation"  was  but 
feeding  the  financial  disease,  and  that  steps  should  be  taken  to 
resume  specie  payments,  suspended  since  1862.  The  contro- 
versy was  severe.  The  sharp  commercial  and  industrial  dis- 
tress disposed  Congress  to  accede  to  the  call  for  more  paper 
money,  and  in  1874  a  bill  was  passed  by  both  branches  which 
authorized  an  increase.  The  bill  was  vetoed  by  the  President, 
and  failed.  The  advocates  of  resumption  of  specie  payments 
took  courage  from  the  veto,  and  an  act  was  passed,  as  a  Repub- 
lican measure,  in  1875,  which  not  only  fixed  January  1,  1879, 
as  the  date  on  which  the  government  would  redeem  in  coin  all 
its  notes  on  demand,  but  clothed  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
with  practically  unlimited  authority  to  borrow  money  in  pre- 
paration for  redemption,  and  to  maintain  specie  payments 
afterward.  The  resumption  act  was  most  vigorously  opposed  ; 
but  it  was  passed,  approved  by  the  President,  and  ultimately 
carried  into  effect.  During  the  period  of  the  agitation  over  the 
question  a  "  greenback  "  convention  was  held  in  Indianapolis, 
which  adopted  what  was  then  known  as  "  the  Ohio  idea,"  — 
in  brief  that  paper  money  was  less  fluctuating  in  value  than 
coin,  and  that  the  volume  of  the  currency  should  be  "equal  to 
the  demands  of  business."  Many  of  the  "  greenbackers,"  as 
they  were  called,  favored  "fiat"  money,  that  is,  "coined 
paper,"  —  which  was  not  to  be  redeemed  in  coin,  but  was  to 
be  stamped  as  full  legal  tender  and  kept  in  circulation  by  the 
fiat  of  the  government.  It  may  be  remarked  here  that  the 
party  which  was  organized  to  oppose  resumption  and  to  per- 
petuate the  paper  money  regime  is  the  Populist  party  of  later 
times,  under  a  new  name,  with  kindred  purposes,  although  it 
now  espouses  the  cause  of  silver  instead  of  greenbacks.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  in  the  first  platform  adopted  by  the  party, 
three  years  after  "  the  crime  of  1873,"  —  as  the  act  discontin- 
uing the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar  has  been  called,  —  but 
before  the  "crime"  had  aroused  the  indignation  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  party,  the  bonds  then  being  issued  for  resumption 
purposes  were  spoken  of  as  "  gold  bonds."  Indeed,  this  plat- 
form is  worthy  of  notice  in  many  points,  by  those  who  would 
study  the  silver  question  historically. 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  367 

The  first  national  convention  of  the  Independent  National, 
01  Greenback,  party,  was  held  at  Indianapolis,  on  May  18, 
1876.  Ignatius  Donnelly,  of  Minnesota,  was  the  temporary 
chairman,  and  Thomas  J.  Durant,  of  Washington,  D.  C,  the 
permanent  president.  Peter  Cooper,  of  New  York,  was  nomi- 
nated on  the  first  ballot  for  President,  and  Senator  Newton 
Booth,  of  California,  for  Vice-President.  Mr.  Booth  declined 
the  nomination,  and  General  Samuel  F.  Cary,  of  Ohio,  was 
substituted.  This  convention,  in  which  nineteen  States  were 
represented  by  239  delegates,  adopted  the  following  plat- 
form :  — 

The  Independent  party  is  called  into  existence  by  the  necessities 
of  the  people,  whose  industries  are  prostrated,  whose  labor  is  de- 
prived of  its  just  reward,  by  a  ruinous  policy  which  the  Republican 
and  Democratic  parties  refuse  to  change,  and  in  view  of  the  fail- 
ure of  these  parties  to  furnish  relief  to  the  depressed  industries  of 
the  country,  thereby  disappointing  the  just  hopes  and  expectations 
of  the  suffering  people,  we  declare  our  principles,  and  invite  all 
independent  and  patriotic  men  to  join  our  ranks  in  this  movement 
for  financial  reform  and  industrial  emancipation. 

1.  We  demand  the  immediate  and  unconditional  repeal  of  the 
specie-resumption  act  of  January  14,  1875,  and  the  rescue  of  our 
industries  from  ruin  and  disaster  resulting  from  its  enforcement ; 
and  we  call  upon  all  patriotic  men  to  organize,  in  every  congres- 
sional district  of  the  country,  with  a  view  of  electing  representa- 
tives to  Congress  who  will  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the  people  in 
this  regard,  and  stop  the  present  suicidal  and  destructive  policy  of 
contraction. 

2.  We  believe  that  a  United  States  note,  issued  directly  by  the 
government,  and  convertible  on  demand  into  United  States  obli- 
gations, bearing  a  rate  of  interest  not  exceeding  one  cent  a  day  on 
each  one  hundred  dollars,  and  exchangeable  for  United  States 
notes  at  par,  will  afford  the  best  circulating  medium  ever  devised. 
Such  United  States  notes  should  be  full  legal  tender  for  all  pur- 
poses except  for  the  payment  of  such  obligations  as  are,  by  exist- 
ing contracts,  especially  made  payable  in  coin,  and  we  hold  that  it 
is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  provide  such  circulating  medium, 
and  insist,  in  the  language  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  that  bank  paper 
must  be  suppressed,  and  the  circulation  restored  to  the  nation,  to 
whom  it  belongs. 

3.  It  is  the  paramount  duty  of  the  government,  in  all  its  legisla- 
tion, to  keep  in  view  the  full  development  of  all  legitimate  busi- 
ness, agricultural,  mining,  manufacturing,  and  commercial. 

4.  We  most  earnestly  protest  against  any  further  issue  of  gold 


368  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

bonds,  for  sale  in  foreign  markets,  by  which  we  would  be  made, 
for  a  long  period,  hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  for  for- 
eigners, especially  as  the  American  people  would  gladly  and 
promptly  take,  at  par,  all  bonds  the  government  may  need  to  sell, 
provided  they  are  made  payable  at  the  option  of  the  holder,  and 
bearing  interest  at  3.65  per  cent,  per  annum,  or  even  a  lower  rate. 
5.  We  further  protest  against  the  sale  of  government  bonds  for 
the  purpose  of  purchasing  silver,  to  be  used  as  a  substitute  for  our 
more  convenient  and  less  fluctuating  fractional  currency,  which, 
although  well  calculated  to  enrich  owners  of  silver  mines,  yet  in 
operation  it  will  still  further,  oppress,  in  taxation,  an  already  over- 
burdened people. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  Cincinnati  on  June  14. 
As  the  day  approached,  the  public  interest  in  the  meeting 
became  very  great.  The  delegates  elected  in  most  of  the 
States  were  pledged  to  one  or  another  of  the  candidates.  Each 
of  the  three  largest  States  had  a  candidate  of  its  own.  New 
York,  with  70  delegates,  was  substantially  unanimous  for  Mr. 
Conkling ;  Pennsylvania,  with  58  delegates,  was  instructed  to 
vote  for  General  Hartranft ;  Ohio,  whose  delegates  numbered 
44,  was  united  in  support  of  Governor  Hayes.  These  three 
candidates  thus  held  172  votes  out  of  the  756  to  which  all  the 
States  and  Territories  were  entitled.  Mr.  Morton  had,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  30  votes  of  his  own  Indiana  delegation,  nearly  100 
more  pledged  to  him,  every  one  of  which  was  from  the  South- 
ern States.  The  Bristow  strength  was  unknown,  but  was 
believed  to  be  about  100  votes.  It  was  evident  from  the 
beginning  that,  if  the  forces  of  these  five  candidates  could  be 
united,  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Blaine,  whose  delegates  were  more 
than  twice  as  numerous  as  those  of  any  other  candidate,  was 
assured.  The  party  was  roughly  divided  into  two  wings,  one 
of  which  was  warmly  in  favor  of  the  Grant  administration, 
while  the  other  desired  "reform  within  the  party."  The  pre- 
vailing sentiment  was  decidedly  hostile  to  a  perpetuation  of 
the  Grant  administration  under  a  new  head.  The  administra- 
tion strength  was  represented,  accurately  enough,  by  the  Conk- 
ling and  Morton  contingents.  The  rest  of  the  delegates  were, 
for  the  most  part,  opposed  to  any  one  who  might  seem  to  be 
the  political  heir  of  the  President.  Many  of  the  adherents  of 
Mr.  Bristow  were  as  strongly  opposed  to  Mr.  Blaine  as  they 
were  to  what  they  called  "  the  Grant  dynasty."  The  charges 
brought  against  Mr.  Blaine  were  in  process  of  investigation 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  369 

almost  up  to  the  very  day  that  the  convention  met.  Many 
delegates  believed  the  charges  to  be  true ;  and  although  a  large 
majority  of  the  delegates  probably  disbelieved  them,  some  of 
them  deemed  it  bad  policy  to  nominate  a  man  who  was  so  seri- 
ously assailed.  On  the  Sunday  morning  before  the  convention, 
Mr.  Blaine  suffered  a  sunstroke,  and  was,  for  a  day  or  two, 
believed  to  be  dangerously  ill.  This  also  was  unfortunate  for 
him,  and  probably  cost  him  some  votes. 

Theodore  M.  Pomeroy,  of  New  York,  was  temporary  chair- 
man of  the  convention,  and  Edward  McPherson,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, was  the  permanent  president.  On  the  second  day  the 
adoption  of  the  rules  drafted  by  the  committee  on  rules  intro- 
duced some  important  reforms  in  national  convention  work. 
It  was  decided  that  the  report  of  the  committee  on  credentials 
should  be  disposed  of  first,  the  platform  next,  and  only  then 
should  the  nomination  of  candidates  be  in  order.  Another 
rule  put  an  end  to  the  practice  of  "  stampeding,"  by  providing 
that  the  roll-call  should  in  no  case  be  dispensed  with ;  and 
that  after  the  vote  of  a  State  for  candidates  was  announced  it 
should  not  be  changed  on  that  ballot. 

There  were  several  contested  elections,  but  the  only  impor- 
tant case  was  that  of  Alabama,  where  one  delegation,  headed  by 
Senator  Spencer,  was  in  favor  of  Mr.  Morton,  the  other,  headed 
by  Mr.  Haralson,  a  colored  member  of  Congress,  was  divided 
between  Mr.  Blaine  and  Mr.  Bristow.  The  Spencer  delegation 
was  refused  admittance  by  a  vote  of  375  to  354,  and  the  Har- 
alson delegation  was  admitted.  The  following  platform  was 
then  reported  by  Gen.  Joseph  R.  Hawley,  of  Connecticut :  — 

When,  in  the  economy  of  Providence,  this  land  was  to  be  purged 
of  human  slavery,  and  when  the  strength  of  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  was  to  be  demonstrated, 
the  Republican  party  came  into  power.  Its  deeds  have  passed 
into  history,  and  we  look  back  to  them  with  pride.  Incited  by 
their  memories  to  high  aims  for  the  good  of  our  country  and  man- 
kind, and  looking  to  the  future  with  unfaltering  courage,  hope, 
and  purpose,  we,  the  representatives  of  the  party  in  national  con- 
vention assembled,  make  the  following  declaration  of  principles  :  — 

1.  The  United  States  of  America  is  a  nation,  not  a  league.  By 
the  combined  workings  of  the  national  and  state  governments, 
under  their  respective  constitutions,  the  rights  of  every  citizen  are 
Secured,  at  home  and  abroad,  and  the  common  welfare  promoted. 

d.  The  Republican  party  has  preserved  these  governments  to  the 


370  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

hundredth  anniversary  of  the  nation's  birth,  and  they  are  now 
embodiments  of  the  great  truths  spoken  at  its  cradle,  "  That  all 
men  are  created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights,  among  which  are  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness ;  that  for  the  attainment  of  these  ends  gov- 
ernments have  been  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed."  Until  these  truths  are 
cheerfully  obeyed,  or,  if  need  be,  vigorously  enforced,  the  work  of 
the  Republican  party  is  unfinished. 

3.  The  permanent  pacification  of  the  Southern  section  of  the 
Union,  and  the  complete  protection  of  all  its  citizens  in  the  free 
enjoyment  of  all  their  rights,  is  a  duty  to  which  the  Republican 
party  stands  sacredly  pledged.  The  power  to  provide  for  the  en- 
forcement of  the  principles  embodied  by  the  recent  constitutional 
amendments  is  vested  by  those  amendments  in  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  solemn  obligation  of 
the  legislative  and  executive  departments  of  the  government  to  put 
into  immediate  and  vigorous  exercise  all  their  constitutional  powers 
for  removing  any  just  causes  of  discontent  on  the  part  of  any  class, 
and  for  securing  to  every  American  citizen  complete  liberty  and 
exact  equality  in  the  exercise  of  all  civil,  political,  and  public  rights. 
To  this  end  we  imperatively  demand  a  Congress  and  a  Chief  Ex- 
ecutive whose  courage  and  fidelity  to  these  duties  shall  not  falter 
until  these  results  are  placed  beyond  dispute  or  recall. 

4.  In  the  first  act  of  Congress  signed  by  President  Grant,  the 
national  government  assumed  to  remove  any  doubts  of  its  purpose 
to  discharge  all  just  obligations  to  the  public  creditors,  and  "  sol- 
emnly pledged  its  faith  to  make  provision,  at  the  earliest  practi- 
cable period,  for  the  redemption  of  the  United  States  notes  in  coin." 
Commercial  prosperity,  public  morals,  and  national  credit  demand 
that  this  promise  be  fulfilled  by  a  continuous  and  steady  progress 
to  specie  payment. 

5.  Under  the  Constitution  the  President  and  heads  of  depart- 
ments are  to  make  nominations  for  office ;  the  Senate  is  to  advise 
and  consent  to  appointments,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  is 
to  accuse  and  prosecute  faithless  officers.  The  best  interest  of  the 
public  service  demands  that  these  distinctions  be  respected ;  that 
senators  and  representatives,  who  may  be  judges  and  accusers, 
should  not  dictate  appointments  to  office.  The  invariable  rule  in 
appointments  should  have  reference  to  the  honesty,  fidelity,  and 
capacity  of  the  appointees,  giving  to  the  party  in  power  those  places 
where  harmony  and  vigor  of  administration  require  its  policy  to  be 
represented,  but  permitting  all  others  to  be  filled  by  persons  se- 
lected with  sole  reference  to  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service,  and 
the  right  of  all  citizens  to  share  in  the  honor  of  rendering  faithful 
service  to  the  country. 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  371 

6.  We  rejoice  in  the  quickened  conscience  of  the  people  concern- 
ing political  affairs,  and  will  hold  all  public  officers  to  a  rigid  re- 
sponsibility, and  engage  that  the  prosecution  and  punishment  of 
all  who  betray  official  trusts  shall  be  swift,  thorough,  and  un- 
sparing. 

7.  The  public-school  system  of  the  several  States  is  a  bulwark 
of  the  American  Republic,  and,  with  a  view  to  its  security  and  per- 
manence, we  recommend  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
tf  nited  States  forbidding  the  application  of  any  public  funds  or 
property  for  the  benefit  of  any  schools  or  institutions  under  sec- 
tarian control. 

8.  The  revenue  necessary  for  current  expenditures  and  the  obli- 
gations of  the  public  debt  must  be  largely  derived  from  duties  upon 
importations,  which,  so  far  as  possible,  should  be  adjusted  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  American  labor  and  advance  the  prosperity 
of  the  whole  country. 

9.  We  reaffirm  our  opposition  to  further  grants  of  the  public 
land  to  corporations  and  monopolies,  and  demand  that  the  national 
domain  be  devoted  to  free  homes  for  the  people. 

10.  It  is  the  imperative  duty  of  the  government  so  to  modify 
existing  treaties  with  European  governments  that  the  same  pro- 
tection shall  be  afforded  to  the  adopted  American  citizen  that  is 
given  to  the  native-born ;  and  that  all  necessary  laws  should  be 
passed  to  protect  emigrants,  in  the  absence  of  power  in  the  States 
for  that  purpose. 

11.  It  is  the  immediate  duty  of  Congress  fully  to  investigate  the 
effect  of  immigration  and  importation  of  Mongolians  upon  the 
moral  and  material  interests  of  the  country. 

12.  The  Republican  party  recognizes  with  its  approval  the  sub- 
stantial advances  recently  made  toward  the  establishment  of  equal 
rights  for  women  by  the  many  important  amendments  effected  by 
Republican  legislatures  in  the  laws  which  concern  the  personal 
and  property  relations  of  wives,  mothers,  and  widows,  and  by  the 
appointment  and  election  of  women  to  the  superintendence  of  edu- 
cation, charities,  and  other  public  trusts.  The  honest  demands  of 
this  class  of  citizens  for  additional  rights,  privileges,  and  immuni- 
ties should  be  treated  with  respectful  consideration. 

13.  The  Constitution  confers  upon  Congress  sovereign  power 
over  the  Territories  of  the  United  States  for  their  government,  and 
in  the  exercise  of  this  power  it  is  the  right  and  duty  of  Congress  to 
prohibit  and  extirpate,  in  the  Territories,  that  relic  of  barbarism, 
polygamy ;  and  we  demand  such  legislation  as  shall  secure  this  end 
and  the  supremacy  of  American  institutions  in  all  the  Territories. 

14.  The  pledges  which  the  nation  has  given  to  her  soldiers  and 
sailors  must  be  fulfilled,  and  a  grateful  people  will  always  hold 


372  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

those  who  imperilled  their  lives  for  the  country's  preservation  in 
the  kindest  remembrance. 

15.  We  sincerely  deprecate  all  sectional  feeling  and  tendencies. 
We  therefore  note  with  deep  solicitude  that  the  Democratic  party 
counts,  as  its  chief  hope  of  success,  upon  the  electoral  vote  of  a 
united  South,  secured  through  the  efforts  of  those  who  were  re- 
cently arrayed  against  the  nation ;  and  we  invoke  the  earnest  atten- 
tion of  the  country  to  the  grave  truth  that  a  success  thus  achieved 
would  reopen  sectional  strife  and  imperil  national  honor  and 
human  rights. 

1G.  We  charge  the  Democratic  party  with  being  the  same  in 
character  and  spirit  as  when  it  sympathized  with  treason ;  with 
making  its  control  of  the  House  of  Representatives  the  triumph 
and  opportunity  of  the  nation's  recent  foes ;  with  reasserting  and 
applauding  in  the  national  Capitol  the  sentiments  of  unrepentant 
rebellion ;  with  sending  Union  soldiers  to  the  rear,  and  promoting 
Confederate  soldiers  to  the  front ;  with  deliberately  proposing  to 
repudiate  the  plighted  faith  of  the  government ;  with  being  equally 
false  and  imbecile  upon  the  overshadowing  financial  questions; 
with  thwarting  the  ends  of  justice  by  its  partisan  mismanagement 
and  obstruction  of  investigation ;  with  proving  itself,  through  the 
period  of  its  ascendency  in  the  lower  House  of  Congress,  utterly 
incompetent  to  administer  the  government;  and  we  warn  the 
country  against  trusting  a  party  thus  alike  unworthy,  recreant, 
and  incapable. 

17.  The  national  administration  merits  commendation  for  its 
honorable  work  in  the  management  of  domestic  and  foreign  affairs, 
and  President  Grant  deserves  the  continued  hearty  gratitude  of  the 
American  people  for  his  patriotism  and  his  eminent  services,  in  war 
and  in  peace. 

18.  We  present  as  our  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  two  distinguished  statesmen,  of  eminent 
ability  and  character,  and  conspicuously  fitted  for  those  high 
offices,  and  we  confidently  appeal  to  the  American  people  to  en- 
trust the  administration  of  their  public  affairs  to  Rutherford  B. 
Hayes  and  William  A.  Wheeler. 

The  last  resolution,  of  course,  was  added  to  the  series  after 
the  nominations  had  been  made.  When  the  resolutions  had 
been  read,  Mr.  Edward  L.  Pierce,  of  Massachusetts,  moved  to 
strike  out  the  eleventh  resolution,  relating  to  the  Chinese. 
After  a  brief  debate  the  motion  was  rejected,  yeas  215,  nays 
532.  Mr.  E.  J.  Davis,  of  Texas,  moved  to  strike  out  the  fourth 
resolution,  and  to  substitute  the  following :  — 

That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  provide  for  carrying  out  the 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION 


373 


act  known  as  the  Resumption  Act  of  Congress,  to  the  end  that  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  may  not  be  longer  delayed. 

A  debate  took  place  upon  this  proposition  also,  but  the 
motion  was  rejected  without  a  count,  and  the  platform  was 
then  adopted.  The  proceedings  of  the  second  day  closed  with 
the  formal  nomination  of  candidates.  Some  of  the  speeches 
were  remarkable  efforts,  and  excited  the  partisans  of  the  several 
candidates  to  the  highest  pitch  of  enthusiasm. 

On  the  third  day  the  nominations  were  made.  On  the  first 
vote  Mr.  Blaine  received  285 ;  Mr.  Morton  125 ;  Mr.  Bristow 
113 ;  Mr.  Conkling  99 ;  Mr.  Hayes  61 ;  Mr.  Hartranft  58 ;  Mr. 
Jewell  11 ;  and  Mr.  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York,  3.  Mr. 
Blaine's  strength  was  made  up  of  77  votes  from  the  South, 
and  of  208  from  Northern  States,  including  some  votes  from 
almost  every  State  except  those  which  presented  candidates 
of  their  own.  Mr.  Morton  had  30  votes  from  Indiana,  and 
95  from  Southern  States.  Mr.  Bristow's  votes  were  given  by 
seventeen  States  and  one  Territory,  and  were  strictly  scatter- 
ing, except  the  votes  of  Kentucky,  his  own  State,  17  from 
Massachusetts,  and  10  from  Tennessee.  Mr.  Conkling's  99 
were  made  up  of  69  from  New  York  and  a  few  scattering 
votes  from  nine  other  States;  the  South  contributing  25  of 
the  30.  Mr.  Hayes  had  17  votes  from  other  States  than 
Ohio.  The  other  candidates  received  no  votes  except  from 
their  respective  States.  Seven  trials  were  necessary  to  effect 
a  choice.      They  resulted  as  follows :  — 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

5th. 

286 
95 

114 
82 

104 
69 

5 

755 

378 

6th. 

7th. 

285 

125 

113 

99 

61 

58 

11 

3 

754 

378 

296 

120 

114 

93 

64 

63 

4 

754 

378 

293 

113 

121 

90 

67 

68 

3 

755 

378 

292 

108 

126 

84 

68 

71 

5 

754 

378 

308 
85 

111 
81 

113 
50 

5 

755 

878 

351 

Bristow 
Conkling" 

.     .     . 

21 

384i 

Hartranft 
Jewell    . 
Scattering 

Whole  nun 
Necessary 

iber   .     . 

756 
379 

The  nomination  of  Mr.   Hayes  was  made  unanimous.     It 
seemed  to  be  inevitable  when  the  fifth  ballot  was  announced. 


374  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Mr.  Haves  was  the  only  candidate  who  had  made  a  gain  on 
even'  vote ;  and  as  he  was  entirely  unobjectionable  to  the  friends 
of  all  other  candidates,  it  was  less  difficult  to  concentrate  votes 
upon  him  than  upon  any  other  person  in  the  list.  Mr.  Blaine, 
who  was  informed  by  telegraph  at  his  house  in  Washington 
of  the  progress  of  the  voting,  wrote  a  dispatch  congratulating 
Mr.  Hayes  immediately  on  receiving  the  result  of  the  fifth 
vote. 

During  the  progress  of  the  voting  a  stormy  scene  took  place 
upon  the  demand  of  four  Pennsylvania  delegates  to  have  their 
votes  separately  recorded.  The  delegation  had  been  instructed 
to  vote  "  as  a  unit,"  and  these  delegates  claimed  the  right  to 
vote  for  themselves.  Mr.  McPherson,  the  president  of  the 
convention,  sustained  their  demand,  and,  on  an  appeal,  his 
decision  was  affirmed,  395  to  354.  Thus  was  broken  the 
famous  "  unit  rule,"  which,  after  one  more  contest  at  Chicago, 
four  years  later,  was  abandoned  by  the  Republicans,  no  doubt 
forever. 

Several  candidates  were  presented  for  the  nomination  for 
Vice-President,  but,  as  the  voting  proceeded,  nearly  all  the 
votes  were  for  William  A.  Wheeler,  of  New  York.  The  other 
candidates  were  thereupon  withdrawn,  and  Mr.  Wheeler  was 
unanimously  nominated.  The  convention  soon  afterward  ad- 
journed, with  cheers  for  the  ticket. 

The  Democrats  met  at  St.  Louis  two  weeks  later.  The 
convention  was  deprived  of  much  of  its  interest  by  the  fact 
that  Mr.  Tilden's  lead  for  the  nomination  was  so  great.  He 
was  known  to  have  more  than  four  hundred  delegates  out  of 
the  whole  convention  of  744,  and,  while  his  candidacy  was 
opposed,  the  opposition  came  from  States  which  nevertheless 
sent  delegations  unanimously  in  his  favor.  The  delegates 
who  were  not  for  him  were  not  against  him.  His  nomina- 
tion was  therefore  universally  expected,  except  by  the  more 
sanguine  friends  of  other  candidates. 

Mr.  Henry  Watterson,  of  Kentucky,  was  the  temporary  chair- 
man, and  General  John  A.  McClernand,  of  Illinois,  the  perma- 
nent president.  On  the  second  day  the  platform  was  reported 
by  Mr.  Dorsheimer,  of  New  York,  as  follows :  — 

We,  the  delegates  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States, 
in  national  convention  assembled,  do  hereby  declare  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  federal  government  to  be  in  urgent  need  of  im- 
mediate reform;  do  hereby  enjoin  upon  the  nominees  of  this 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  375 

convention,  and  of  the  Democratic  party  in  each  State,  a  zealous 
effort  and  cooperation  to  this  end ;  and  do  hereby  appeal  to  our 
fellow-citizens  of  every  former  political  connection  to  undertake 
with  us  this  first  and  most  pressing  patriotic  duty. 

For  the  Democracy  of  the  whole  country,  we  do  here  reaffirm 
our  faith  in  the  permanence  of  the  federal  Union,  our  devotion  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  with  its  amendments  uni- 
versally accepted  as  a  final  settlement  of  the  controversies  that 
engendered  civil  war,  and  do  here  record  our  steadfast  confidence 
in  the  perpetuity  of  republican  self-government. 

In  absolute  acquiescence  ill  the  will  of  the  majority,  —  the  vital 
principle  of  republics ;  in  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  over  the  mili- 
tary authority;  in  the  total  separation  of  Church  and  State,  for  the 
sake  alike  of  civil  and  religious  freedom ;  in  the  equality  of  all 
citizens  before  just  laws  of  their  own  enactment ;  in  the  liberty  of 
individual  conduct,  unvexed  by  sumptuary  laws ;  in  the  faithful 
education  of  the  rising  generation,  that  they  may  preserve,  enjoy, 
and  transmit  these  best  conditions  of  human  happiness  and  hope, 
—  we  behold  the  noblest  products  of  a  hundred  years  of  changeful 
history ;  but,  while  upholding  the  bond  of  our  Union  and  great 
charter  of  these  our  rights,  it  behooves  a  free  people  to  practice 
also  that  eternal  vigilance  which  is  the  price  of  liberty. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  rebuild  and  establish  in  the  hearts  of  the 
whole  people  the  Union,  eleven  years  ago  happily  rescued  from  the 
danger  of  a  secession  of  States,  but  now  to  be  saved  from  a  corrupt 
centralism  which,  after  inflicting  upon  ten  States  the  rapacity  of 
carpet-bag  tyrannies,  has  honeycombed  the  offices  of  the  federal 
government  itself  with  incapacity,  waste,  and  fraud;  infected 
States  and  municipalities  with  the  contagion  of  misrule,  and  locked 
fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrious  people  in  the  paralysis  of  hard 
times. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  establish  a  sound  currency,  restore  the 
public  credit,  and  maintain  the  national  honor. 

We  denounce  the  failure,  for  all  these  eleven  years  of  peace,  to 
make  good  the  promise  of  the  legal  tender  notes,  which  are  a 
changing  standard  of  value  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  the 
non-payment  of  which  is  a  disregard  of  the  plighted  faith  of 
the  nation. 

We  denounce  the  improvidence  which,  in  eleven  years  of  peace, 
has  taken  from  the  people  in  federal  taxes  thirteen  times  the 
whole  amount  of  the  legal  tender  notes,  and  squandered  four  times 
their  sum  in  useless  expense  without  accumulating  any  reserve  for 
their  redemption. 

We  denounce  the  financial  imbecility  and  immorality  of  that 
party  which,  during  eleven  years  of  peace,  has  made  no  advance 


376  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

toward  resumption,  no  preparation  for  resumption,  but  instead  has 
obstructed  resumption,  by  wasting  our  resources  and  exhausting 
all  our  surplus  income ;  and,  while  annually  professing  to  intend  a 
speedy  return  to  specie  payments,  has  annually  enacted  fresh  hin- 
drances thereto.  As  such  hindrance,  we  denounce  the  resumption 
clause  of  the  act  of  1875,  and  we  here  demand  its  repeal. 

We  demand  a  judicious  system  of  preparation  by  public  eco- 
nomy, by  official  retrenchment,  and  by  wise  finance,  which  shall 
enable  the  nation  soon  to  assure  the  whole  world  of  its  perfect 
ability  and  its  perfect  readiness  to  meet  any  of  its  promises  at 
the  call  of  the  creditor  entitled  to  payment. 

We  believe  such  a  system,  well  devised,  and,  above  all,  entrusted 
to  competent  hands  for  its  execution,  creating  at  no  time  an  arti- 
ficial scarcity  of  currency,  and  at  no  time  alarming  the  public 
mind  into  a  withdrawal  of  that  vaster  machinery  of  credit  by  which 
ninety-five  per  cent,  of  all  business  transactions  are  performed,  —  a 
system  open,  public,  and  inspiring  general  confidence,  —  would, 
from  the  day  of  its  adoption,  bring  healing  on  its  wings  to  all  our 
harassed  industries,  set  in  motion  the  wheels  of  commerce,  manu- 
factures, and  the  mechanic  arts,  restore  employment  to  labor,  and 
renew  in  all  its  natural  resources  the  prosperity  of  the  people. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  sum  and  modes  of  federal  taxation, 
to  the  end  that  capital  may  be  set  free  from  distrust,  and  labor 
lightly  burdened. 

We  denounce  the  present  tariff,  levied  upon  nearly  four  thou, 
sand  articles,  as  a  masterpiece  of  injustice,  inequality,  and  false 
pretence.  It  yields  a  dwindling,  not  a  yearly  rising  revenue.  It 
has  impoverished  many  industries  to  subsidize  a  few.  It  prohibits 
imports  that  might  purchase  the  products  of  American  labor.  It 
has  degraded  American  commerce  from  the  first  to  an  inferior 
rank  on  the  high  seas.  It  has  cut  down  the  sales  of  American 
manufactures  at  home  and  abroad  and  depleted  the  returns  of 
American  agriculture,  —  an  industry  followed  by  half  our  people. 
It  costs  the  people  five  times  more  than  it  produces  to  the  treasury, 
obstructs  the  processes  of  production,  and  wastes  the  fruits  of 
labor.  It  promotes  fraud,  fosters  smuggling,  enriches  dishonest 
officials,  and  bankrupts  honest  merchants.  We  demand  that  all 
custom-house  taxation  shall  be  only  for  revenue. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  scale  of  public  expense, — federal, 
state,  and  municipal.  Our  federal  taxation  has  swollen  from  sixty 
millions  gold,  in  1860,  to  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions  cur- 
rency, in  1870 ;  our  aggregate  taxation  from  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
four  millions  gold,  in  1860,  to  seven  hundred  and  thirty  millions 
currency,  in  1870 ;  or  in  one  decade  from  less  than  five  dollars  per 
head  to  more  than  eighteen  dollars  per  head.     Since  the  peace,  the 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  377 

people  have  paid  to  their  tax-gatherers  more  than  thrice  the  sum 
of  the  national  debt,  and  more  than  twice  that  sum  for  the  fed- 
eral government  alone.  We  demand  a  rigorous  frugality  in  every 
department,  and  from  every  officer  of  the  government. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  put  a  stop  to  the  profligate  waste  of  the 
public  lands,  and  their  diversion  from  actual  settlers  by  the  party 
in  power,  which  has  squandered  two  hundred  million  acres  upon 
railroads  alone,  and  out  of  more  than  thrice  that  aggregate  has 
disposed  of  less  than  a  sixth  directly  to  tillers  of  the  soil. 

Reform  is  necessary  to  correct  the  omissions  of  a  Republican 
Congress,  and  the  errors  of  our  treaties  and  diplomacy,  which  have 
stripped  our  fellow-citizens  of  foreign  birth  and  kindred  race,  re- 
crossing  the  Atlantic,  of  the  shield  of  American  citizenship,  and 
have  exposed  our  brethren  of  the  Pacific  Coast  to  the  incursions  of 
a  race  not  sprung  from  the  same  great  parent  stock,  and,  in  fact,  ■ 
now  by  law  denied  citizenship  through  naturalization  as  being 
neither  accustomed  to  the  traditions  of  a  progressive  civilization 
nor  exercised  in  liberty  under  equal  laws.  We  denounce  the  policy 
which  thus  discards  the  liberty-loving  German  and  tolerates  a 
revival  of  the  cooly  trade  in  Mongolian  women  imported  for  im- 
moral purposes,  and  Mongolian  men  held  to  perform  servile  labor- 
contracts,  and  demand  such  modification  of  the  treaty  with  the 
Chinese  empire  or  such  legislation  within  constitutional  limitations 
as  shall  prevent  further  importation  or  immigration  of  the  Mon- 
golian race. 

Reform  is  necessary,  and  can  never  be  effected  but  by  making  it 
the  controlling  issue  of  the  elections,  and  lifting  it  above  the  two 
false  issues  with  which  the  office-holding  class  and  the  party  in 
power  seek  to  smother  it :  — 

1.  The  false  issue  with  which  they  wrould  enkindle  sectarian 
strife  in  respect  to  the  public  schools,  of  which  the  establishment 
and  support  belong  exclusively  to  the  several  States,  and  which 
the  Democratic  party  has  cherished  from  their  foundation,  and  is 
resolved  to  maintain  without  prejudice  or  preference  for  any  class, 
sect,  or  creed,  and  without  largesses  from  the  treasury  to  any. 

2.  The  false  issue  by  which  they  seek  to  light  anew  the  dying 
embers  of  sectional  hate  between  kindred  peoples  once  estranged, 
but  now  reunited  in  one  indivisible  republic  and  a  common 
destiny. 

Reform  is  necessary  in  the  civil  service.  Experience  proves  that 
efficient,  economical  conduct  of  the  governmental  business  is  not 
possible  if  its  civil  service  be  subject  to  change  at  every  election  ; 
be  a  prize  fought  for  at  the  ballot-box ;  be  a  brief  reward  of  party 
zeal,  instead  of  posts  of  honor  assigned  for  proved  competency, 
and  held  for  fidelity  in  the  public  employ ;  that  the  dispensing  of 


378  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

patronage  should  neither  be  a  tax  upon  the  time  of  all  our  public 
men,  nor  the  instrument  of  their  ambition.  Here,  again,  promises 
falsified  in  the  performance  attest  that  the  party  in  power  e«& 
work  out  no  practical  or  salutary  reform. 

Reform  is  necessary  even  more  in  the  higher  grades  of  the  pub- 
lic service.  President,  Vice-President,  judges,  senators,  represent- 
atives, cabinet  officers,  —  these  and  all  others  in  authority  are  the 
people's  servants.  Their  offices  are  not  a  private  perquisite ;  they 
are  a  public  trust. 

When  the  annals  of  this  republic  show  the  disgrace  and  censure 
of  a  Vice-President ;  a  late  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives marketing  his  rulings  as  a  presiding  officer ;  three  senators 
profiting  secretly  by  their  votes  as  law-makers ;  five  chairmen  of 
the  leading  committees  of  the  House  of  Representatives  exposed 
in  jobbery;  a  late  secretary  of  the  treasury  forcing  balances  in 
the  public  accounts ;  a  late  attorney-general  misappropriating  pub- 
lic funds ;  a  secretary  of  the  navy  enriched  or  enriching  friends 
by  percentages  levied  off  the  profits  of  contractors  with  his  depart- 
ment; an  ambassador  to  England  censured  in  a  dishonorable 
speculation ;  the  President's  private  secretary  barely  escaping  con- 
viction upon  trial  for  guilty  complicity  in  frauds  upon  the  revenue ; 
a  secretary  of  war  impeached  for  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors, 
—  the  demonstration  is  complete  that  the  first  step  in  reform  must 
be  the  people's  choice  of  honest  men  from  another  party,  lest  the 
disease  of  one  political  organization  infect  the  body  politic,  and 
lest,  by  making  no  change  of  men  or  parties,  we  get  no  change  of 
measures  and  no  real  reform. 

All  these  abuses,  wrongs,  and  crimes,  the  product  of  sixteen 
years'  ascendency  of  the  Republican  party,  create  a  necessity  for 
reform  confessed  by  Republicans  themselves ;  but  their  reformers 
are  voted  down  in  convention  and  displaced  from  the  cabinet. 
The  party's  mass  of  honest  voters  is  powerless  to  resist  the  eighty 
thousand  office-holders,  its  leaders  and  guides. 

Reform  can  only  be  had  by  a  peaceful  civic  revolution.  We 
demand  a  change  of  system,  a  change  of  administration,  a  change 
of  parties,  that  we  may  have  change  of  measures  and  of  men. 

Resolved,  That  this  convention,  representing  the  Democratic 
party  of  the  United  States,  do  cordially  indorse  the  action  of  the 
present  House  of  Representatives  in  reducing  and  curtailing  the 
expenses  of  the  federal  government,  in  cutting  down  salaries,  ex- 
travagant appropriations,  and  in  abolishing  useless  offices  and 
places  not  required  by  the  public  necessities :  and  we  shall  trust 
to  the  firmness  of  the  Democratic  members  of  the  House  that  no 
committee  of  conference,  and  no  misinterpretation  of  the  rules, 
shall  be  allowed  to  defeat  these  wholesome  measures  of  economy 
demanded  by  the  country. 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  379 

Resolved,  That  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic,  and  the 
•widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  battle,  have  a 
just  claim  upon  the  care,  protection,  and  gratitude  of  their  fellow- 
citizens. 

When  the  report  was  read,  General  Thomas  Ewing,  of  Ohio, 
moved  to  strike  from  the  platform,  in  the  eighth  paragraph, 
the  words,  "  As  such  hindrance,  we  denounce  the  resumption 
clause  of  the  act  of  1875,  and  we  here  demand  its  repeal,"  in 
order  to  insert  the  words :  "  The  law  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  on  the  1st  of  January,  1879,  having  been  en- 
acted by  the  Republican  party  without  deliberation  in  Congress 
or  discussion  before  the  people,  and  being  both  ineffective  to 
secure  its  objects  and  highly  injurious  to  the  business  of  the 
country,  ought  to  be  forthwith  repealed. "  This  was  in  accord- 
ance with  a  minority  report  signed  by  eight  members  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions,  representing  the  "  Ohio  idea."  The 
amendment  was  rejected,  ayes  219,  noes  550  ;  and  the  plat- 
form as  reported  was  adopted,  ayes  651,  noes  83. 

The  convention  then  proceeded  to  the  work  of  nominating 
a  candidate  for  President.  After  the  formal  presentation  of 
names,  two  votes  were  taken  amid  great  excitement,  with  the 
following  result :  — 

First.         Second. 

Samuel  J.  Tilden,  New  York 417  535 

Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Indiana    .     ...     140  60 

Winfield  S.  Hancock,  Pennsylvania  ...      75  59 

William  Allen,  Ohio 56  54 

Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Delaware 33  11 

Joel  Parker,  New  Jersey 18  18 

Allen  G.  Thurrnan,  Ohio —  7 

The  whole  number  of  votes  on  the  second  ballot  being  744, 
the  number  necessary  to  a  choice  was  496, — the  two-thirds 
rule  having  been  adopted.  Mr.  Tilden  was  accordingly  nomi- 
nated, and  the  choice  was  enthusiastically  made  unanimous. 
On  the  next  day  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President  by  a  unanimous  vote,  though  the  Indiana  dele- 
gation protested  that  they  did  not  know  if  he  would  accept 
the  second  place  on  the  ticket,  and  the  convention  shortly 
afterward  adjourned. 

The  canvass  which  followed  was  comparatively  spiritless. 
Mr.  Hayes  was  not  sufficiently  well  known  to  arouse  enthusi- 
asm,  and    Mr.    Tilden,  though    commanding  respect    for   his 


380  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

ability,  was  not  a  candidate  to  draw  to  himself  strong  personal 
supporters.  The  Republicans  were  on  the  defensive  ;  but 
this  fact  served  to  make  the  political  discussion  of  the  time 
more  strictly  a  debate  about  measures  and  policies  than  it  had 
been  for  many  years.  The  Democrats  denounced  the  record 
of  the  Republicans  ;  the  Republicans  derided  the  reform  pro- 
fessions of  their  opponents  as  insincere.  Great  efforts  were 
made  by  the  Republicans  to  cast  discredit  upon  Mr.  Tilden  for 
his  connection  with  certain  railroad  enterprises  ;  and  a  suit  was 
brought  against  him  for  income  tax  alleged  to  be  due  by  him  to 
the  government.  The  Democrats  sneered  at  Mr.  Hayes  as  an 
unknown  man,  and  roundly  denounced  the  political  assessments 
which  were  levied  mercilessly  upon  the  office-holders  for  funds 
to  carry  the  elections.  The  Republicans  made  much  of  the 
opposition  of  the  Democrats  to  the  resumption  policy,  though 
it  was  well  known  that  Mr.  Tilden  was  a  "  hard-money  man." 
But  on  the  whole  there  was  less  than  the  usual  amount  of  ex- 
citement during  the  canvass,  and  less  of  the  usual  fireworks  of 
presidential  campaigns.  Not  many  Republicans  were  confi- 
dent of  success,  and  the  result  of  the  early  elections,  particu- 
larly that  of  Indiana  in  October,  indicated  that  the  Democrats 
would  have  enough  Northern  votes,  together  with  the  "  solid 
South,"  to  give  them  a  victory. 

Thirty-eight  States  participated  in  the  election.  Colorado 
had  been  admitted  to  the  Union  in  August,  1876,  and,  in 
order  to  save  an  additional  election,  the  choice  of  electors  for 
that  occasion  was  conferred  upon  the  legislature.  All  the  other 
States  appointed  them  by  popular  vote.  The  polls  had  hardly 
closed  on  the  day  of  election,  the  7th  of  November,  when  the 
Democrats  began  to  claim  the  presidency.  The  returns  came 
in  so  unfavorably  for  the  Republicans  that  there  was  hardly 
a  newspaper  organ  of  the  party  which  did  not,  on  the  following 
morning,  concede  the  election  of  Mr.  Tilden.  He  was  be- 
lieved to  have  carried  every  Southern  State,  as  well  as  New 
York,  Indiana,  New  Jersey,  and  Connecticut.  The  whole 
number  of  electoral  votes  was  369.  If  the  above  estimate 
were  correct,  the  Democratic  candidates  would  have  203  votes, 
and  the  Republican  candidates  166  votes.  But  word  was 
sent  out  on  the  same  day  from  Republican  headquarters  at 
Washington  that  Hayes  and  Wheeler  were  elected  by  one  ma- 
jority ;  that  the  States  of  South  Carolina,  Florida,  and  Louisi- 
ana had  chosen  Republican  electors. 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  381 

Then  began  the  most  extraordinary  contest  that  ever  took 
place  in  the  country.  The  only  hope  of  the  Republicans  was 
in  the  perfect  defence  of  their  position.  The  loss  of  a  single 
vote  would  be  fatal.  An  adequate  history  of  the  four  months 
between  the  popular  election  and  the  inauguration  of  Mr. 
Hayes  would  fill  volumes.  Space  can  be  given  here  for  a 
bare  reference  only  to  some  of  the  most  important  events. 
Neither  party  was  over-scrupulous,  and  no  doubt  the  acts  of 
some  members  of  each  party  were  grossly  illegal  and  corrupt. 
Attempts  were  even  made  to  find  a  Republican  elector  who 
would  vote  for  Mr.  Tilden  in  consideration  of  a  large  sum  of 
money  as  a  bribe.  The  funds  were  provided,  and  mysterious 
correspondence  by  telegraph  was  held  between  men  who  were 
connected  with  Democratic  political  committees  and  those  in 
the  several  States  who  were  seeking  for  a  venal  elector.  The 
■whole  scandal  came  to  light  afterward  when  the  key  to  the 
famous  "  cipher  dispatches  "  was  discovered. 

In  four  States,  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Louisiana,  and 
Oregon,  there  were  double  returns.  In  South  Carolina  there 
were  loud  complaints  that  detachments  of  the  army,  stationed 
near  the  polls,  had  prevented  a  fair  and  free  election. 
Although  the  board  of  state  canvassers  certified  to  the  choice 
of  the  Hayes  electors,  who  were  chosen  on  the  face  of  the 
returns,  the  Democratic  candidates  for  electors  met  on  the  day 
fixed  for  the  meeting  of  electors  and  cast  ballots  for  Tilden 
and  Hendricks.  In  Florida  there  were  allegations  of  fraud  on 
both  sides.  The  canvassing  board  and  the  governor  certified 
to  the  election  of  the  Hayes  electors,  but,  fortified  by  a  court 
decision  in  their  favor,  the  Democratic  electors  also  met  and 
voted.  In  Louisiana  there  was  anarchy.  There  were  two  gov- 
ernors, two  returning  boards,  two  sets  of  returns  showing  dif- 
ferent results,  and  two  electoral  colleges.  '  In  Oregon  the 
Democratic  governor  adjudged  one  of  the  Republican  electors 
ineligible,  and  gave  a  certificate  to  the  highest  candidate  on 
the  Democratic  list.  The  Republican  electors,  having  no  cer- 
tificate from  the  governor,  met  and  voted  for  Hayes  and 
Wheeler.  The  Democratic  elector,  whose  appointment  was 
certified  to  by  the  governor,  appointed  two  others  to  fill  the 
vacancies,  since  the  two  Republican  electors  would  not  meet 
with  him,  and  the  three  voted  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks.  All 
of  these  cases  were  extremely  complicated  in  their  incidents, 
and  a  brief  account  which  should  convey  an  intelligible  idea  of 


882  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

what  occurred  is  impossible.  For  the  first  and  only  time  in 
the  history  of  the  country,  the  election  ended  in  such  a  way 
as  to  leave  the  result  in  doubt ;  and  in  two  States  the  number 
of  legal  votes  given  for  the  electors  was  in  dispute.  In  these 
States  the  returns  were  also  open  to  the  suspicion  of  having 
been  manipulated  by  each  party  to  bring  about  a  desired  result. 
The  table  of  the  popular  vote  on  the  next  page  shows  both 
returns  in  the  disputed  States. 

As  soon  as  the  electoral  votes  had  been  cast  it  became  a  ques- 
tion of  the  greatest  importance  how  they  were  to  be  counted. 
Congress  was  divided,  politically.  The  Senate  and  its  Presi- 
dent pro  tempore,  Mr.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  were  Republican ; 
the  House  of  Representatives  was  Democratic.  It  was  evi- 
dent that  the  Senate  would  refuse  to  be  governed  by  the 
twenty-second  joint  rule,  —  in  fact  the  Senate  voted  to  rescind 
the  rule,  —  and  it  was  further  evident  that  if  the  count  were 
to  take  place  in  accordance  with  that  rule  it  would  result  in 
throwing  out  electoral  votes  on  both  sides  on  the  most  frivolous 
pretexts.  It  was  asserted  by  the  Republicans  that,  under  the 
Constitution,  the  President  of  the  Senate  alone  had  the  right 
to  count,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  joint  rule,  the  work  of 
their  party,  had  assumed  the  power  for  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Democrats,  who  had  always 
denounced  that  rule  as  unconstitutional,  now  maintained  that 
the  right  to  count  was  conferred  upon  Congress.  A  compro- 
mise became  necessary,  and  the  moderate  men  on  both  sides 
determined  to  effect  the  establishment  of  a  tribunal,  as  evenly 
divided  politically  as  might  be,  which  should  decide  all  dis- 
puted questions  so  far  as  the  Constitution  gave  authority  to 
Congress  to  decide  them.  The  outcome  of  their  efforts  was  the 
Electoral  Commission  law  of  1877,  which  was  passed  as  origi- 
nally reported,  as  follows :  — 

An  act  to  provide  for  and  regulate  the  counting  of  votes  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President,  and  the  decision  of  questions  arising 
thereon,  for  the  term  commencing  March  4,  a.  d.  1877. 
Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives shall  meet  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the 
hour  of  one  o'clock,  post  meridian,  on  the  first  Thursday  in  Feb- 
ruary, a.  d.  1877,  and  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  be  their 
presiding  officer.     Two  tellers  shall  be  previously  appointed  on 
the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  two  on  the  part  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, to  whom  shall  be  handed,  as  they  are  opened  by  the 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION 


383 


States. 


Alabama 

Arkansas , 

California      .     .     .     .     , 
Colorado*      .... 
Connecticut  .     .     .     . 

Delaware , 

Florida! , 

FloridaJ 

Georgia , 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa 

Kansas 

Kentucky 

Louisiana!    .     .     .     .     , 

Louisiana}: 

Maine 

Maryland , 

Massachusetts  .  .  .  . 
Michigan  ...... 

Minnesota 

Mississippi 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada  .  .  <  .  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire     .    .     . 

New  Jersey 

New  York 

North  Carolina .     .     .     . 

Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania  .  .  .  . 
Rhode  Island  .  .  .  . 
South  Carolina  .     .     .     . 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West  Virginia  .  .  .  . 
Wisconsin     .     .     .     .     . 

Total  Republican  count 
Total  Democratic  count 


1* 

r 


102,989 
58,071 
76,468 

61,934 

13,381 

22,927 

24,434 

130,088 

258,601 

213,526 

112,121 

37,902 

159,696 

70,508 

83,723 

49,917 

91,780 

108,777 

141,095 

48,799 

112,173 

203,077 

17,554 

9,308 

38,509 

115,962 

521,949 

125,427 

323,182 

14,149 

366,204 

10,712 

90,896 

133,166 

104,803 

20,350 

139,670 

56,495 

123,926 

4,285,992 
4,300,590 


68,708 
38,669 
78,322 

59,034 

10,752 

23,849 

24,340 

50,446 

278,232 

208,011 

171,326 

78,322 

97,156 

75,315 

7-7,174 

66,300 

71,981 

150,063 

166,534 

72,962 

52,605 

145,029 

31,916 

10,383 

41,539 

103,517 

489,207 

108,417 

330,698 

15,206 

384,184 

15,787 

91,870 

89,566 

44,803 

44,428 

95,558 

42,046 

130,070 

4,033,768 
4,036,298 


289 
44 

774 


9,533 
17,233 
9,901 
7,776 
1,944 


663 
33 

779 
9,060 
2,311 

3,498 
2,320 

76 

712 

1,987 

3,057 
510 

7,187 


1,373 
1,509 

81,737 
81,737 


H 

PIS 


378 


141 

36 
110 
818 


10 

84 
766 

72 

64 
1,599 


43 
2,359 

1,636 

1,319 
60 


27 

9,522 
9,522 


*  Electors  appointed  by  the  legislature,    t  Republican  count.    %  Democratic  count. 


384  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

President  of  the  Senate,  all  the  certificates  and  papers  purporting  to 
be  certificates  of  electoral  votes,  which  certificates  and  papers  shall 
be  opened,  presented,  and  acted  upon  in  the  alphabetical  order  of 
the  States,  beginning  with  the  letter  A ;  and  said  tellers  having 
then  read  the  same  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  the  two  Houses, 
shall  make  a  list  of  the  votes  as  they  shall  appear  from  the  said 
certificates ;  and  the  votes  having  been  ascertained  and  counted  as 
in  this  act  provided,  the  result  of  the  same  shall  be  delivered 
to  the  President  of  the  Senate,  who  shall  thereupon  announce  the 
state  of  the  vote  and  the  names  of  the  persons,  if  any,  elected, 
which  announcement  shall  be  deemed  a  sufficient  declaration  of 
the  persons  elected  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  and,  together  with  a  list  of  the  votes,  shall  be  entered  upon 
the  journals  of  the  two  Houses.  Upon  such  reading  of  any  such 
certificate  or  paper,  when  there  shall  be  only  one  return  from  a 
State,  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  call  for  objections,  if  any. 
Every  objection  shall  be  made  in  writing,  and  shall  state  clearly 
and  concisely,  and  without  argument,  the  ground  thereof,  and 
shall  be  signed  by  at  least  one  senator  and  one  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  before  the  same  shall  be  received. 
When  all  objections  so  made  to  any  vote  or  paper  from  a  State 
shall  have  been  received  and  read,  the  Senate  shall  thereupon  with- 
draw, and  such  objections  shall  be  submitted  to  the  Senate  for  its 
decision,  and  the  speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  in 
like  manner  submit  such  objections  to  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives for  its  decision,  and  no  electoral  vote  or  votes  from  any  State 
from  which  but  one  return  has  been  received  shall  be  rejected 
except  by  the  affirmative  vote  of  the  two  Houses.  When  the  two 
Houses  have  voted  they  shall  immediately  again  meet,  and  the 
presiding  officer  shall  then  announce  the  decision  of  the  question 
submitted. 

Sec.  2.  That  if  more  than  one  return  or  paper,  purporting  to  be 
a  return  from  a  State,  shall  have  been  received  by  the  President 
of  the  Senate,  purporting  to  be  the  certificates  of  the  electoral 
votes  given  at  the  last  preceding  election  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  in  such  State,  unless  they  shall  be  duplicates  of  the 
same  return,  all  such  returns  and  papers  shall  be  opened  by  him  in 
the  presence  of  the  two  Houses,  when  met  as  aforesaid,  and  read 
by  the  tellers ;  and  all  such  returns  and  papers  shall  thereupon  be 
submitted  to  the  judgment  and  decision,  as  to  which  is  the  true 
and  lawful  electoral  vote  of  such  State,  of  a  commission  constituted 
as  follows,  namely  :  — 

During  the  session  of  each  House  on  the  Tuesday  next  preceding 
the  first  Thursday  in  February,  a.  d.  1877,  each  House  shall  by 
viva  voce  vote  appoint  five  of  its  members,  who,  with  the  five 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  385 

associate  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  to 
be  ascertained  as  hereinafter  provided,  shall  constitute  a  commis- 
sion for  the  decision  of  all  questions  upon  or  in  respect  of  such 
double  returns  named  in  this  section.  On  the  Tuesday  next  pre- 
ceding the  first  Thursday  in  February,  a.  d.  1877,  or  as  soon  there- 
after as  may  be,  the  associate  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  now  assigned  to  the  first,  third,  eighth,  and  ninth 
circuits,  shall  select,  in  such  manner  as  a  majority  of  them  shall 
deem  fit,  another  of  the  associate  justices  of  said  court,  which  five 
persons  shall  be  members  of  the  said  commission ;  and  the  person 
longest  in  commission  of  said  five  justices  shall  be  the  president  of 
said  commission.  Members  of  said  commission  shall  respectively 
take  and  subscribe  the  following  oath  :  — 

"I,  ,  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm,  as  the  case  may  be) 

that  I  will  impartially  examine  and  consider  all  questions  sub- 
mitted to  the  commission  of  which  I  am  a  member,  and  a  true 
judgment  give  thereon,  agreeably  to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws, 
so  help  me  God." 

Which  oath  shall  be  filed  with  the  secretary  of  the  Senate. 
When  the  commission  shall  have  been  thus  organized  it  shall  not 
be  in  the  power  of  either  House  to  dissolve  the  same,  or  to  with- 
draw any  of  its  members ;  but  if  any  such  senator  or  member  shall 
die,  or  become  physically  unable  to  perform  the  duties  required 
by  this  act,  the  fact  of  such  death  or  physical  inability  shall  be  by 
said  commission,  before  it  shall  proceed  further,  communicated  to 
the  Senate  or  House  of  Representatives,  as  the  case  may  be,  which 
body  shall  immediately  and  without  debate  proceed  by  viva  voce 
vote  to  fill  the  place  so  vacated,  and  *}he  person  so  appointed  shall 
take  and  subscribe  the  oath  hereinbefore  prescribed,  and  become  a 
member  of  said  commission ;  and,  in  like  manner,  if  any  of  said 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  shall  die  or  become  physically  inca- 
pable of  performing  the  duties  required  by  this  act,  the  other  of 
said  justices,  members  of  the  said  commission,  shall  immediately 
appoint  another  justice  of  said  court  a  member  of  said  commission 
(and  in  such  appointments  regard  shall  be  had  to  the  impartiality 
and  freedom  from  bias  sought  by  the  original  appointments  to  said 
commission),  who  shall  thereupon  immediately  take  and  subscribe 
to  the  oath  hereinbefore  prescribed,  and  become  a  member  of  said 
commission  to  fill  the  vacancy  so  occasioned. 

All  the  certificates  and  papers  purporting  to  be  certificates  of  the 
electoral  votes  of  each  State  shall  be  opened  in  the  alphabetical 
order  of  the  States  as  provided  in  section  1  of  this  act ;  and  when 
there  shall  be  more  than  one  such  certificate  or  paper,  as  the  cer- 
tificates or  papers  from  such  State  shall  so  be  opened  (excepting 
duplicates  of  the  same  return),  they  shall  be  read  by  the  tellers, 


386  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

and  thereupon  the  president  of  the  Senate  shall  call  for  objections 
if  any.  Every  objection  shall  be  made  in  writing,  and  shall  state 
clearly  and  concisely,  and  without  argument,  the  ground  thereof, 
and  shall  be  signed  by  at  least  one  senator  and  one  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  before  the  same  shall  be  received.  When 
all  such  objections  so  made  to  any  certificates,  vote,  or  paper  from 
a  State  shall  have  been  received  and  read,  all  such  certificates, 
votes,  and  papers  so  objected  to,  and  all  papers  accompanying  the 
same,  together  with  such  objections,  shall  be  forthwith  submitted 
to  said  commission,  which  shall  proceed  to  consider  the  same,  with 
the  same  powers,  if  any,  now  possessed  for  that  purpose  by  the  two 
Houses,  acting  separately  or  together,  and,  by  a  majority  of  votes, 
decide  whether  any  and  what  votes  from  such  State  are  the  votes 
provided  for  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  how 
many  and  what  persons  were  duly  appointed  electors  in  such  State ; 
and  may  therein  take  into  view  such  petitions,  depositions,  and 
other  papers,  if  any,  as  shall,  by  the  Constitution  and  now  existing 
law,  be  competent  and  pertinent  in  such  consideration,  which  deci- 
sion shall  be  made  in  writing,  stating  briefly  the  ground  thereof, 
and  signed  by  the  members  of  said  commission  agreeing  therein ; 
whereupon  the  two  Houses  shall  again  meet,  and  such  decision 
shall  be  read  and  entered  in  the  journal  of  each  House,  and  the 
counting  of  the  votes  shall  proceed  in  conformity  therewith,  unless, 
upon  objection  made  thereto  in  writing  by  at  least  five  senators 
and  five  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  two  Houses 
shall  separately  concur  in  ordering  otherwise,  in  which  case  such 
concurrent  order  shall  govern.  No  votes  or  papers  from  any  other 
State  shall  be  acted  upon  until  the  objections  previously  made  to 
the  votes  or  papers  from  any  State  shall  have  been  finally  dis- 
posed of. 

Sec.  3.  That  while  the  two  Houses  shall  be  in  meeting,  as 
provided  in  this  act,  no  debate  shall  be  allowed,  and  no  question 
shall  be  put  by  the  presiding  officer,  except  to  either  House  on  a 
motion  to  withdraw,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  preserve  order. 

Sec.  4.  That  when  the  two  Houses  separate  to  decide  upon  an 
objection  that  may  have  been  made  to  the  counting  of  any  elec- 
toral vote  or  votes  from  any  State,  or  upon  objection  to  a  report  of 
said  commission,  or  other  question  arising  under  this  act,  each 
senator  or  representative  may  speak  to  such  objection  or  question 
ten  minutes,  and  not  oftener  than  once;  but,  after  such  debate 
shall  have  lasted  two  hours,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  each  House  to 
put  the  main  question  without  further  debate. 

Sec.  5.  That  at  such  joint  meeting  of  the  two  Houses,  seats 
shall  be  provided  as  follows :  for  the  President  of  the  Senate,  the 
Speaker's  chair ;  for  the  Speaker,  immediately  upon  his  left ;  for  the 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  387 

senators  in  the  body  of  the  hall,  upon  the  right  of  the  presiding 
officer ;  for  the  representatives,  in  the  body  of  the  hall  not  provided 
for  the  senators ;  for  the  tellers,  secretary  of  the  Senate,  and  clerk 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  the  clerk's  desk ;  for  the  other 
officers  of  the  two  Houses,  in  front  of  the  clerk's  desk,  and  upon 
each  side  of  the  speaker's  platform.  Such  joint  meeting  shall  not 
be  dissolved  until  the  count  of  the  electoral  votes  shall  be  com- 
pleted and  the  result  declared ;  and  no  recess  shall  be  taken  unless 
a  question  shall  have  arisen  in  regard  to  counting  any  such  votes 
or  otherwise  under  this  act,  in  which  case  it  shall  be  competent 
for  either  House,  acting  separately  in  the  manner  hereinbefore 
provided,  to  direct  a  recess  of  such  House,  not  beyond  the  next  day, 
Sunday  excepted,  at  the  hour  of  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  ;  and 
while  any  question  is  being  considered  by  said  commission,  either 
House  may  proceed  with  its  legislative  or  other  business. 

Sec.  6.  That  nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  held  to  impair  or  affect 
any  right  now  existing  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  to  question 
by  proceeding  in  the  judicial  courts  of  the  United  States  the  right 
or  title  of  the  person  who  shall  be  declared  elected,  or  who  shall 
claim  to  be  President  or  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  if 
any  such  right  exists. 

Sec.  7.  That  said  commission  shall  make  its  own  rules,  keep  a 
record  of  its  proceedings,  and  shall  have  power  to  employ  such 
persons  as  may  be  necessary  for  the  transaction  of  its  business  and 
the  ex3cution  of  its  powers. 

In  neither  House  was  the  bill  treated  as  a  partisan  measure. 
In  the  House  of  Representatives  191  members  voted  in  favor 
of  it,  of  whom  there  were  158  Democrats  and  33  Republicans ; 
86  members  —  68  Republicans  and  18  Democrats  —  voted  in 
the  negative.  In  the  Senate  an  attempt  was  made  to  forbid 
the  commission  to  "  go  behind  the  returns,"  but  the  amend- 
ment was  rejected,  yeas  18,  all  Republicans  ;  nays  47,  of  whom 
.27  were  Democrats  and  20  Republicans.  The  bill  was  passed 
by  the  Senate,  yeas  47,  —  26  Democrats  and  21  Republicans  ; 
nays  17,  —  16  Republicans  and  1  Democrat.  The  bill  became 
a  law,  by  the  approval  of  the  President,  on  the  29th  of  Janu- 
ary. On  the  next  day  each  House  proceeded  to  choose  five 
members  of  the  commission.  The  Senate  macle  choice  of  Sena- 
tors George  F.  Edmunds,  Oliver  P.  Morton,  and  Frederick  T. 
Frelinghuysen,  Republicans,  and  Allen  G.  Thurman  and 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Democrats.  The  House  of  Representatives 
chose  Messrs.  Henry  B.  Payne,  Eppa  Hunton,  and  Josiah  G. 
Abbott,  Democrats,   and  James  A.    Garfield  and  George  F. 


388  A   HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Hoar,  Republicans.  The  four  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court 
designated  by  the  act  were  Justices  NatKan  Clifford,  William 
Strong,  Samuel  F.  Miller,  and  Stephen  J.  Field,  of  whom 
Messrs.  Clifford  and  Field  were  Democrats  in  national  politics  ; 
and  they  selected  Justice  Joseph  P.  Bradley  as  the  fifth  mem- 
ber of  the  commission  on  the  part  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Mr. 
Bradley  was  a  Republican.  The  natural  choice  of  the  justices 
would  have  been  their  associate,  David  Davis  ;  but  he  had 
been  elected  five  days  before  as  a  senator  from  Illinois,  and  it 
was  regarded  by  him  and  by  others  as  improper  that  he  should 
serve.  Thus  the  commission  consisted  of  eight  Republicans 
and  seven  Democrats.  If  Judge  Davis  had  been  selected,  the 
majority  would  have  been  reversed,  and  the  ultimate  result 
might  have  been  different. 

When  the  count  began,  on  the  1st  of  February,  1877,  each 
party  was  confident  of  victory.  The  Democrats  relied  upon  a 
great  variety  of  objections  which  had  been  prepared,  the  sus- 
taining of  any  one  of  which  would  be  sufficient  to  give  the 
election  to  Mr.  Tilden.  The  Republican  hope  was  in  a  refusal 
of  the  commission  to  "go  behind  the  returns."  Senator 
Thomas  W.  Ferry,  of  Michigan,  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate,  was  the  presiding  officer,  Vice-President  Wilson  having 
died  in  1875.  The  count  proceeded,  under  the  law,  in  the 
alphabetical  order  of  the  States.  When  the  vote  of  Florida  was 
reached,  the  certificates  of  the  Hayes  and  also  those  of  the  Til- 
den electors  were  read.  Objections  were  made  to  each.  The 
Democrats  asserted  that  the  Hayes  electors  were  not  duly 
chosen  ;  that  the  certificate  of  the  governor  to  their  election 
was  the  result  of  a  conspiracy  ;  that  its  validity,  if  any,  had 
been  annulled  by  a  subsequent  certificate  by  the  governor,  to 
the  effect  that  the  Tilden  electors  were  chosen  ;  that  a  court 
decision  made  certain  the  election  of  the  Democratic  electors ; 
and  that  one  of  the  Republican  electors  was  a  shipping  com- 
missioner under  appointment  from  the  government  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  his  election,  and  was  therefore 
disqualified.  \The  Republican  objection  to  the  Tilden  votes 
was  that  the  returns  were  not  duly  authenticated  by  any  per- 
son holding  at  the  time  an  office  under  the  State  of  Florida. 
It  was  only  on  the  7th  of  February  that  the  commission,  after 
long  arguments  by  eminent  counsel  selected  to  appear  for  the 
two  parties,  decided  the  case  of  Florida.  The  decision  was 
that  it  was  not  competent  for  the  commission  "to  go  into  evi- 


THE  DISPUTED   ELECTION  389 

dence  aliunde  the  papers  opened  by  the  President  of  the  Sen- 
ate, to  prove  that  other  persons  than  those  regularly  certified 
to  by  the  governor  "  were  appointed.  With  reference  to  the 
case  of  the  elector  alleged  to  have  been  disqualified,  it  was  de- 
cided that  the  evidence  did  not  show  that  he  held  an  office  on 
the  day  of  his  appointment.  The  several  votes  were  passed 
by  eight  to  seven,  —  all  the  Republicans  being  on  one  side, 
and  all  the  Democrats  on  the  other.  The  formal  decision, 
which  wa3  submitted  to  the  two  Houses,  was  that  the  four 
Hayes  electors,  naming  them,  were  duly  appointed  electors, 
and  that  their  votes  were  the  constitutional  votes.  The 
Houses  met  on  February  10,  and  received  this  decision. 
Formal  objection  was  then  made  to  the  decision  of  the  Elec- 
toral Commission,  and  the  Houses  separated  to  consider  it. 
The  Senate,  by  a  strict  party  vote,  decided  that  the  votes 
should  be  counted.  The  House  of  Representatives,  by  a  vote 
which  was  on  party  lines,  except  that  one  Democrat  voted 
with  the  Republicans,  voted  that  the  electoral  votes  given  by 
the  Tilden  electors  should  be  counted.  The  two  Houses  not 
having  agreed  in  rejecting  the  decision  of  the  commission,  it 
stood,  and  the  joint  session  was  resumed. 

The  votes  of  Florida  having  been  recorded,  the  count  pro- 
ceeded until  Louisiana  was  reached.  The  Republican  objec- 
tions to  the  Tilden  votes  from  Louisiana  were,  like  those  to 
the  votes  of  Florida,  brief  and  formal.  The  government,  of 
which  W.  P.  Kellogg  was  the  head,  had  been  recognized  by 
every  department  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  as 
the  true  government  of  Louisiana,  and  the  certificates  of  the 
Hayes  electors  certified  by  him  were  in  due  form.  The  Demo- 
crats made  a  great  variety  of  objections  to  the  Hayes  votes. 
They  asserted  that  John  McEnery  was  the  lawful  governor 
of  the  State ;  that  the  certificates  asserting  the  appointment  of 
the  Hayes  electors  were  false  ;  and  that  the  canvass  of  votes 
by  the  returning  board  was  without  jurisdiction  and  void. 
Special  objection  was  made  to  three  of  the  electors  :  to  two  of 
them  as  being  disqualified,  under  the  Constitution  ;  and  to  the 
third,  Governor  Kellogg,  because  he  certified  to  his  own  elec- 
tion. Several  days  were  consumed  in  argument  before  the 
commission.  On  the  16th  of  February  the  commission  voted, 
once  more  by  eight  to  seven,  that  the  evidence  offered  to  prove 
that  the  Tilden  electors  were  chosen  be  not  received,  and  that 
the  certificates  of  the  Hayes  electors  were  the  true  votes  of 


390  "  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Louisiana.  The  decision  having  been  communicated  to  the 
two  Houses,  the  count  was  resumed  on  the  19th.  Objection 
was  made  to  the  decision  of  the  commission,  and  the  two 
Houses  separated  again  to  act  upon  them.  The  Senate  voted, 
by  41  to  28,  that  the  decision  of  the  commission  should  stand. 
The  House  voted  that  the  electoral  votes  cast  by  the  Hayes 
electors  for  Louisiana  ought  not  to  be  counted,  — 173  to  99. 
In  each  case  this  was  a  party  vote  except  that  two  Republicans 
in  the  House  voted  with  the  Democrats. 

The  Houses  then  met  again  on  the  20th,  and  resumed  the 
count,  which  proceeded  without  dispute  as  far  as  the  State  of 
Michigan,  when  objection  was  made  from  the  Democratic  side 
to  one  vote  from  that  State,  on  the  ground  that  one  of  the 
persons  chosen  by  the  people  held  a  Federal  office  at  the  time  of 
his  appointment,  and  that  the  act  of  the  other  electors  in  filling 
the  alleged  vacancy  caused  by  his  failure  to  act  was  not  justi- 
fied. This  not  being  a  case  of  double  returns,  the  two  Houses 
separated  to  decide  it  for  themselves.  The  objection  was 
overruled  by  each  House.  A  somewhat  similar  case  of  an 
elector  for  Nevada  was  the  next  stumbling-block  in  the  count, 
and  it  too  was  decided  in  favor  of  the  elector  objected  to. 
Oregon  was  reached  in  the  count  on  the  21st.  An  outline 
sketch  of  the  extremely  complicated  situation  of  affairs  in 
Oregon  has  been  given  already.  There  were  objections  from 
both  sides  to  the  votes,  and  the  papers  were  referred  to  the 
Electoral  Commission,  by  whom  further  argument  was  heard. 
The  commission  unanimously  rejected  the  made-up  vote  of 
the  Tilden  board  of  electors,  but  decided,  eight  to  seven,  that 
the  full  board  of  Hayes  electors  were  the  legal  electors  for  the 
State.  The  decision  was  objected  to,  when  communicated  to 
the  two  Houses.  Once  more  they  separated,  and  each  decided, 
substantially  by  a  party  vote,  as  before,  —  the  Senate  for  ac- 
cepting the  decision,  and  the  House  of  Representatives  for 
rejecting  it.  They  then  met  again,  and  resumed  the  count. 
In  the  vote  of  Pennsylvania  another  case  was  encountered  of  an 
elector  alleged  to  have  been  ineligible  by  reason  of  his  having 
been  a  centennial  commissioner.  The  other  electors  treated 
the  place  as  vacant,  and  chose  another  person  to  act  in  it.  The 
Senate  agreed,  without  a  division,  to  a  resolution  that  the  vote 
be  counted.  The  House  rejected  it,  135  to  119,  the  affirmative 
consisting  entirely  of  Democrats,  and  the  negative  containing 
only  15  of  that  party.     The  full  vote  of  Pennsylvania  was 


THE   DISPUTED  ELECTION  391 

accordingly  counted  under  the  law,  the  two  Houses  not  having 
agreed  to  reject.  Rhode  Island  furnished  a  case  not  very  dif- 
ferent, but  the  two  Houses  this  time  concurred  unanimously 
in  deciding  that  the  disputed  vote  should  be  counted. 

To  the  Hayes  votes  in  South  Carolina  the  Democrats  next 
objected  that  there  was  no  legal  election  in  the  State,  that 
there  was  not,  in  South  Carolina,  during  the  year  1876,  a 
republican  form  of  government,  and  that  the  army  and  the 
United  States  deputy  marshals  stationed  at  and  near  the  polls 
prevented  the  free  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  The 
Republicans  asserted  that  the  Tilden  board  was  not  duly  ap- 
pointed, and  that  the  certificates  were  wholly  defective  in  form 
and  lacking  the  necessary  official  certification.  The  papers 
having  been  referred  to  the  Electoral  Commission,  that  body 
met  again  on  the  26th.  Senator  Thurman  was  obliged  to 
retire  from  service  upon  the  commission,  on  account  of  illness, 
and  Senator  Francis  Kernan  took  his  place.  After  a  day  de- 
voted to  arguments,  the  commission  voted  unanimously  that/ 
the  Tilden  electors  were  not  the  true  electors  of  South  Caro- 
lina, and,  by  the  old  majority  of  eight  to  seven,  that  the 
Hayes  electors  were  the  constitutional  electors  duly  appointed. 
The  two  Houses  separated  upon  renewed  objections  to  the 
decision  of  the  commission,  and  as  before  the  Senate  sustained 
the  finding  ;  the  House  voted  to  reject  it. 

There  were  two  further  objections,  the  first  to  a  vote  cast 
by  an  elector  for  Vermont,  substituted  for  an  ineligible  person 
who  had  been  chosen  by  the  people,  on  which  the  result  was 
vhe  same  as  in  the  other  similar  cases ;  the  other  was  a  case 
of  the  same  kind  in  Wisconsin,  which  was  decided  in  like 
manner.  The  Vermont  case  was  complicated  by  the  presenta- 
tion, by  Mr.  Hewitt,  of  New  York,  of  a  packet  purporting  to 
contain  a  return  of  electoral  votes  given  in  Vermont.  The 
President  of  the  Senate  having  received  no  such  vote,  nor  any 
vote  different  from  that  of  the  regularly  chosen  Hayes  electors, 
refused  to  receive  it. 

The  count  had  begun  on  the  first  day  of  February,  and  the 
final  vote  upon  Wisconsin  was  not  reached  until  the  early 
morning  of  March  2.  As  question  after  question  was  decided 
uniformly  in  favor  of  the  Republicans,  it  became  evident  to 
the  Democrats  that  their  case  was  lost.  They  charged  gross 
partisanship  upon  the  Republican  members  of  the  Electoral 
Commission,  in  determining  every  point  involved  in  the  dual 


392 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


returns  for  their  own  party,  though  as  a  matter  of  fact  there 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  much  room  for  choice  between  the 
two  parties  on  the  score  of  partisanship.  Each  member  of  the 
commission  favored  by  his  vote  that  view  which  would  result 
in  adding  to  the  electoral  vote  of  his  own  party.     But  as  the 

(result  of  the  count  became  more  and  more  certainly  a  Republi- 
can triumph,  the  anger  of  the  Democrats  rose.  Some  of  them 
were  for  discontinuing  the  count ;  and  the  symptoms  of  a  dis- 
position to  filibuster  so  that  there  should  be  no  declaration  of 
the  result  gave  reason  for  public  disquietude.  But  the  con- 
servative members  of  the  party  were  too  patriotic  to  allow  the 
failure  of  a  law  which  they  had  been  instrumental  in  passing 
to  lead  to  anarchy  or  revolution,  and  they  sternly  discounte- 
nanced all  attempts  to  defeat  the  conclusion  of  the  count. 
xThe  summing  up  of  the  votes  was  read  by  Mr.  Allison,  of 
Iowa,  one  of  the  tellers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  at  a  little 
after  four  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  March,  amid 
great  excitement.     That  result,  as  declared,  was  as  follows :  — 


States. 


Alabama  . 

Arkansas  . 

California  . 

Colorado  . 
Connecticut 

Delaware  . 

Florida  .  . 

Georgia .  . 

Illinois    .  . 

Indiana  .  . 

Iowa .    .  . 

Kansas  .  . 

Kentucky  . 

Louisiana  . 

Maine     .  . 

Maryland  . 
Massachusetts 

Michigan  . 

Minnesota  . 
Mississippi . 


6 
3 

11 

15 

12 


States. 


Missouri  .  . 
Nebraska  .  . 
Nevada .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
New  Jersey  . 
New  York 
North  Carolina 
Ohio.  .  .  . 
Oregon  .  .  . 
Pennsylvania . 
Rhode  Island . 
South  Carolina 
Tennessee .  . 
Texas  .  .  . 
Vermont  .  . 
Virginia  .  . 
West  Virginia 
Wisconsin .     . 


Total, 


22 
8 

29 
4 

7 


10 


185 


15 


9 
35 
10 


12 

8 

11 
5 


184 


THE  DISPUTED  ELECTION  393 

Mr.  Ferry  thereupon  declared  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  elected 
President,  and  William  A.  Wheeler  Vice-President,  of  the 
United  States.  The  decision  was  acquiesced  in  peaceably  by 
the  whole  country,  and  by  men  of  every  party.  But  the 
Democrats  have  never  ceased  to  denounce  the  whole  affair  as  a 
fraud,  and  some  newspapers  have  steadily  refused  to  speak  of 
Mr.  Hayes  as  having  ever  been  rightfully  in  possession  of  the 
presidential  office.  Their  anger  at  the  time  was  very  great, 
and  it  was  excusable,  since  they  honestly  believed  that  Mr. 
Tilden  was  fairly  elected.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  patriot- 
ism of  the  American  people  and  their  love  of  peace  may  never 
again  be  put  to  so  severe  a  test  as  was  that  to  which  they  were 
subjected  in  1876  and  1877. 


/ 

i 


XXVI 

A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL 

The  circumstances  that  attended  the  election  of  1876  led  to 
the  introduction  in  Congress  of  many  propositions  intended 
to  render  impossible  a  recurrence  of  the  danger  which  was 
then  met  and  overcome,  and  to  forestall  other  evils  which 
have  often  been  apprehended,  but  have  never  happened.  Certain 
difficulties  that  arose  in  consequence  of  the  silence  of  the  Con- 
stitution might  be  obviated  by  law  ;  others  must  be  cured  by 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  itself.  Although  the  warning 
was  a  serious  one,  and  although  many  members  brought  for- 
ward measures  to  meet  the  case,  not  one  of  the  bills  and  reso- 
lutions introduced  was  acted  upon  finally.  Nevertheless,  it 
may  be  well  to  notice  the  suggestions  which  were  made  during 
Mr.  Hayes's  administration,  —  during  the  special  session  of 
Congress,  October  15,  1877,  and  the  regular  session,  which 
followed  without  an  interval. 

Mr.  Cravens,  of  Arkansas,  offered  a  resolution  of  amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  providing  that  the  people  should  vote 
directly  for  President  and  Vice-President.  Each  State  was  to 
have  a  number  of  presidential  votes  equal  to  its  electoral  votes 
under  the  present  system,  which  votes  were  to  be  apportioned 
in  each  State  among  the  several  candidates,  in  the  proportion 
of  the  votes  given  to  each  ;  the  legislature  of  each  State  was 
to  direct  the  manner  in  which  the  presidential  vote  of  that 
State  was  to  be  ascertained  ;  on  a  day  to  be  fixed  by  Congress, 
or,  in  case  of  disagreement  between  the  two  Houses,  on  a  day 
to  be  named  by  the  President,  not  less  than  fifteen  nor  more 
than  thirty  days  before  the  4th  of  March,  a  joint  meeting  of 
the  two  Houses  was  to  be  held,  the  President  of  the  Senate 
was  to  open  the  presidential  votes  certified  to  by  the  governor 
of  the  State,  and  one  list  from  each  State  was  then  to  be 
counted  under  the  direction  of  the  two  Houses  ;  a  majority  of 
all  the  presidential  votes  was  requisite   to  a  choice.     In  case 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  395 

no  choice  had  been  made  by  such  a  majority,  then  the  two 
Houses,  in  joint  convention,  were  to  elect  a  President  by  viva 
voce  vote,  each  senator  and  member  having  one  vote,  the 
choice  being  limited  to  the  two  highest  on  the  list,  unless  two 
persons  should  have  an  equal  number  of  votes  next  to  the 
highest ;  one  senator  and  a  majority  of  the  representatives 
from  two  thirds  of  the  States  were  to  constitute  a  quorum  for 
the  purposes  of  this  election.  In  case  no  person  should  re- 
ceive a  majority  of  the  Congress  so  voting,  the  President  in 
office  was  to  continue  to  be  President  until  a  choice  was 
effected.  The  election  of  Vice-President  was  to  be  made  in 
the  same  manner  and  at  the  same  time  as  that  of  President. 
Whenever  the  office  of  Vice-President  became  vacant,  there 
was  to  be  an  election  by  joint  convention  of  Congress,  within 
ten  days  after  the  next  meeting  of  Congress,  or  within  twenty 
days  if  Congress  should  be  in  session  at  the  time  the  vacancy 
occurred. 

Mr.  Springer,  of  Illinois,  made  a  proposition,  of  which  the 
leading  features  were :  a  presidential  term  of  six  years,  the 
President  not  to  be  immediately  reeligible  ;  each  State  to  have  a 
number  of  presidential  votes  equal  to  its  electoral  votes  accord- 
ing to  the  present  system,  except  that  States  having  but  one 
tepresentative  in  Congress  were  to  have  but  one  presidential 
vote,  and  States  having  but  two  representatives  were  to  have 
but  three  votes ;  a  direct  vote  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent; a  canvassing  board  in  each  State,  with  ministerial 
powers  only,  —  consisting  of  the  governor,  secretary  of  state, 
and  chief  justice  of  the  highest  court,  —  to  aggregate  the  votes, 
apportion  to  each  candidate  his  proportional  part  of  the  presi- 
dential votes  of  the  State,  and  to  make  return  thereof  to  the 
president  of  the  Senate ;  the  two  Houses  to  be  in  session  on 
the  third  Monday  in  January  after  a  presidential  election  ;  a 
joint  meeting  to  be  held,  to  be  presided  over  by  the  president 
of  the  Senate,  unless  he  should  be  a  candidate  for  the  office 
of  President,  and  in  that  case  by  the  speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and,  if  he  were  similarly  disqualified,  then  by 
a  presiding  officer  chosen  by  the  joint  convention  ;  a  plurality 
of  votes  to  elect  both  the  President  and  the  Vice-President ; 
the  joint  convention  to  be  the  judge  of  the  returns  and  quali- 
fications of  the  persons  who  shall  be  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent. If  no  conclusion  upon  the  returns  should  be  reached 
by   the   second   Monday  in  February,  the  convention  was  to 


396  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

vote  viva  voce  upon  the  question  who  was  constitutionally 
elected  President  and  who  Vice-President,  —  a  majority  of 
those  present  to  determine  all  questions. 

Mr.  Maish,  of  Pennsylvania,  proposed  a  popular  election  of 
President,  without  the  intervention  of  electors.  The  votes 
were  to  be  returned  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  each  State  and 
to  be  by  him  opened  in  the  presence  of  the  governor  and  the 
chief  justice  of  the  highest  court,  and  these  three  officers  were 
to  apportion  electoral  votes  to  each  candidate  in  accordance  with 
the  returns.  The  proposition  did  not  deal  with  the  matter  of 
a  count  of  the  votes. 

Mr.  Finley,  of  Ohio,  proposed  a  direct  vote  of  all  the  people 
for  President  and  Vice-President,  disregarding  state  lines 
altogether ;  a  plurality  of  votes  was  to  elect  in  each  case  ;  but  if 
two  persons  had  an  equal  and  the  highest  number  of  votes, 
then  the  House  of  Representatives  was  to  choose  the  President 
from  those  two ;  or,  if  the  failure  was  in  relation  to  the  vice- 
presidency,  then  the  Senate  was  to  make  the  choice.  The 
voting  was  to  be  viva  voce,  and  each  member  was  to  have  one 
vote ;  the  canvass  of  returns  for  President  and  Vice-President 
was  to  be  made  by  Congress  in  a  manner  to  be  determined  by 
joint  rules  or  by  law,  and,  if  the  two  Houses  could  not  agree, 
the  matter  in  dispute  was  to  be  referred  to  the  Supreme  Court 
for  final  decision. 

Mr.  Eaton,  of  Connecticut,  proposed  in  the  Senate  an  amend- 
ment constituting  a  tribunal  for  the  decision  of  controverted 
questions  arising  out  of  the  presidential  election.  Not  less 
than  twelve  months  before  the  occurrence  of  such  an  election, 
the  governor  of  each  State  was  to  appoint,  with  the  consent 
of  the  Senate  of  the  State,  five  qualified  persons,  who  were 
to  hear  and  determine  all  questions  of  contests  in  relation  to 
the  choice  of  electors,  and  to  transmit  their  report,  sealed,  to  the 
president  of  the  Senate. 

A  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  Riddle,  of  Tennessee,  proposed 
a  direct  election  by  the  people,  a  clear  majority  being  required 
for  a  choice.  In  case  such  majority  should  not  be  obtained, 
then  a  second  election  was  to  be  held  within  two  months  of 
the  time  of  the  first  vote,  when  the  choice  should  be  limited 
to  the  two  highest  on  the  list.  In  case  of  no  choice,  by  reason 
of  a  tie,  on  the  second  trial,  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  in 
joint  convention,  each  member  having  one  vote,  were  to  elect. 

Mr.  Sampson,  of  Iowa,  proposed  that  the  relative  electoral 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  397 

power  of  the  States  should  be  as  it  now  is  ;  that  the  people 
should  vote  directly  for  the  executive ;  that  the  persons  hav- 
ing a  plurality  for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President 
in  any  State  should  receive  the  full  presidential  vote  of  that 
State,  or,  in  case  of  a  tie,  that  the  votes  should  be  equally 
divided  among  those  having  the  highest  number ;  and  if  no 
person  received  a  majority  of  presidential  votes,  the  choice  of 
either  President  or  Vice-President  was  to  be  made  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Constitution  now  provides  for  cases  where  the 
electors  have  not  made  a  choice. 

In  May,  1878,  Mr.  Southard,  of  Ohio,  from  a  committee  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  appointed  for  the  purpose, 
reported  a  plan.  It  dispensed  with  secondary  electors.  Each 
State  was  to  be  entitled  to  as  many  presidential  votes  as  it 
would  have  electors  under  the  present  system.  The  people  hav- 
ing voted  directly  for  President  and  Vice-President,  the  vote 
for  each  candidate  in  any  State  was  to  be  ascertained  by  multi- 
plying the  number  of  votes  given  for  any  person  by  the  num- 
ber of  presidential  votes  assigned  to  the  State,  and  dividing  the 
product  by  the  whole  number  of  votes  cast ;  and  the  fractions 
were  to  be  ascertained  to  the  third  place  of  decimals.  The 
returns  were  to  be  made  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  each  State, 
who  was  to  open  them  in  the  presence  of  the  governor  and  the 
state  auditor  or  controller  ;  and  the  apportionment  of  presi- 
dential votes  was  to  be  made  by  them  as  a  canvassing  board. 
Disputed  questions  might  be  passed  upon  by  the  highest  judi- 
cial tribunal  in  each  State,  and  the  decision  was  to  be  sent  to 
the  president  of  the  Senate  at  Washington.  The  votes  were 
to  be  counted  by  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  assembled  under 
the  presidency  of  the  president  of  the  Senate,  and  all  votes 
were  to  be  counted  unless  the  two  Houses  concurred  in  reject- 
ing them ;  or,  if  there  was  a  decision  by  the  highest  court  of 
the  State  upon  a  contest,  that  decision  was  to  stand  unless  the 
two  Houses  concurred  in  overruling  it.  If  there  were  dual 
returns,  or  two  decisions  purporting  to  be  by  the  highest  court, 
that  was  to  be  accepted  which  the  two  Houses  should  decide 
to  be  the  true  return  or  the  true  decision.  A  plurality  of  votes 
was  to  elect  the  President,  and  in  case  of  a  tie  the  election  was 
to  be  made  in  the  manner  now  provided  for  the  case  of  a  fail- 
ure to  elect  by  the  electors.  This  proposition  was  never  even 
debated  in  the  House. 

A  determined  effort  was  made  by  the  Senate,  during  the 


398  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

session  of  1878-79,  to  amend  the  law  relative  to  the  count  of 
votes,  by  a  statute  covering  the  whole  subject.  The  bill  was 
managed  by  Mr.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont.  A  brief  account  of 
its  provisions  only  can  be  given.  It  changed  the  time  for  the 
appointment  of  electors  in  the  several  States  to  the  first  Tues- 
day of  October  in  every  fourth  year.  If  a  vacancy  should 
occur  in  both  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-President  more 
than  two  months  before  the  first  Tuesday  of  October  in  any 
year  other  than  that  in  which  electors  would  be  regularly 
appointed,  a  new  election  was  to  be  held.  The  time  for  the 
meeting  and  voting  of  the  electors  was  to  be  the  second  Mon- 
day in  January  following  their  appointment.  The  fourth  sec- 
tion was  as  follows :  — 

Each  State  may  provide  by  law  enacted  prior  to  the  day  in  this 
act  named  for  the  appointment  of  the  electors,  for  the  trial  and 
determination  of  any  controversy  concerning  the  appointment  of 
electors,  before  the  time  fixed  for  the  meeting  of  the  electors,  in 
any  manner  it  may  deem  expedient.  Every  such  determination 
made  pursuant  to  such  law  so  enacted  before  said  day,  and  made 
prior  to  the  said  time  of  meeting  of  the  electors,  shall  be  conclusive 
evidence  of  the  lawful  title  of  the  electors  who  shall  have  been  so 
determined  to  have  been  appointed,  and  shall  govern  in  the  count- 
ing of  the  electoral  votes,  as  provided  in  the  Constitution  and  as 
hereinafter  regulated. 

The  provisions  of  the  bill  in  relation  to  the  count  followed 
in  general  the  custom  of  Congress  under  the  twenty-second 
joint  rule,  with  these  exceptions :  No  vote  from  a  State  from 
which  there  was  but  one  return  could  be  rejected  without  a 
concurrent  vote  of  the  two  Houses.  If  there  were  two  or  more 
returns,  that  only  should  be  counted  which  was  decided  to  be 
the  true  return  in  the  manner  provided  in  the  section  just 
quoted.  If  there  were  no  such  determination,  or  if  there  were 
two  or  more  decisions  purporting  to  have  been  made  in  accord- 
ance with  a  law  passed  in  conformity  with  that  section,  that 
return,  or  that  decision  only,  could  be  accepted  which  the  two 
Houses  acting  separately  should  decide  by  affirmative  vote  to 
be  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  When 
the  two  Houses  separated  to  consider  objections  to  electoral 
votes,  each  member  of  either  House  might  speak  once  only, 
for  five  minutes,  and  at  the  expiration  of  two  hours  it  would 
become  the  duty  of  the  presiding  officer  to  put  the  main  ques- 
tion.    After  several  days  of  debate  this  bill  was  passed  by  the 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  399 

Senate,  35  to  26.  The  negative  vote  consisted  entirely  of 
Democrats;  the  majority  was  made  up  of  Republicans,  with 
the  exception  of  Messrs.  Bayard,  Merrimon,  and  Morgan,  Dem- 
ocrats, and  Judge  Davis,  of  Illinois,  Independent.  It  was 
referred  in  the  House  of  Representatives  to  the  select  commit- 
tee having  the  subject  in  charge,  but  no  report  was  made  upon 
it.  We  shall  see  that  the  principles  of  this  bill,  little  changed 
in  detail,  were  all  adopted  and  enacted  in  the  law  of  1887, 
which  is  given  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  and  which  is  now  in 
force. 

In  May,  1880,  the  Democrats  having  a  majority  in  the  Sen- 
ate, Mr.  Morgan,  of  Alabama,  reported  from  a  select  committee 
a  joint  rule  for  the  government  of  the  two  Houses  in  counting 
the  electoral  votes.  It  differed  from  the  rescinded  twenty- 
second  rule  in  several  particulars.  No  vote  from  a  State  which 
sent  but  one  return  was  to  be  rejected  except  by  the  affirma- 
tive action  of  both  branches  of  Congress.  If  two  or  more 
returns  should  be  offered,  neither  was  to  be  counted  unless  the 
two  Houses  agreed  in  deciding  that  one  of  them  was  the  true 
and  correct  return.  Provision  was  made  for  one  hour's  debate 
in  each  House  upon  objections,  no  member  to  speak  more  than 
once,  or  longer  than  ten  minutes  ;  and  also  for  debate  by  unan- 
imous consent  in  the  joint  meeting.  It  was  further  provided 
that  an  appeal  might  be  taken  from  a  decision  by  the  presiding 
officer,  which  was  to  be  overruled  only  by  concurrent  action  of 
both  Houses.  This  proposed  rule  was  considered  at  length. 
Mr.  Edmunds  moved  his  bill,  already  summarized,  with  some 
changes,  as  a  substitute  for  the  rule.  The  motion  was  defeated, 
all  other  amendments  were  rejected,  and  the  rule  was  adopted 
by  the  Senate,  by  a  vote  of  25  to  14,  —  a  party  vote,  except 
that  Mr.  Davis,  of  Illinois,  voted  with  the  Democrats.  In  the 
House,  the  Republicans  endeavored  to  have  the  rule  referred 
to  a  committee,  but  their  motions  having  that  object  in  view 
were  rejected.  Finally  the  matter  was  postponed  until  the 
first  Monday  in"  December,  1880.  It  was  under  consideration 
several  times  during  the  session,  but  the  Republicans  persist- 
ently opposed  it,  and  on  the  last  day  that  it  was  considered, 
January  26,  1881,  they  filibustered  successfully  against  its 
passage. 

Early  in  February  of  the  same  year  a  resolution  was  adopted, 
which  carried  the  conduct  of  the  count  back  to  the  method  so 
long  in  use  before  the  twenty -second  joint  rule  was  adopted. 


400  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Tt  provided,  however,  for  two  tellers  on  the  part  of  the  Senate, 
which  was  an  innovation  introduced  by  the  Electoral  Commis- 
sion Law  of  1877.  The  second  resolution  directed  that  in 
case  it  should  appear  that  the  electoral  vote  of  any  State  had 
been  given  on  any  other  day  than  that  fixed  by  law,  the  decla- 
ration of  the  result  should  be  in  the  alternative  form  first  intro- 
duced in  1821,  with  respect  to  the  vote  of  Missouri.  This 
rule  was  adopted  by  both  Houses.  In  the  Senate  there  was 
no  division.  In  the  House  the  second  resolution  was  opposed 
by  77  members,  of  whom  six  were  Democrats  and  three  Green- 
backers.     The  count  of  1881  took  place  under  that  rule. 

Mr.  Hayes,  upon  taking  office,  at  once  reversed  the  policy 
of  his  predecessor  in  respect  of  the  Republican  governments 
of  South  Carolina  and  Louisiana.  He  withdrew  the  military 
assistance  which  had  protected  them  from  overthrow  by  the 
white  minority.  The  Democratic  governments  took  instant 
advantage  of  the  opportunity ;  and  the  last  state  governments 
representative  of  negro  and  "  carpet-bag  "  control  were  driven 
from  the  capitals.  The  President's  act  practically  eliminated 
the  Southern  question  from  politics  by  the  simple  expedient  of 
non-resistance  to  the  demands  of  those  who  proclaimed  their 
determination  to  restore  white  men's  government  at  all  hazards, 
and  by  violence  if  necessary.  It  was  not  at  all  to  the  liking 
of  many  Republican  statesmen  who,  however  disposed  they 
might  be  to  concede  the  failure  of  the  negro  rule  introduced 
by  universal  suffrage,  believed  that  the  faith  of  their  party  was 
pledged  to  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  colored  people. 
Mr.  Hayes  did  not  strengthen  his  own  political  position  by  the 
move.  The  Democrats  were  willing  to  profit  by  it ;  but  they 
had  as  yet  hardly  become  willing  to  acknowledge  Mr.  Hayes 
as  a  legal  President.  A  large  faction  of  the  Republican  party 
became  estranged  from  him.  The  South  was  made  "  solid  " 
for  the  Democrats.  In  the  Forty-sixth  Congress,  elected  in 
1878,  four  Republicans  only  were  elected  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  all  the  South ;  there  were  102  Democrats. 

No  other  President  —  save  Mr.  Johnson,  who  was  not 
elected  to  the  position,  but  succeeded  to  it  on  the  death  of  Mr. 
Lincoln  —  has  been  so  unfortunate  as  was  Mr.  Hayes  in  the 
political  complexion  of  Congress  during  his  term.  The  House 
of  Representatives  was  against  him  the  first  two  years,  and 
both  branches  were  Democratic  during  the  last  two  years. 
Although  he  was  not  possessed  of  great  tact  and  exhibited 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  401 

little  skill  in  his  management  of  men,  yet  his  intentions  were 
so  honorable  and  his  standards  so  high  that  his  administration 
bears  well  a  comparison  with  that  of  some  men  much  more 
able  than  he  was.  His  cabinet  was  a  strong  one.  There  were 
no  scandals.  Mr.  Hayes  was  the  first  President  to  discourage 
and  to  forbid  the  political  activity  of  the  civil  servants  of  the 
government.  If  he  did  not  win  applause  for  himself  by  his 
administration,  he  did  raise  the  tone  of  his  party.  He  intro- 
duced, without  fuss,  the  reforms  for  which  the  Democrats 
clamored  obstreperously  in  their  platform.  And  when  the 
time  came  for  him  to  retire  from  office  the  people  had  recov- 
ered the  confidence  in  the  Republican  party  which  they  had 
well-nigh  lost  when  he  was  elected. 

Nevertheless  the  administration  was  not  a  quiet  but  a  tur- 
bulent one.  There  was  a  struggle  during  his  whole  term  over 
the  question  of  attaching  political  legislation  to  appropriation 
bills.  The  Democrats  in  Congress  were  determined  to  root 
out  the  last  remnants  of  Republican  law  which  gave  the  gen- 
eral government  any  supervision  of  elections  in  the  South. 
In  the  Forty-fifth  Congress  the  contest  was  between  the  Senate 
and  the  House.  The  Democrats  endeavored  to  withhold  the 
necessary  funds  for  the  purposes  of  government  unless  the 
Republicans  would  consent  to  the  "  riders  "  upon  appropriation 
bills,  to  prohibit  the  presence  of  United  States  troops  near  the 
polls,  to  regulate  the  impaneling  of  juries,  and  to  prevent 
the  appointment  of  deputy  marshals  for  elections  at  which  re- 
presentatives were  to  be  chosen.  In  the  Forty-sixth  Congress 
the  bills  went  to  the  President  with  the  riders  attached,  and 
the  veto  power  was  necessary  to  prevent  their  enactment. 
The  laws  which  it  was  then  sought  in  vain  to  repeal  afterward 
fell  into  disuse,  and  the  last  vestige  of  them  was  removed  from 
the  statute  book  under  President  Cleveland. 

Financial  questions  were  much  discussed  during  this  ad- 
ministration. A  great  effort  was  made  to  repeal  the  act  for 
the  resumption  of  specie  payments.  The  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives passed  a  repealing  bill,  but  the  Senate  rejected  it ; 
and  resumption  took  place  successfully,  and  with  great  advan- 
tage to  business,  on  January  1,  1879.  The  silver  question 
was  first  agitated  at  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Hayes's  term  ;  and 
on  February  28,  1878,  the  act  for  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars 
was  passed  over  the  President's  veto.  Another  question 
which  became  prominent  in  politics  at  this  time  was  that  of 


402  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Chinese  immigration.  A  bill  forbidding  such  immigration  was 
passed,  but  was  vetoed,  and  failed  to  obtain  the  necessary  two- 
thirds  majority. 

Mr.  Hayes  was  not  a  candidate  for  reelection.  But  there 
was  no  lack  of  candidates  on  the  Republican  side.  Two  of 
them  were  extremely  strong.  Many  persons  who  had  been 
strongly  opposed  to  a  third  consecutive  term  for  General  Grant 
saw  no  objection  to  electing  him  after  an  interval  of  four 
years,  and  a  numerous  body  of  his  adherents  in  all  parts  of 
the  country  brought  him  forward  with  great  enthusiasm.  Mr. 
Blaine  was  again  prominent  as  a  candidate  in  the  West,  and 
indeed  throughout  the  land.  Those  who  were  opposed  to 
both  Grant  and  Blaine  favored,  some  Mr.  John  Sherman, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  others  Senator  George  F. 
Edmunds.  On  the  Democratic  side  there  was  no  concentration 
of  opinion.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  preliminary  canvass  it 
was  universally  conceded  that  Mr.  Tilden  would  be  nominated 
if  he  would  accept  the  candidacy  ;  but  his  health  was  known 
to  be  infirm,  and,  as  he  gave  no  indication  of  his  intentions, 
his  opponents  worked  secretly  and  successfully  to  secure  dele- 
gates who  were  opposed  to  him. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  the  2d  of 
June.  Senator  George  F.  Hoar,  of  Massachusetts,  was  the 
temporary  and  also  the  permanent  president.  Three  days 
were  occupied  in  preliminaries  and  in  deciding  cases  of  con- 
testing delegates,  of  whom  there  were  many.  The  opposition 
which  the  candidacy  of  General  Grant  encountered  was  signi- 
ficantly indicated  by  the  following  resolution  introduced  by 
Senator  Conkling,  who  managed  the  Grant  canvass  :  — 

Resolved,  As  the  sense  of  this  convention,  that  every  member  of 
it  is  bound  in  honor  to  support  its  nominee,  whoever  that  nominee 
may  be,  and  that  no  man  should  hold  his  seat  here  who  is  not 
ready  so  to  agree. 

After  a  brief  debate,  this  resolution  was  passed  by  a  vote  of 
716  to  3  ;  the  negative  votes  were  given  by  delegates  from 
West  Virginia.  Mr.  Conkling  offered  a  resolution  that  those 
who  had  voted  in  the  negative  "  do  not  deserve  and  have  for- 
feited their  votes  in  this  convention."  To  this  summary  way 
of  disfranchising  delegates  there  were  numerous  objections, 
and,  in  view  of  the  possible  rejection  of  the  resolution,  Mr. 
Conkling  withdrew  it. 

On  the  fourth  day  General  James  A.  Garfield  reported  from 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  403 

the  committee  on  rules  a  code  consisting  for  the  most  part 
of  the  rules  of  the  convention  of  1876.  One  important 
amendment  was  made,  to  the  effect  that  when  the  vote  of  any 
State  should  be  announced  by  the  chairman,  if  any  excep- 
tion should  be  taken  to  the  announcement,  "  the  president 
of  the  convention  shall  direct  the  roll  of  members  of  such 
delegation  to  be  called,  and  the  result  recorded  in  accordance 
with  the  votes  individually  given."  This  was  a  direct  and 
fatal  blow  at  the  "  unit  rule."  A  minority  report  was  pre- 
sented by  General  George  H.  Sharpe,  of  New  York,  on  behalf 
of  himself  and  eight  other  members  of  the  committee,  recom- 
mending the  retention  of  the  rule  as  it  had  been  adopted  by 
the  convention  of  1876.  The  delegation  from  New  York  had 
been  instructed  to  vote  as  a  unit  for  General  Grant,  and  the 
adoption  of  the  new  rule  would  allow  several  members  of  that 
delegation,  who  were  not  in  favor  of  the  ex-President,  to  vote 
individually  for  the  person  whom  they  might  prefer.  The 
minority  report  was  rejected  without  a  division.  An  amend- 
ment having  been  adopted  directing  the  national  committee  to 
prescribe  a  method  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  con- 
vention of  1884,  the  rules  were  adopted.  The  platform  was 
then  reported,  as  follows,  by  Mr.  Edwards  Pierrepont,  of  New 
York :  — 

The  Republican  party  in  national  convention  assembled,  at  the 
end  of  twenty  years  since  the  federal  government  was  first  com- 
mitted to  its  charge,  submits  to  the  people  of  the  United  States 
this  brief  report  of  its  administration.  It  suppressed  the  rebellion, 
which  had  armed  nearly  a  million  of  men  to  subvert  the  national 
authority.  It  reconstructed  the  Union  of  the  States  with  freedom 
instead  of  slavery  as  its  corner-stone.  It  transformed  four  mil- 
lions of  human  beings  from  the  likeness  of  things  to  the  rank  of 
citizens.  It  relieved  Congress  from  the  infamous  work  of  hunting 
fugitive  slaves,  and  charged  it  to  see  that  slavery  does  not  exist. 
It  has  raised  the  value  of  our  paper  currency  from  thirty-eight  per 
cent,  to  the  par  of  gold.  It  has  restored  upon  a  solid  basis  payment 
in  coin  for  all  the  national  obligations,  and  has  given  us  a  currency 
absolutely  good  and  equal  in  every  part  of  our  extended  country. 
It  has  lifted  the  credit  of  the  nation  from  the  point  where  six  per 
cent,  bonds  sold  at  eighty-six  per  cent,  to  that  where  four  per  cent, 
bonds  are  eagerly  sought  at  a  premium.  Under  its  administration 
railways  have  increased  from  thirty-one  thousand  miles  in  1860  to 
more  than  eighty-two  thousand  miles  in  1879.  Our  foreign  trade 
has  increased  from  seven  hundred  million  dollars  to  one  billion 


404  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

one  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  in  the  same  time,  and  our 
exports,  which  were  twenty  million  dollars  less  than  our  imports 
in  1860,  were  two  hundred  and  sixty-four  million  more  than  our 
imports  in  1879.  Without  resorting  to  loans,  it  has,  since  the  war 
closed,  defrayed  the  ordinary  expenses  of  government  beside  the 
accruing  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  has  annually  disbursed 
more  than  thirty  million  dollars  for  soldiers'  pensions.  It  has  paid 
eight  hundred  and  eighty-eight  million  dollars  of  the  public  debt, 
and,  by  refunding  the  balance  at  lower  rates,  has  reduced  the  annual 
interest  charged  from  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty-one  million  dol- 
lars to  less  than  eighty-nine  million  dollars.  All  the  industries  of 
the  country  have  revived,  labor  is  in  demand,  wages  have  increased, 
and  throughout  the  entire  country  there  is  evidence  of  a  coming 
prosperity  greater  than  we  have  ever  enjoyed. 

Upon  this  record  the  Republican  party  asks  for  the  continued 
confidence  and  support  of  the  people,  and  this  convention  submits 
for  their  approval  the  following  statement  of  the  principles  and 
purposes  which  will  continue  to  guide  and  inspire  its  efforts :  — 

1.  We  affirm  that  the  work  of  the  last  twenty-one  years  has  been 
such  as  to  commend  itself  to  the  favor  of  the  nation,  and  that  the 
fruits  of  the  costly  victories  which  we  have  achieved  through  im- 
mense difficulties  should  be  preserved;  that  the  peace  regained 
should  be  cherished ;  that  the  dissevered  Union,  now  happily  re- 
stored, should  be  perpetuated,  and  that  the  liberties  secured  to  this 
generation  should  be  transmitted  undiminished  to  future  genera- 
tions ;  that  the  order  established  and  the  credit  acquired  should 
never  be  impaired ;  that  the  pensions  promised  should  be  extin- 
guished by  the  full  payment  of  every  dollar  thereof ;  that  the  reviv- 
ing industries  should  be  further  promoted,  and  that  the  commerce, 
already  so  great,  should  be  steadily  encouraged. 

2.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a  supreme  law,  and 
not  a  mere  contract :  out  of  confederated  States  it  made  a  sovereign 
nation.  Some  powers  are  denied  to  the  nation,  while  others  are 
denied  to  the  States  ;  but  the  boundary  between  the  powers  dele- 
gated and  those  reserved  is  to  be  determined  by  the  national,  and 
not  by  the  State  tribunals. 

3.  The  work  of  popular  education  is  one  left  to  the  care  of  the 
several  States,  but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  national  government  to  aid 
that  work  to  the  extent  of  its  constitutional  duty.  The  intelligence 
of  the  nation  is  but  the  aggregate  of  the  intelligence  in  the  several 
States,  and  the  destiny  of  the  nation  must  be  guided,  not  by  the 
genius  of  any  one  State,  but  by  the  average  genius  of  all. 

4.  The  Constitution  wisely  forbids  Congress  to  make  any  law 
respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  but  it  is  idle  to  hope  that 
the  nation  can  be  protected  against  the  influences  of  sectarianism 


A  REPUBLICAN   REVIVAL  405 

while  each  State  is  exposed  to  its  domination.  We  therefore  re- 
commend that  the  Constitution  be  so  amended  as  to  lay  the  same 
prohibition  npon  the  legislature  of  each  State,  and  to  forbid  the 
appropriation  of  public  funds  to  the  support  of  sectarian  schools. 

5.  We  affirm  the  belief  avowed  in  1876,  that  the  duties  levied 
for  the  purpose  of  revenue  should  so  discriminate  as  to  favor 
American  labor  ;  that  no  further  grant  of  the  public  domain  should 
be  made  to  any  railway  or  other  corporation  ;  that,  slavery  having 
perished  in  the  States,  its  twin  barbarity,  polygamy,  must  die  in 
the  Territories ;  that  everywhere  the  protection  accorded  to  citizens 
of  American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens  by  American  adop- 
tion ;  and  that  we  esteem  it  the  duty  of  Congress  to  develop  and 
improve  our  watercourses  and  harbors,  but  insist  that  further  sub- 
sidies to  private  persons  or  corporations  must  cease ;  that  the  obli- 
gations of  the  Republic  to  the  men  who  preserved  its  integrity  in 
the  hour  of  battle  are  undiminished  by  the  lapse  of  the  fifteen  years 
since  their  final  victory,  —  to  do  them  perpetual  honor  is,  and  shall 
forever  be,  the  grateful  privilege  and  sacred  duty  of  the  American 
people. 

6.  Since  the  authority  to  regulate  immigration  and  intercourse 
between  the  United  States  and  foreign  nations  rests  with  Congress, 
or  with  the  United  States  and  its  treaty-making  powers,  the  Re- 
publican party,  regarding  the  unrestricted  immigration  of  the 
Chinese  as  an  evil  of  great  magnitude,  invoke  the  exercise  of 
those  powers  to  restrain  and  limit  that  immigration  by  the  enact- 
ment of  such  just,  humane,  and  reasonable  provisions  as  will  pro- 
duce that  result. 

7.  That  the  purity  and  patriotism  which  characterized  the  earlier 
career  of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes  in  peace  and  war,  and  which  guided 
the  thoughts  of  our  immediate  predecessors  to  him  for  a  presiden- 
tial candidate,  have  continued  to  inspire  him  in  his  career  as  Chief 
Executive,  and  that  history  will  accord  to  his  administration  the 
honors  which  are  due  to  an  efficient,  just,  and  courteous  discharge 
of  the  public  business,  and  will  honor  his  interposition  between  the 
people  and  proposed  partisan  laws. 

We  charge  upon  the  Democratic  party  the  habitual  sacrifice  of 
patriotism  and  justice  to  a  supreme  and  insatiable  lust  of  office 
and  patronage ;  that  to  obtain  possession  of  the  national  and  State 
governments  and  the  control  of  place  and  position  they  have  ob- 
structed all  efforts  to  promote  the  purity  and  to  conserve  the  free- 
dom of  suffrage,  and  have  devised  fraudulent  certifications  and 
returns ;  have  labored  to  unseat  lawfully  elected  members  of  Con- 
gress, to  secure  at  all  hazards  the  vote  of  a  majority  of  the  States 
in  the  House  of  Representatives ;  have  endeavored  to  occupy  by 
force  and  fraud  the  places  of  trust  given  to  others  by  the  people  of 


40G  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Maine,  and  rescued  by  the  courageous  action  of  Maine's  patriotic 
sons ;  have,  by  methods  vicious  in  principle  and  tyrannical  in  prac- 
tice, attached  partisan  legislation  to  appropriation  bills,  upon  whose 
passage  the  very  movements  of  the  government  depend,  and  have 
crushed  the  rights  of  individuals ;  have  advocated  the  principles 
and  sought  the  favor  of  rebellion  against  the  nation,  and  have  en- 
deavored to  obliterate  the  sacred  memories  of  the  war,  and  to 
overcome  its  inestimably  valuable  results  of  nationality,  personal 
freedom,  and  individual  equality. 

The  equal,  steady,  and  complete  enforcement  of  laws,  and  the 
protection  of  all  our  citizens  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  privileges  and 
immunities  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution,  are  the  first  duties  of 
the  nation.  The  dangers  of  a  solid  South  can  only  be  averted  by  a 
faithful  performance  of  every  promise  which  the  nation  has  made 
to  the  citizen.  The  execution  of  the  laws  and  the  punishment  of 
all  those  who  violate  them  are  the  only  safe  methods  by  which  an 
enduring  peace  can  be  secured  and  genuine  prosperity  established 
throughout  the  South.  Whatever  promises  the  nation  makes,  the 
nation  must  perform,  and  the  nation  cannot  with  safety  delegate 
this  duty  to  the  States.  The  solid  South  must  be  divided  by  the 
peaceful  agencies  of  the  ballot,  and  all  opinions  must  there  find 
free  expression,  and  to  this  end  the  honest  voter  must  be  pro- 
tected against  terrorism,  violence,  or  fraud. 

And  we  affirm  it  to  be  the  duty  and  the  purpose  of  the  Republi- 
can party  to  use  every  legitimate  means  to  restore  all  the  States  of 
this  Union  to  the  most  perfect  harmony  that  may  be  practicable ; 
and  we  submit  it  to  the  practical,  sensible  people  of  the  United 
States  to  say  whether  it  would  not  be  dangerous  to  the  dearest  in- 
terests of  our  country  at  this  time  to  surrender  the  administration 
of  the  national  government  to  the  party  which  seeks  to  overthrow 
the  existing  policy  under  which  we  are  so  prosperous,  and  thus 
bring  distrust  and  confusion  where  there  are  now  order,  confidence, 
and  hope. 

The  platform  was  adopted  unanimously,  as  was  also  the 
following  resolution  offered  by  Mr.  J.  M.  Barker,  of  Massa- 
chusetts :  — 

The  Republican  party,  adhering  to  principles  affirmed  by  its  last 
national  convention  of  respect  for  the  constitutional  rule  covering 
appointments  to  office,  adopts  the  declaration  of  President  Hayes, 
that  the  reform  of  the  civil  service  should  be  thorough,  radical, 
and  complete.  To  this  end  it  demands  the  cooperation  of  the 
legislative  with  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  and 
that  Congress  shall  so  legislate  that  fitness,  ascertained  by  proper 
practical  tests,  shall  admit  to  the  public  service. 


A  REPUBLICAN   REVIVAL  40T 

The  day's  and  the  week's  session  was  concluded  with  the 
formal  presentation  of  the  names  of  candidates.  On  Monday 
the  voting  began,  and  twenty-eight  trials  to  nominate  a  can- 
didate were  made  on  that  day.  General  Grant  was  the  lead- 
ing candidate,  with  304  votes,  and  during  that  day  his  number 
fluctuated  only  between  302  and  309.  Mr.  Blaine  came  next, 
with  284  votes  on  the  first  ballot ;  his  number  varied  on  the 
first  day  from  285,  the  highest,  to  275,  the  lowest.  Mr.  Sher- 
man began  with  93  and  ended  with  91,  having  meanwhile 
dropped  to  88  and  risen  to  97.  Mr.  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of 
Illinois,  had  31  votes  at  the  beginning,  rose  to  36,  and  had  35 
on  the  twenty-eighth  ballot.  Senator  Edmunds  had  33  votes 
at  the  start,  dropped  to  32  on  the  second  ballot,  to  31  on  the 
eighth,  and  held  that  number  unchanged  through  twenty  more 
ballots.  Senator  William  Windom,  of  Minnesota,  had  ten  votes, 
those  of  his  own  State,  on  every  ballot.  The  number  of  votes 
necessary  to  a  choice  was  in  every  case  378.  The  convention 
ended  the  day's  voting  without  having  made  any  progress  to- 
ward a  nomination. 

On  the  morning  of  Tuesday  there  was  a  slight  change. 
About  twenty  of  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Edmunds,  joined  by 
a  few  others,  transferred  their  votes  to  Mr.  Sherman,  giving 
him  116.  His  number  rose  to  120  on  the  thirtieth  ballot ; 
but,  inasmuch  as  not  the  slightest  impression  was  made  upon 
the  Grant  and  Blaine  forees,  the  movement  came  to  nothing, 
and  on  the  next  trial  his  strength  began  to  decline  again.  On 
the  jhirty-fourth  ballot  17  votes  were  given  to  James  A.  Gar- 
field. General  Garfield  had  received  one  vote  on  the  second 
ballot,  the  day  before,  and  thereafter  had  received  sometimes 
one  vote,  sometimes  two  votes,  and  sometimes  none.  He  was 
present  in  the  convention  as  a  delegate  and  as  the  manager  of 
Mr.  Sherman's  canvass,  and  had  been  a  conspicuous  figure  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  convention.  When  he  suddenly  sprang 
into  prominence  on  the  thirty -fourth  ballot,  the  idea  of  making 
him  the  candidate  met  with  great  favor.  On  the  thirty-fifth 
ballot  a  number  of  Mr.  Blaine's  delegates  transferred  their 
votes  to  him,  and  gave  him  50  votes.  On  the  next  trial,  -— 
the  thirty-sixth,  — he  received  399,  and  was  nominated.  The 
history  of  the  voting  will  be  sufficiently  exhibited  by  showing 
in  a  table  the  result  of  the  1st,  the  28th,  the  30th,  the  34th, 
the  35th,  and  the  36th  trials:  — 


408 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


1st. 

28th. 

30th. 

34th. 

35th. 

30th. 

Ulysses  S.  Grant,  Illinois      .     .     . 

304 

307 

306 

312 

313 

306 

James  G.  Blaine,  Maine   .     . 

284 

279 

279 

275 

257 

42 

John  Sherman,  Ohio     .     .     . 

93 

91 

120 

107 

99 

3 

George  F.  Edmunds,  Vermont 

33 

31 

11 

11 

11 

- 

Elihu  B.  Washburne,  Illinois 

31 

35 

33 

30 

23 

5 

William  Windom,  Minnesota 

10 

10 

4 

4 

3 

- 

James  A.  Garfield,  Ohio  .     . 

" 

2 

2 

17 

50 

399 

The  nomination  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  the 
most  of  the  members  of  the  convention,  and  with  general  satis- 
faction throughout  the  country.  Garfield  had  been  a  gallant 
general  during  the  civil  war,  and  after  the  close  of  that  con- 
flict he  had  served  continuously  'as  a  member  of  Congress, 
where  he  had  risen  to  a  position  of  honorable  leadership. 
More  than  once  he  had  exhibited,  in  addition  to  talents  of 
a  high  order,  great  political  courage.  When  the  greenback 
movement  made  such  inroads  into  the  Republican  party  of 
Ohio  that  he  was  threatened  with  defeat  unless  he  yielded 
to  it,  he  openly  declared  that  he  would  suffer  defeat  rather 
than  give  up  his  convictions.  At  the  time  of  his  nomination 
he  had  been  elected  a  senator  from  Ohio  for  the  term  begin- 
ning in  1881.  It  was  thought  by  many  persons  at  the  time 
that  he  was  in  honor  bound  not  to  allow  himself  to  be  nomi- 
nated, since  he  was  the  accredited  and  recognized  champion  of 
Mr.  Sherman.  It  is  true  he  protested  against  being  made 
the  candidate,  but  he  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  the  nomina- 
tion when  it  was  tendered.  One  must  nevertheless  not  for- 
get that  Mr.  Sherman's  candidacy  was  hopeless ;  and  the  prize 
was  a  great  one. 

While  the  Republicans  everywhere  hailed  the  nomination 
as  a  good  and  strong  one,  some  of  the  prominent  leaders  of  the 
Grant  movement  were  sullen  and  discontented.  A  consulta- 
tion took  place  between  politicians  of  the  two  wings,  and  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency  was  conceded 
to  those  who  had  been  upholding  the  cause  of  General  Grant. 
Senator  Conkling,  who  was  recognized  as  the  chief  spokesman 
for  the  ex-President,  named  Mr.  Chester  A.  Arthur,  of  New 
York.  Mr.  Arthur's  only  service  in  the  national  govern- 
ment had  been  rendered  as  collector  of  the  port  of  New  York, 
from  which  position    he  had    been  removed    by  Mr.  Hayes. 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  409 

The  first  ballot  for  a  candidate  resulted  as  follows :  For 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  468 ;  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  of  Illinois, 
199 ;  Marshall  Jewell,  of  Connecticut,  43  ;  Horace  Maynard, 
of  Tennessee,  30 ;  Edmund  J.  Davis,  of  Texas,  20  ;  Blanche 
K.  Bruce,  of  Mississippi,  8  ;  James  L.  Alcorn,  of  Mississippi, 
4 ;  Thomas  Settle,  of  Florida,  2 ;  Stewart  L.  Woodford,  of 
New  York,  1.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Arthur  was  made 
unanimous,  and  the  convention  adjourned. 

The  nomination  of  Mr.  Arthur  was  most  coldly  received. 
Indeed  it  was  regarded  in  some  quarters  with  dismay.  The 
events  of  the  succeeding  four  years  greatly  modified  public 
opinion,  and  enabled  Mr.  Arthur  to  deserve  and  to  win  uni- 
versal respect.  Nevertheless  at  that  time  he  was  deemed  by  a 
large  section  of  the  party  unfitted,  by  his  political  instincts 
and  training,  for  the  office  of  Vice-President.  But  those  who 
were  dissatisfied  with  that  part  of  the  ticket  were  so  well 
pleased  with  General  Garfield  that,  after  once  giving  vent  to 
their  feelings,  they  prepared  to  support  both  Garfield  and 
Arthur  with  zeal.  Some  of  those  who  had  set  their  hearts 
upon  the  nomination  of  General  Grant  were  not  so  easily  re- 
conciled to  the  situation.  • 

The  next  convention  in  the  order  of  time  was  that  of  the 
Greenbackers.  It  met  at  Chicago  on  the  9th  of  June.  The 
Rev.  Gilbert  De  La  Matyr,  of  Indiana,  was  the  temporary 
chairman,  and  Richard  Trevellick,  of  Michigan,  was  the  per- 
manent president.  On  the  second  day  the  following  platform 
was  reported  and  adopted  :  — 

1.  That  the  right  to  make  and  issue  money  is  a  sovereign  power 
to  be  maintained  by  the  people  for  the  common  benefit.  The  dele- 
gation of  this  right  to  corporations  is  a  surrender  of  the  central 
attribute  of  sovereignty,  void  of  constitutional  sanction,  conferring 
upon  a  subordinate  irresponsible  power  absolute  dominion  over 
industry  and  commerce.  All  money,  whether  metallic  or  paper, 
should  be  issued  and  its  volume  controlled  by  the  government, 
and  not  by  or  through  banking  corporations,  and,  when  so  issued, 
should  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

2.  That  the  bonds  of  the  United  States  should  not  be  refunded, 
but  paid  as  rapidly  as  practicable,  according  to  contract.  To  en- 
able the  government  to  meet  these  obligations,  legal  tender  cur- 
rency should  be  substituted  for  the  notes  of  the  national  banks, 
the  national  banking  system  abolished,  and  the  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver,  as  well  as  gold,  established  by  law. 

3.  That  labor  should  be  so  protected  by  national   and  State 


410  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

authority  as  to  equalize  its  burdens  and  insure  a  just  distribution 
of  its  results ;  the  eight-hour  law  of  Congress  should  be  enforced ; 
the  sanitary  condition  of  industrial  establishments  placed  under 
rigid  control ;  the  competition  of  contract  labor  abolished  ;  a  bureau 
of  labor  statistics  established;  factories,  mines,  and  workshops 
inspected;  the  employment  of  children  under  fourteen  years  of 
age  forbidden ;  and  wages  paid  in  cash. 

4.  Slavery  being  simply  cheap  labor,  and  cheap  labor  being 
simply  slavery,  the  importation  and  presence  of  Chinese  serfs 
necessarily  tends  to  brutalize  and  degrade  American  labor ;  there- 
fore immediate  steps  should  be  taken  to  abrogate  the  Burlingame 
treaty. 

5.  Railroad  land  grants  forfeited  by  reason  of  non-fulfilment  of 
contract  should  be  immediately  reclaimed  by  government ;  and 
henceforth  the  public  domain  reserved  exclusively  as  homes  for 
actual  settlers. 

6.  It  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  regulate  interstate  commerce. 
All  lines  of  communication  and  transportation  should  be  brought 
under  such  legislative  control  as  shall  secure  moderate,  fair,  and 
uniform  rates  for  passenger  and  freight  traffic. 

7.  We  denounce,  as  destructive  to  prosperity  and  dangerous  to 
liberty,  the  action  of  the  old  parties  in  fostering  and  sustaining 
gigantic  land,  railroad,  and  money  corporations,  invested  with,  and 
exercising,  powers  belonging  to  the  government,  and  yet  not  re- 
sponsible to  it  for  the  manner  of  their  exercise. 

8.  That  the  Constitution,  in  giving  Congress  the  power  to  borrow 
money,  to  declare  war,  to  raise  and  support  armies,  to  provide  and 
maintain  a  navy,  never  intended  that  the  men  who  loaned  their 
money  for  an  interest  consideration  should  be  preferred  to  the 
soldier  and  sailor  who  perilled  their  lives  and  shed  their  blood  on 
land  and  sea  in  defence  of  their  country ;  and  we  condemn  the 
cruel  class  legislation  of  the  Republican  party,  which,  while  pro- 
fessing great  gratitude  to  the  soldier,  has  most  unjustly  discrimi- 
nated against  him  and  in  favor  of  the  bondholder. 

9.  All  property  should  bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation  ;  and 
we  demand  a  graduated  income  tax. 

10.  We  denounce  as  most  dangerous  the  efforts  everywhere  man- 
ifest, to  restrict  the  right  of  suffrage. 

11.  We  are  opposed  to  an  increase  of  the  standing  army  in  time 
of  peace,  and  the  insidious  scheme  to  establish  an  enormous  mili- 
tary power  under  the  guise  of  militia  laws. 

12.  We  demand  absolute  democratic  rules  for  the  government  of 
Congress,  placing  all  representatives  of  the  people  upon  an  equal 
footing,  and  taking  away  from  committees  a  veto  power  greater 
than  that  of  the  President. 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  411 

13.  We  demand  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and 
for  the  people,  instead  of  a  government  of  the  bondholders,  by  the 
bondholders,  and  for  the  bondholders ;  and  we  denounce  every 
attempt  to  stir  up  sectional  strife  as  an  effort  to  conceal  monstrous 
crimes  against  the  people. 

14.  In  the  furtherance  of  these  ends  we  ask  the  cooperation  of 
all  fair-minded  people.  We  have  no  quarrel  with  individuals, 
wage  no  war  upon  classes,  but  only  against  vicious  institutions. 
We  are  not  content  to  endure  further  discipline  from  our  present 
actual  rulers,  who,  having  dominion  over  money,  over  transporta- 
tion, over  land  and  labor,  and  largely  over  the  press  and  the  ma- 
chinery of  government,  wield  unwarrantable  power  over  our  insti- 
tutions, and  over  our  life  and  property. 

15.  That  every  citizen  of  due  age,  sound  mind,  and  not  a  felon, 
be  fully  enfranchised,  and  that  this  resolution  be  referred  to  the 
States,  with  recommendation  for  their  favorable  consideration. 

An  informal  vote  was  taken  for  a  candidate  for  President, 
with  the  following  result:  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  had 
224£  ;  Hendrick  B.  Wright,  of  Pennsylvania,  126J ;  Stephen 
D.  Dillaye,  of  New  York,  119 ;  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 95;  Solon  Chase,  of  Maine,  89 ;  Edward  P.  Allis,  of 
Wisconsin,  41 ;  Alexander  Campbell,  of  Illinois,  21.  The  dele- 
gations began  changing  as  soon  as  the  strong  lead  of  Mr. 
Weaver  was  known,  and  that  gentleman  was  unanimously 
nominated.  On  a  vote  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President, 
B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas,  had  403,  and  Alanson  M.  West,  of 
Mississippi,  had  311.  Mr.  Chambers  was  thereupon  unani- 
mously nominated. 

The  Prohibitionists  held  a  convention  at  Cleveland,  Ohio, 
on  the  17th  of  June.  It  attracted  so  little  attention  that  no 
report  of  its  proceedings  was  published  in  the  leading  news- 
papers of  the  country.  Twelve  States  were  represented  by 
142  delegates.  A  platform  presenting  the  principles  of  the 
party,  in  much  the  same  form  as  they  were  announced  in  1876, 
was  adopted.  General  Neal  Dow,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  for 
President,  and  A.  M.  Thompson,  of  Ohio,  for  Vice-President. 

The  series  of  national  conventions  was  closed  by  that  of  the 
Democrats  at  Cincinnati  on  the  22d  of  June.  What  that  con- 
vention would  do  was  a  matter  of  great  uncertainty.  Mr. 
Tilden  had  still  not  indicated  what  was  his  wish  in  respect  of 
the  nomination.  It  is  probable  that,  if  he  had  frankly 
allowed  it  to  be  understood  that  he  would  be  a  candidate,  he 
could  have  secured  enough  delegates  to  make  him  the  nominee 


412  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

on  the  first  ballot.  Since  he  neither  encouraged  nor  discour- 
aged his  friends,  and  left  them  in  the  dark  as  to  his  purposes, 
hardly  a  third  of  the  delegates  went  to  Cincinnati  for  Tilden 
as  their  first  choice.  A  great  many  Southern  members  of  the  con- 
vention were  in  favor  of  Senator  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Dela- 
ware. General  Hancock  was  brought  forward  by  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  had  strong  support  in  other  States.  Ohio  presented 
Senator  Thurman ;  and  Mr.  Hendricks,  as  well  as  other  leaders 
of  the  party,  Mr.  Henry  B.  Payne,  of  Ohio,  Speaker  Samuel 
J.  Randall,  and  Judge  Stephen  J.  Field,  had  their  friends. 
A  movement  was  begun  in  favor  of  Mr.  Horatio  Seymour,  and 
it  made  not  a  little  progress  in  a  quiet  way.  Mr.  Seymour 
was  captured  by  an  "  interviewer,"  and  expressed  himself  in 
such  terms  that  it  was  believed  that  he  really  would  not  accept 
the  nomination  if  it  should  be  tendered ;  and  although  he  re- 
ceived a  few  votes  there  was  no  opportunity  to  test  his  actual 
strength  in  the  convention. 

Simultaneously  with  the  assembling  of  the  convention  came 
a  letter  from  Mr.  Tilden,  in  which  he  "  renounced  "  the  nom- 
ination. The  phraseology  of  the  letter  was  such  that  it  left 
room  for  both  the  friends  and  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Tilden  to 
say  that  he  would  not  refuse  the  nomination  if  it  should  be 
tendered  to  him ;  but  the  prevailing  tendency  of  opinion  was 
to  take  him  at  his  word. 

Mr.  George  Hoadly,  of  Ohio,  was  the  temporary  chairman 
of  the  convention,  which  did  not  effect  its  permanent  organiza- 
tion until  the  second  day,  after  the  contested  seats  had  been 
passed  upon.  There  were  several  cases  of  contest.  Two  sets 
of  delegates  made  their  appearance  from  Massachusetts,  and 
the  case  was  decided  by  admitting  both  sets,  with  a  half  vote 
for  each  delegate.  A  more  difficult  case  was  that  of  New  York. 
Here,  too,  there  were  two  full  delegations,  one  chosen  by  the 
"  regular  "  Democrats  ;  the  other,  the  "  Tammany  "  delegation. 
The  attitude  of  the  Tammany  organization  towards  Mr.  Tilden 
in  1876,  and  the  open  declaration  of  Mr.  John  Kelly  and 
other  members  of  the  contesting  delegation,  that  if  that  candi- 
date should  be  nominated  again  they  would  not  support  him, 
did  not  give  the  delegation  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  conven- 
tion ;  and  the  committee  on  credentials  reported  against  giving 
them  any  recognition  whatever.  A  minority  of  the  committee 
reported  in  favor  of  granting  their  request  to  be  allowed  twenty 
of   the    seventy    votes  of   New    York.     After  a   debate    the 


A   REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL  413 

minority  report  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  yeas  205-J,  nays  457. 
The  New  York  delegation  was  excused  from  voting  at  its  own 
request.  Thus  Tammany  was  excluded  from  the  convention 
altogether. 

Ex-Governor  John  W.  Stevenson,  of  Kentucky,  having  been 
chosen  permanent  president  of  the  convention,  the  platform  was 
reported  by  Mr.  Henry  Watterson,  of  Kentucky,  and  unani- 
mously adopted.     It  was  as  follows  :  — 

The  Democrats  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assembled, 
declare  — 

1.  We  pledge  ourselves  anew  to  the  constitutional  doctrines  and 
traditions  of  the  Democratic  party,  as  illustrated  by  the  teachings 
and  example  of  a  long  line  of  Democratic  statesmen  and  patriots, 
and  embodied  in  the  platform  of  the  last  national  convention  of 
the  party. 

2.  Opposition  to  centralizationism  and  to  that  dangerous  spirit 
of  encroachment  which  tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the 
departments  in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  be  the  form  of 
government,  a  real  despotism.  No  sumptuary  laws  ;  separation  of 
church  and  state  for  the  good  of  each ;  common  schools  fostered 
and  protected. 

3.  Home  rule  ;  honest  money,  consisting  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
paper  convertible  into  coin  on  demand ;  the  strict  maintenance  of 
the  public  faith,  state  and  national ;  and  a  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

4.  The  subordination  of  the  military  to  the  civil  power,  and  a 
general  and  thorough  reform  of  the  civil  service. 

5.  The  right  to  a  free  ballot  is  the  right  preservative  of  all 
rights,  and  must  and  shall  be  maintained  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States. 

6.  The  existing  administration  is  the  representative  of  conspiracy 
only,  and  its  claim  of  right  to  surround  the  ballot-boxes  with  troops 
and  deputy  marshals,  to  intimidate  and  obstruct  the  electors,  and 
the  unprecedented  use  of  the  veto  to  maintain  its  corrupt  and 
despotic  power,  insult  the  people  and  imperil  their  institutions. 

7.  The  great  fraud  of  1876-77,  by  which,  upon  a  false  count  of 
the  electoral  votes  of  two  States,  the  candidate  defeated  at  the 
polls  was  declared  to  be  President,  and,  for  the  first  time  in  Ameri- 
can history,  the  will  of  the  people  was  set  aside  under  a  threat  of 
military  violence,  struck  a  deadly  blow  at  our  system  of  represent- 
ative government ;  the  Democratic  party,  to  preserve  the  country 
from  a  civil  war,  submitted  for  a  time  in  firm  and  patriotic  faith 
that  the  people  would  punish  this  crime  in  1880 ;  this  issue  pre- 
cedes and  dwarfs  every  other ;  it  imposes  a  more  sacred  duty  upon 
the  people  of  the  Union  than  ever  addressed  the  conscience  of  a 
nation  of  freemen. 


414  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

8.  We  execrate  the  course  of  this  administration  in  making 
places  in  the  civil  service  a  reward  for  political  crime,  and  demand 
a  reform  by  statute  which  shall  make  it  forever  impossible  for  the 
defeated  candidate  to  bribe  his  way  to  the  seat  of  a  usurper  by 
billeting  villains  upon  the  people. 

9.  The  resolution  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden  not  again  to  be  a  candi- 
date for  the  exalted  place  to  which  he  was  elected  by  a  majority  of 
his  countrymen,  and  from  which  he  was  excluded  by  the  leaders  of 
the  Republican  party,  is  received  by  the  Democrats  of  the  United 
States  with  sensibility,  and  they  declare  their  confidence  in  his 
wisdom,  patriotism,  and  integrity,  unshaken  by  the  assaults  of  a 
common  enemy,  and  they  further  assure  him  that  he  is  followed 
into  the  retirement  he  has  chosen  for  himself  by  the  sympathy  and 
respect  of  his  fellow -citizens,  who  regard  him  as  one  who,  by  ele- 
vating the  standards  of  public  morality,  merits  the  lasting  grati- 
tude of  his  country  and  his  party. 

10.  Free  ships  and  a  living  chance  for  American  commerce  on 
the  seas  and  on  the  land.  No  discrimination  in  favor  of  transpor- 
tation lines,  corporations,  or  monopolies. 

11.  Amendment  of  the  Burlingame  treaty.  No  more  Chinese 
immigration,  except  for  travel,  education,  and  foreign  commerce, 
and  therein  carefully  guarded. 

12.  Public  money  and  public  credit  for  public  purposes  solely, 
and  public  land  for  actual  settlers. 

13.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  friend  of  labor  and  the  laboring 
man,  and  pledges  itself  to  protect  him  alike  against  the  cormorant 
and  the  commune. 

14.  We  congratulate  the  country  upon  the  honesty  and  thrift  of 
a  Democratic  Congress,  which  has  reduced  the  public  expenditure 
forty  million  dollars  a  year ;  upon  the  continuation  of  prosperity 
at  home  and  the  national  honor  abroad  ;  and,  above  all,  upon  the 
promise  of  such  a  change  in  the  administration  of  the  government 
as  shall  insure  us  genuine  and  lasting  reform  in  every  department 
of  the  public  service. 

The  business  of  the  convention  was  transacted  so  expedi- 
tiously that  the  formal  presentation  of  the  candidates  took 
place  on  the  second  day,  and  one  ballot  for  a  candidate  for 
President  was  taken.  It  showed  a  slight  lead  for  General 
Hancock  over  Mr.  Bayard;  yet  the  combined  vote  for  both 
these  candidates  did  not  constitute  a  majority  of  the  conven- 
tion. A  second  ballot  was  taken  the  next  morning,  when 
General  Hancock  gained  nearly  one  hundred  and  fifty  totes, 
and  the  delegations  then  began  changing  in  his  favor,  and  he 
was  nominated.     The  hand  of  Mr.  Tilden  was  detected,  or 


A  REPUBLICAN  REVIVAL 


415 


rather  suspected,  in  the  voting,  but  if  he  had  any  part  in  the 
affair  he  suffered  a  defeat.  The  vote  of  New  York  was  at  first 
cast  for  Mr.  Payne,  of  Ohio,  who  was  believed  to  be  Mr.  Til- 
den's  heir  ;  but,  on  the  second  ballot,  New  York  and  nearly 
all  the  recognized  friends  of  Tilden  voted  for  Mr.  Randall, 
who  was  also  supposed  to  be  a  favorite  of  Mr.  Tilden.  It 
was  mentioned  as  a  queer  feature  of  the  convention  that  none 
of  the  delegates  seemed  to  be  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  their 
respective  candidates,  and  it  was  said  that  those  who  voted 
at  the  beginning  for  General  Hancock  were  ready  to  abandon 
him  if  any  other  person  should  have  a  lead  over  him.  Ac- 
cordingly, although  he  had  been  presented  as  a  candidate  and 
had  received  votes  in  the  conventions  of  1868  and  1876,  and 
although  he  was  so  prominent  prior  to  the  convention  of  1880, 
his  nomination  had  all  the  effect  of  a  surprise.  The  two  bal- 
lots, the  second  as  it  stood  originally  and  also  as  it  was  when 
the  changes  had  been  made,  were  as  follows  :  — 


Candidates. 


Winfield  S.  Hancock,  Pennsylvania 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Delaware     .     . 

Henry  B.  Payne,  Ohio 

Allen  G.  Thnrman,  Ohio  .... 
Stephen  J.  Field,  California  .  .  . 
William  R.  Morrison,  Illinois  .  . 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Indiana  .  . 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  New  York  .  . 
Horatio  Seymour,  New  York  .  . 
Samuel  J.  Randall,  Pennsylvania  . 
Scattering1 


1st. 

2d. 

m 

320 

153i 

113 

81 

- 

68£ 

50 

65 

65* 

62 

- 

50* 

31 

38 

6 

8 

- 

- 

128* 

31 

22 

After 
changes. 


705 
2 


30 

1 


The  names  of  two  gentlemen  as  candidates  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency were  presented  :  that  of  William  H.  English,  of  Indiana, 
and  that  of  Richard  M.  Bishop,  of  Ohio,  "  your  uncle  Dick," 
as  he  was  termed  by  the  delegate  who  nominated  him,  in  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  to  arouse  enthusiasm.  The  preference 
for  Mr.  English  was  so  strongly  expressed  as  the  voting  pro- 
ceeded, that  Mr.  Bishop's  name  was  withdrawn,  and  Mr.  Eng- 
lish was  nominated  by  acclamation. 

The  canvass  of  1880  was  a  remarkable  one  in  several  ways. 
First,  for  the  savage  assaults  that  were  made  upon  General 
Garfield  by  the  opposition.  He  was  accused  of  numerous 
improprieties    in    his  conduct  as  a  member  of  the  House  of 


416  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Representatives,  of  complicity  in  corrupt  contracts,  and  of  hav- 
ing been  concerned  in  the  Credit  Mobilier,  which  had  made  a 
great  sensation  in  Congress  in  the  years  1872  and  1873.  At 
one  time  the  number  "  329  "  was  painted,  chalked,  and  printed 
everywhere,  on  sidewalks,  doors  and  dead-walls,  and  in  the 
opposition  newspapers  ;  that  being  the  number  of  dollars  he 
was  alleged  to  have  received  as  a  Credit  Mobilier  dividend. 
It  probably  had  little  effect.  Neither  Democrats  nor  Republi- 
cans believed  that  General  Garfield  was  corrupt.  In  the  last 
days  of  the  canvass  the  famous  "  Morey  Letter  "  was  forged 
and  scattered  broadcast,  particularly  in  the  Pacific  States. 
That  letter,  in  which  General  Garfield's  handwriting  was 
counterfeited  with  some  success,  addressed  to  a  mythical  person 
named  Morey,  asserted  principles  on  the  Chinese  question 
which,  if  they  had  been  held  by  General  Garfield,  would  have 
made  him  unpopular  in  California  and  the  other  States  where 
"  Chinese  cheap  labor  "  was  regarded  as  a  crying  evil.  It  was 
lithographed  and  printed  in  vast  numbers,  and  scattered  among 
the  voters  in  the  Pacific  States  at  a  time  when  an  effective 
denial  of  its  authenticity  was  impossible ;  and  it  had  a  great 
effect. 

Another  feature  of  the  canvass  was  the  sudden  importation 
of  the  tariff  question  into  the  political  discussion  a  few  weeks 
before  the  election.  The  Democratic  platform  had  declared  in 
favor  of  "  a  tariff  for  revenue  only."  Republican  speakers 
seized  upon  this  as  an  assertion  of  the  baldest  free-trade  doc- 
trine, and  they  denounced  it  with  surprising  vigor  as  assailing 
the  interests  of  American  industry.  The  Democrats  could 
not  make  an  effective  reply,  at  least  they  did  not ;  and  they 
would  not  defend  the  phrase  in  its  obvious  meaning.  No 
one  really  supposed  that  General  Hancock  was  a  free-trader, 
but  some  unfortunate  sentences  which  were  written  and  spoken 
by  him  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  Republicans  to  jeer  at  his 
supposed  ignorance  upon  all  tariff  questions. 

The  canvass  was  remarkable  also  for  the  conspicuous  absence 
of  agitation  upon  Southern  questions  ;  and  indeed  those  ques- 
tions had  less  influence  upon  the  result  than  upon  that  of  any 
other  election  since  the  Abolitionists  defeated  Henry  Clay  in 
1844.  Another  fact  was  the  failure  of  the  Democrats  to  ex- 
cite the  interest  of  the  people  in  the  "  fraud  issue,"  meaning 
the  result  of  the  Electoral  Commission  law  of  1877,  which 
issue,  the  Democratic  platform  had  said,  "  precedes  and  dwarfs 


A  REPUBLICAN   REVIVAL 


417 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral 
Vote. 

i 

1! 

f 

1 

States. 

I 

8 

< 

I 

13 

o.J 

od& 

*A 

h 

1 

8 

<o 
s 

9  3 
■g  a 

S 

2 
» 

1 

1 

s 

§ 

Is 

« 

S 

»-» 

IS 

A 

& 

9 

K 

Alabama 

56,221 

91,185 

4,642 

10 

Arkansas    . 

42,436 

60,775 

4,079 

- 

- 

6 

California  . 

80,348 

80,426 

3,392 

- 

1 

5 

Colorado     . 

27,450 

24,647 

1,435 

- 

3 

- 

Connecticut 

67,071 

64,415 

868 

409 

6 

— 

Delaware   . 

14,133 

15,275 

120 

_ 

_ 

3 

Florida  .     . 

23,654 

27,964 

- 

- 

- 

4 

Georgia .     . 

54,086 

102,470 

969 

- 

- 

11 

Illinois  .     . 

318,037 

277,321 

26,358 

443 

21 

_ 

Indiana .     . 

232,164 

225,522 

12,986 

- 

15 

- 

Iowa .     .     . 

183,927 

105,845 

32,701 

592 

11 

- 

Kansas  .     . 

121,549 

59,801 

19,851 

25 

5 

- 

Kentucky  . 

106,306 

149,068 

11,499 

258 

- 

12 

Louisiana  . 

*38,637 

65,067 

439 

_ 

- 

8 

Maine     .     . 

74,039 

t  65,171 

4,408 

93 

7 

- 

Maryland    . 

78,515 

93,706 

818 

- 

— 

8 

Massachusetts 

165,205 

111,960 

4,548 

682 

13 

_ 

Michigan    . 

185,341 

131,597 

34,895 

942 

11 

- 

Minnesota  . 

93,903 

53,315 

3,267 

286 

5 

— 

Mississippi . 

34,854 

75,750 

5,797 

- 

_ 

8 

Missouri 

153,567 

208,609 

35,135 

- 

_ 

15 

Nebraska   . 

54,979 

28,523 

3,950 

- 

3 

_ 

Nevada .     . 

8,732 

9,613 

- 

_ 

_ 

3 

New  Hampshi 

re 

44,852 

40,794 

528 

180 

5 

_ 

New  Jersey 

120,555 

122,565 

2,617 

191 

_ 

9 

New  York . 

555,544 

534,511 

12,373 

1,517 

35 

_ 

North  Carolin 

a 

115,874 

124,208 

1,126 

_ 

_ 

10 

Ohio  .     .     . 

375,048 

340,821 

6,456 

2,616 

22 

- 

Oregon  .     . 

20,619 

19,948 

249 

- 

3 

- 

Pennsylvania 

444,704 

407,428 

20,668 

1,939 

29 

- 

Rhode  Island 

18,195 

10,779 

236 

20 

4 

- 

South  Carolin 

X 

58,071 

112,312 

566 

_ 

_ 

7 

Tennessee  . 

107,677 

128,191 

5,917 

43 

- 

12 

Texas     .     . 

57,893 

156,428 

27,405 

- 

- 

8 

Vermont     . 

45,567 

18,316 

1,215 

- 

5 

- 

Virginia 

84,020 

\  128,586 

- 

- 

- 

11 

West  Virginia 

46,243 

57,391 

9,079 

- 

- 

5 

Wisconsin 

144,400 

114,649 

7,986 

69 

10 

- 

Total 

4,454,416 

4,444,952 

308,578 

10,305 

214 

155 

*  Two  Republican  tickets  were  voted  for. 

t  Votes  for  a  fusion  electoral  ticket,  made  up  of  three  Democrats  and  four  Green- 
backers.    A  "  straight "  Greenback  ticket  was  also  voted  for. 

t  Two  Democratic  tickets  were  voted  for  in  Virginia.  The  regular  ticket  received 
90,912,  and  was  successful ;  the  "Readjustee  "  polled  31,674  votes. 


418  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

every  other."  The  canvass  was,  finally,  singular  for  the  dis- 
cord and  sullenness  among  the  Grant  men  in  the  Republican 
party  at  the  outset,  followed,  after  a  reverse  in  Maine  in  Sep- 
tember, by  a  restoration  of  harmony  and  an  increase  of  vigor 
which  immediately  thereafter  gave  energy  to  the  canvass,  car- 
ried Ohio  and  Indiana  in  October,  and  made  General  Garfield 
President.  Reference  must  also  be  made  to  the  scandals  con- 
nected with  the  contributions  of  funds  to  the  Republican 
treasury,  which  brought  into  unpleasant  prominence  the  con- 
tributions of  certain  officials  who  were  afterwards  shown  to 
have  obtained  their  money  by  corrupt  or  otherwise  improper 
acts. 

General  Garfield  had  but  an  insignificant  plurality  of  the 
popular  vote  over  Hancock,  and  much  less  than  a  majority  of 
all ;  but  this  was  largely  the  result  of  abstention,  voluntary 
or  enforced,  on  the  part  of  Republican  voters  in  the  South. 
Thirty-eight  States  took  part  in  the  election ;  in  each  the  ap- 
pointment of  electors  was  by  popular  vote.  The  popular  and 
electoral  votes  are  given  on  the  preceding  page. 

The  count  of  votes  took  place  under  the  resolution  already 
cited.  The  electoral  votes  of  Georgia  were  counted  in  the 
alternative  manner  first  devised  in  1821,  as  they  had  been  cast 
on  the  second  Wednesday  of  December.  The  vote  was  so 
close  in  California  that  one  of  the  Republican  electors  was 
chosen  by  "  split  tickets."  The  electoral  count  was  entirely 
devoid  of  incident,  and  General  Garfield  was  duly  proclaimed 
elected. 


XXVII 

THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN 

There  has  never  been  a  time  in  the  history  of  the  country 
when  party  lines  were  so  indistinct,  and  so  easily  and  fre- 
quently crossed,  as  during  the  four  years  that  preceded  the 
election  of  1884.  During  all  that  time  there  was  hardly  a 
^vote  passed  by  either  House  of  Congress  in  which  the  division 
was  strictly  on  party  lines.  There  were  no  sharply  defined 
party  issues ;  and  political  matters  were  in  such  a  condition 
that  if  any  fresh  question  of  absorbing  interest  had  arisen, 
there  must  have  been  extensive  changes  of  party  association, 
if  not  a  complete  reconstruction  of  both  the  great  historical 
organizations.  In  the  absence  of  such  questions,  men  con- 
tinued to  act,  each  with  his  own  party,  merely  as  a  matter  of 
habit,  and,  up  to  the  spring  of  1884,  there  was  nothing  to 
portend  the  violence  and  fury  with  which  the  canvass  of  that 
year  was  to  be  conducted. 

A  brief  survey  of  the  leading  events  of  the  years  from  1881 
to  1884  will  indicate  how  little  occurred  that  had  an  influence 
upon  the  result  in  the  presidential  year.  There  was,  first 
of  all,  the  dissension  in  the  Republican  party  caused  by  some 
of  Mr.  Garfield's  appointments,  chiefly  in  New  York,  which 
deeply  offended  Mr.  Conkling,  and  led  to  the  formation  of  two 
factions,  one  of  which  called  itself  "  Stalwart "  and  stigma- 
tized the  other  as  "  Half-breed."  The  assassination,  the  linger- 
ing sickness,  and  the  death  of  President  Garfield ;  the  acces- 
sion of  Mr.  Arthur,  the  scandal  of  the  "  Star  route "  mail 
contracts,  and  the  offensive  incidents  of  the  trial  of  the  assas- 
sin of  the  President,  —  these  are  chapters  in  our  history  which 
every  patriotic  student  would  gladly  forget. 

The  only  important  legislation  during  Mr.  Arthur's  adminis- 
tration consisted  of  laws  aimed  at  polygamy  in  Utah,  and  at 
Chinese  immigration ;  the  creation  of  the  Tariff  Commission  in 
1882,  and  the  passage  of  a  new  tariff  law  in  1883 ;  and  the 
Civil  Service  Reform  Act.     While  this  was  all,  in  one  sense, 


420  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

political  legislation,  it  was  not,  in  the  strict  sense,  party  legis- 
lation. The  Tariff  Act  was  an  exception,  for  it  divided  Con- 
gress nearly  on  party  lines.  In  the  Senate,  one  Democrat 
only  voted  for  the  bill,  and  two  Republicans  against  it ;  while, 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  fifteen  Democrats  and  nine 
Republicans  separated  themselves  from  their  respective  parties 
The  Civil  Service  Reform  Act  was  passed  in  each  branch  by 
large  majorities  ;  but  in  the  Senate  all  the  five  negative  votes 
were  given  by  Democrats,  and  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives seven  only  of  the  forty-seven  negative  votes  were  given 
by  Republicans.  Neither  of  these  important  acts  was  regarded 
as  a  party  measure  to  such  an  extent  that  any  member  lost 
political  standing  by  placing  himself  in  opposition  to  the  gen- 
eral opinion  of  his  associates ;  and  neither  had  a  perceptible 
effect  upon  the  election  of  1884. 

•  Events,  nevertheless,  were  occurring  which  weakened  the 
Republicans  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  impending  defeat 
of  the  party.  There  was  a  feeling  which  found  expression  in 
various  ways  that  "  the  machine  "  was  becoming  too  prominent 
in  the  management  of  affairs,  and  that  the  "  bosses  "  were  de- 
fiant of  the  better  sentiment  of  the  party  in  the  selection  of 
candidates.  In  many  States,  the  election  of  1882  resulted  in 
Democratic  victories  which  were  largely  due  to  a  revolt  against 
what  was,  rightly  or  wrongly,  deemed  the  arrogant  dictation  of 
self-constituted  leaders.  Pennsylvania  defeated  the  Republi- 
can candidate  for  governor,  to  whom  no  one  objected  on  per- 
sonal grounds ;  and  New  York  gave  to  Grover  Cleveland,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  governor,  the  unprecedented  majority 
of  one  hundred  and  ninety  thousand.  Yet  the  opposing  can- 
didate was  Mr.  Folger,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  formerly 
the  chief  judge  of  the  New  York  Court  of  Appeals,  and  a 
gentleman  of  the  highest  character,  against  whom  nothing  could 
be  said,  except  that  he  was  a  candidate  chosen  for  the  Repub- 
licans, and  not  by  them.  These  defeats  were  regarded  as 
warnings  to  the  Republicans  that  they  could  win  the  coming 
contest  only  by  nominating  good  candidates,  without  the  inter- 
vention of  the  "  machine  "  and  the  "bosses." 

A  step  in  the  direction  of  greater  freedom  within  the  party, 
and  in  curtailment  of  the  powers  sometimes  exercised  by 
leaders  in  disregard  of  the  popular  will,  was  taken  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Republican  national  committee  held  in  1883.  An 
attempt   was   made   so   to   change   the   basis   of    the   national 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  421 

convention  as  to  enlarge  the  influence  of  the  States  and  com- 
munities giving  Republican  majorities,  and  to  diminish  cor- 
respondingly the  relative  strength  of  those  parts  of  the  country 
where  the  party  was  in  a  hopeless  minority.  Two  proposi- 
tions were  submitted.  According  to  the  first,  the  national 
convention  would  consist  of  delegates  from  each  State  as  fol- 
lows :  (1)  Four  delegates  at  large  ;  (2)  One  delegate  for  each 
Congress-district ;  (3)  One  delegate  for  each  twelve  thousand 
votes  given  in  the  State  in  1880  for  the  Republican  electoral 
ticket.  The  other  plan  proposed  for  each  State  :  (1)  Four 
delegates  at  large  ;  (2)  One  delegate  at  large  for  each  Republi- 
can senator  representing  the  State  ;  (3)  One  delegate  for  each 
Congress-district;  (4)  One  additional  delegate  for  each  dis- 
trict represented  in  Congress  by  a  Republican.  Each  of  these 
propositions  was  rejected,  and  the  old  basis  of  a  national  con- 
vention was  readopted. 

But  a  radical  change  was  made  in  the  method  of  choosing 
delegates.  A  time  was  prescribed  for  electing  them,  and  the 
right  of  districts  to  choose  their  own  delegates  was  recognized 
and  secured.  It  was  voted  that  the  state  conventions  should 
be  held  not  less  than  thirty  nor  more  than  sixty  days  before 
the  time  of  meeting  of  the  national  convention,  and  after  not 
less  than  twenty  days'  public,  advertised  notice.  District 
delegates  were  to  be  elected  either  by  separate  district  conven- 
tions or  by  subdivision  of  the  state  convention.  If  separate 
conventions  were  to  be  held,  they  were  to  meet  within  fifteen 
days  prior  to  the  state  convention  ;  and  in  any  case  their  cre- 
dentials were  to  be  given  and  certified  by  district  officers.  By 
the  first  of  these  provisions,  security  was  given  against  fore- 
stalling the  action  of  the  national  convention  by  early  conven- 
tions in  some  of  the  States ;  by  the  other,  an  opportunity  was 
given  to  minorities  to  make  their  influence  felt,  and  power 
was  taken  from  a  majority  in  the  State  to  stifle  opposition. 

The  first  national  convention  held  in  1884  was  that  of  the 
Anti-Monopoly  party,  which  met  in  Chicago,  May  14.  The 
party  had  no  prior  nor  subsequent  history.  The  attendance 
was  not  large.  Only  seventeen  States  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  were  represented  on  the  Committee  on  Resolutions. 
Mr.  Alson  J.  Streeter  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  John 
F.  Henry  the  permanent  president  of  the  convention.  The 
following  platform  was  reported,  and  adopted  by  a  vote  of 
eighty-five  to  twenty -nine  :  — 


422  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  Anti-Monopoly  organization  of  the  United  States,  in  con- 
vention assembled,  declares :  — 

1.  That  labor  and  capital  should  be  allies ;  and  we  demand  jus- 
tice for  both,  by  protecting  the  rights  of  all  against  privileges  for 
the  few. 

2.  That  corporations,  the  creatures  of  law,  should  be  controlled 
by  law. 

3.  That  we  propose  the  greatest  reduction  practicable  in  public 
expenses. 

4.  That  in  the  enactment  and  vigorous  execution  of  just  laws, 
equality  of  rights,  equality  oj  burdens,  equality  of  privileges,  and 
equality  of  powers  in  all  citizens  will  be  secured.  To  this  end,  we 
declare :  — 

5.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  immediately  exercise 
its  constitutional  prerogative  to  regulate  commerce  among  the 
States.  The  great  instruments  by  which  this  commerce  is  carried 
on  are  transportation,  money,  and  the  transmission  of  intelligence. 
They  are  now  mercilessly  controlled  by  giant  monopolies,  to  the 
impoverishment  of  labor,  the  crushing  out  of  healthful  competi- 
tion, and  the  destruction  of  business  security.  We  hold  it,  there- 
fore, to  be  the  imperative  and  immediate  duty  of  Congress  to  pass 
all  needful. laws  for  the  control  and  regulation  of  those  great 
agents  of  commerce,  in  accordance  with  the  oft-repeated  decisions 
of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

6.  That  these  monopolies,  which  have  exacted  from  enterprise 
such  heavy  tribute,  have  also  inflicted  countless  wrongs  upon  the 
toiling  millions  of  the  United  States ;  and  no  system  of  reform 
should  commend  itself  to  the  support  of  the  people  which  does  not 
protect  the  man  who  earns  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  his  face. 
Bureaus  of  labor-statistics  must  be  established,  both  state  and 
national ;  arbitration  take  the  place  of  brute  force  in  the  settle- 
ment of  disputes  between  employer  and  employed ;  the  national 
eight-hour  law  be  honestly  enforced ;  the  importation  of  foreign 
labor  under  contract  be  made  illegal;  and  whatever  practical  re- 
forms may  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  united  labor  must 
be  granted,  to  the  end  that  unto  the  toiler  shall  be  given  that  pro- 
portion of  the  profits  of  the  thing  or  value  created  which  his  labor 
bears  to  the  cost  of  production. 

7.  That  we  approve  and  favor  the  passage  of  an  Interstate  Com- 
merce bill.  Navigable  waters  should  be  improved  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  be  free. 

8.  We  demand  the  payment  of  the  bonded  debt  as  it  falls  due ; 
the  election  of  United  States  senators  by  the  direct  vote  of  the 
people  of  their  respective  States ;  a  graduated  income  tax ;  and  a 
tariff,  which  is  a  tax  upon  the  people,  that  shall  be  so  levied  as  to 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  423 

bear  as  lightly  as  possible  upon  necessaries.  We  denounce  the 
present  tariff  as  being  largely  in  the  interest  of  monopoly,  and  de- 
mand that  it  be  speedily  and  radically  reformed  in  the  interest  of 
labor,  instead  of  capital. 

9.  That  no  further  grants  of  public  lands  shall  be  made  to  cor- 
porations. All  enactments  granting  lands  to  corporations  should 
be  strictly  construed,  and  all  land  grants  should  be  forfeited  where 
the  terms  upon  which  the  grants  were  made  have  not  been  strictly 
complied  with.  The  lands  must  be  held  for  homes  for  actual  set- 
tlers, and  must  not  be  subject  to  purchase  or  control  by  non-resi- 
dent foreigners  or  other  speculators. 

10.  That  we  deprecate  the  discrimination  of  American  legisla- 
tion against  the  greatest  of  American  industries,  —  agriculture,  — 
by  which  it  has  been  deprived  of  nearly  all  beneficial  legislation, 
while  forced  to  bear  the  brunt  of  taxation ;  and  we  demand  for  it 
the  fostering  care  of  government,  and  the  just  recognition  of  its 
importance  in  the  development  and  advancement  of  our  land ;  and 
we  appeal  to  the  American  farmer  to  cooperate  with  us  in  our 
endeavors  to  advance  the  national  interests  of  the  country  and  the 
overthrow  of  monopoly  in  every  shape,  whenever  and  wherever 
found. 

General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  was  nomi- 
nated as  candidate  for  President  on  the  first  vote.  He  re- 
ceived 122  votes,  to  7  for  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  and 
1  for  Solon  Chase,  of  Maine.  The  nomination  of'  a  candidate 
for  Vice-President  was  left  with  the  national  committee,  who 
adopted  the  candidate  of  the  National  or  Greenback  party, 
General  Alanson  M.  West,  of  Mississippi. 

The  National  party  —  Greenbackers  —  held  its  convention 
in  Indianapolis,  on  the  28th  of  May.  John  Tyler,  of  Florida, 
was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  General  James  B.  Weaver, 
of  Iowa,  permanent  president.  The  following  platform  was 
adopted :  — 

Eight  years  ago,  our  young  party  met  in  this  city  for  the  first 
time,  and  proclaimed  to  the  world  its  immortal  principles,  and 
placed  before  the  American  people  as  a  presidential  candidate  that 
great  philanthropist  and  spotless  statesman,  Peter  Cooper.  Since 
that  convention,  our  party  has  organized  all  over  the  Union,  and 
through  discussion  and  agitation  has  been  educating  the  people  to 
a  sense  of  their  rights  and  duties  to  themselves  and  their  country. 
These  labors  have  accomplished  wonders.  We  now  have  a  great, 
harmonious  party,  and  thousands  who  believe  in  our  principles  in 
the  ranks  of  other  parties. 

"  We  point  with  pride  to  our  history."    We  forced  the  remone- 


424  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

tization  of  the  silver  dollar ;  prevented  the  refunding  of  the  public 
debt  into  long-time  bonds  ;  secured  the  payment  of  the  bonds,  until 
"  the  best  banking  system  the  world  ever  saw,"  for  robbing  the  pro- 
ducer, now  totters  because  of  its  contracting  foundation ;  we  have 
stopped  the  wholesale  destruction  of  the  greenback  currency,  and 
secured  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  es- 
tablishing forever  the  right  of  the  people  to  issue  their  own  money. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  never  in  our  history  have  the  banks, 
land-grant  railroads,  and  other  monopolies  been  more  insolent  in 
their  demands  for  further  privileges  —  still  more  class  legislation. 
In  this  emergency,  the  dominant  parties  are  arrayed  against  the 
people,  and  are  the  abject  tools  of  the  corporate  monopolies. 

In  the  last  Congress,  they  repealed  over  twelve  million  dollars  of 
annual  taxes  for  the  banks,  throwing  the  burden  upon  the  people 
to  pay,  or  pay  interest  thereon. 

Both  old  parties  in  the  present  Congress  vie  with  each  other  in 
their  efforts  to  further  repeal  taxes  in  order  to  stop  the  payment 
of  the  public  debt  and  save  the  banks  whose  charters  they  have 
renewed  for  twenty  years.  Notwithstanding  the  distress  of  busi- 
ness, the  shrinkage  of  wages,  and  panic,  they  persist  in  locking  up, 
on  various  pretexts,  four  hundred  million  dollars  of  money,  every 
dollar  of  which  the  people  pay  interest  upon,  and  need,  and  most 
of  which  should  be  promptly  applied  to  pay  bonds  now  payable. 

The  old  parties  are  united  —  as  they  cannot  agree  what  taxes  to 
repeal  —  in  efforts  to  squander  the  income  of  the  government  upon 
every  pretext  rather  than  pay  the  debt. 

A  bill  has  already  passed  the  United  States  Senate  making  the 
banks  a  present  of  over  fifty  million  dollars  more  of  the  people's 
money,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  levy  a  still  greater  burden  of 
interest  taxes. 

A  joint  effort  is  being  made  by  the  old  party  leaders  to  over- 
throw the  sovereign  constitutional  power  of  the  people  to  control 
their  own  financial  affairs  and  issue  their  own  money,  in  order  to 
forever  enslave  the  masses  to  bankers  and  other  business.  The 
House  of  Representatives  has  passed  bills  reclaiming  nearly  one 
hundred  million  acres  of  lands  granted  to  and  forfeited  by  railroad 
companies.  These  bills  have  gone  to  the  Senate,  a  body  composed 
largely  of  aristocratic  millionaires,  who,  according  to  their  own 
party  papers,  generally  purchased  their  elections  in  order  to  protect 
great  monopolies  which  they  represent.  This  body  has  thus  far 
defied  the  people  and  the  House,  and  refused  to  act  upon  these 
bills  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 

Therefore  we,  the  National  party  of  the  United  States,  in  na- 
tional convention  assembled,  this  twenty-ninth  day  of  May,  a.  ix 
1884,  declare:  — 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  425 

1.  That  we  hold  the  late  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the 
legal  tender  question  to  be  a  full  vindication  of  the  theory  which 
our  party  has  always  advocated  on  the  right  and  authority  of  Con- 
gress over  the  issue  of  legal  tender  notes,  and  we  hereby  pledge 
ourselves  to  uphold  said  decision,  and  to  defend  the  Constitution 
against  alterations  or  amendments  intended  to  deprive  the  people 
of  any  rights  or  privileges  conferred  by  that  instrument.  We  de- 
mand the  issue  of  such  money  in  sufficient  quantities  to  supply  the 
actual  demand  of  trade  and  commerce,  in  accordance  with  the  in- 
crease of  population  and  the  development  of  our  industries.  We 
demand  the  substitution  of  greenbacks  for  national  bank  notes, 
and  the  prompt  payment  of  the  public  debt.  We  want  that  money 
which  saved  our  country  in  time  of  war,  and  which  has  given  it 
prosperity  and  happiness  in  peace.  We  condemn  the  retirement  of 
the  fractional  currency  and  the  small  denomination  of  greenbacks, 
and  demand  their  restoration.  We  demand  the  issue  of  the  hoards 
of  money  now  locked  up  in  the  United  States  treasury,  by  apply- 
ing them  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt  now  due. 

2.  We  denounce,  as  dangerous  to  our  republican  institutions, 
those  methods  and  policies  of  the  Democratic  and  Republican  par- 
ties which  have  sanctioned  or  permitted  the  establishment  of  land, 
railroad,  money,  and  other  gigantic  corporate  monopolies ;  and  we 
demand  such  governmental  action  as  may  be  necessary  to  take  from 
such  monopolies  the  powers  they  have  so  corruptly  and  unjustly 
usurped,  and  restore  them  to  the  people,  to  whom  they  belong. 

3.  The  public  lands  being  the  natural  inheritance  of  the  people, 
we  denounce  that  policy  which  has  granted  to  corporations  vast 
tracts  of  land,  and  we  demand  that  immediate  and  vigorous  mea- 
sures be  taken  to  reclaim  from  such  corporations,  for  the  people's 
use  and  benefit,  all  such  land  grants  as  have  been  forfeited  by  rea- 
son of  non-fulfilment  of  contract,  or  that  may  have  been  wrong- 
fully acquired  by  corrupt  legislation,  and  that  such  reclaimed  lands 
and  other  public  domain  be  henceforth  held  as  a  sacred  trust,  to  be 
granted  only  to  actual  settlers  in  limited  quantities;  and  we  also 
demand  that  the  alien  ownership  of  land,  individual  or  corporate, 
be  prohibited. 

4.  We  demand  congressional  regulation  of  interstate  commerce. 
We  denounce  "  pooling,"  stock  watering,  and  discrimination  in 
rates  and  charges,  and  demand  that  Congress  shall  correct  these 
abuses,  even,  if  necessary,  by  the  construction  of  national  railroads. 
We  also  demand  the  establishment  of  a  government  postal  tele- 
graph system. 

5.  All  private  property,  all  forms  of  money  and  obligations  to 
pay  money,  should  bear  their  just  proportion  of  the  public  taxes. 
We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax. 


426  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

6.  We  demand  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  labor,  by  en- 
forcing the  sanitary  laws  in  industrial  establishments,  by  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  convict  labor  system,  by  a  rigid  inspection  of  mines  and 
factories,  by  a  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  industrial  estab- 
lishments, by  fostering  educational  institutions,  and  by  abolishing 
child  labor. 

7.  We  condemn  all  importations  of  contracted  labor,  made  with 
a  view  of  reducing  to  starvation  wages  the  workingmen  of  this 
country,  and  demand  laws  for  its  prevention. 

8.  We  insist  upon  a  constitutional  amendment  reducing  the 
terms  of  United  States  senators. 

9.  We  demand  such  rules  for  the  government  of  Congress  as 
shall  place  all  representatives  of  the  people  upon  an  equal  footing, 
and  take  away  from  committees  a  veto  power  greater  than  that  of 
the  President. 

10.  The  question  as  to  the  amount  of  duties  to  be  levied  upon 
various  articles  of  import  has  been  agitated  and  quarrelled  over, 
and  has  divided  communities,  for  nearly  a  hundred  years.  It  is  not 
now,  and  never  will  be,  settled,  unless  by  the  abolition  of  indirect 
taxation.  It  is  a  convenient  issue,  always  raised  when  the  people 
are  excited  over  abuses  in  their  midst.  While  we  favor  a  wise  re- 
vision of  the  tariff  laws,  with  a  view  to  raising  a  revenue  from  lux- 
uries rather  than  necessities,  we  insist  that,  as  an  economic  ques- 
tion, its  importance  is  insignificant  as  compared  with  financial 
issues ;  for  whereas  we  have  suffered  our  worst  panics  under  low 
and  also  under  high  tariffs,  we  have  never  suffered  from  a  panic, 
nor  seen  our  factories  and  workshops  closed,  while  the  volume  of 
money  in  circulation  was  adequate  to  the  needs  of  commerce.  Give 
our  farmers  and  manufacturers  money  as  cheap  as  you  now  give  it 
to  our  bankers,  and  they  can  pay  high  wages  to  labor,  and  compete 
with  all  the  world. 

11.  For  the  purpose  of  testing  the  sense  of  the  people  upon  the 
subject,  we  are  in  favor  of  submitting  to  a  vote  of  the  people  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  in  favor  of  suffrage  regardless  of 
sex,  and  also  on  the  subject  of  the  liquor  traffic. 

12.  All  disabled  soldiers  of  the  late  war  should  be  equitably 
pensioned,  and  we  denounce  the  policy  of  keeping  a  small  army 
of  office-holders,  whose  only  business  is  to  prevent,  on  technical 
grounds,  deserving  soldiers  from  obtaining  justice  from  the  gov- 
ernment they  helped  to  save. 

13.  As  our  name  indicates,  we  are  a  national  party,  knowing  no 
East,  no  West,  no  North,  no  South.  Having  no  sectional  preju- 
dices, we  can  properly  place  in  nomination  for  the  high  offices  of 
state,  as  candidates,  men  from  any  section  of  the  Union. 

14.  We  appeal  to  all  people  who  believe  in  our  principles,  to  aid 
us  by  voice,  pen,  and  votes. 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  427 

The  first  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President  resulted  as  fol- 
lows :  —  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  322 ; 
Jesse  Harper,  of  Illinois,  99 ;  Solon  Chase,  of  Maine,  2 ; 
Edward  P.  Allis,  of  Wisconsin,  1 ;  David  Davis,  of  Illinois,  1. 
General  Butler  was  declared  nominated.  A  motion  to  make 
the  nomination  unanimous  was  declared  adopted,  though  it  was 
received  with  hisses  and  shouts  of  "  no."  General  Alanson 
M.  West,  of  Mississippi,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President  by 
acclamation. 

As  the  time  set  for  the  meeting  of  the  Republican  conven- 
tion approached,  there  was  the  usual  activity  among  the  parti- 
sans of  the  several  candidates.  General  Arthur  had  succeeded 
to  the  presidency  in  trying  circumstances,  and  had  acquitted 
himself  in  his  high  office  with  great  credit.  His  moderation 
had  won  for  him  the  praise  of  many  men  who  had  heard  of 
his  nomination  for  the  vice-presidency,  in  1880,  with  dismay. 
The  President  was  frankly  a  candidate  for  reelection.  He 
had  hosts  of  friends  and  few  enemies  in  the  party.  General 
John  A.  Logan  had  not  only  the  support  of  the  Republicans 
of  his  own  State  of  Illinois,  but  many  strong  partisans  among 
the  volunteer  soldiers  of  the  civil  war.  Senator  John  Sher- 
man was  supported  by  a  compact  body  of  Ohio  Republicans. 
Senator  George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  was  a  favorite  can- 
didate with  many  of  those  members  of  the  party  who  regarded 
civil  service  reform  as  the  great  issue.  But  the  candidate 
who  had  the  strongest,  the  most  enthusiastic,  and,  as  the  event 
proved,  the  prevailing  body  of  followers,  was  Mr.  James  G. 
Blaine,  of  Maine.  This  gentleman  had  been  secretary  of 
state  under  General  Garfield,  the  President's  most  intimate 
friend,  and  his  chief  political  adviser.  He  had  narrowly 
missed  the  nomination  in  1876  and  again  in  1880,  on  his  own 
merits ;  and  he  was  now  regarded  as  the  natural  heir  of  the 
assassinated  President.  His  own  State  supported  him,  but  he 
had  no  great  strength  in  the  other  New  England  States.  But 
elsewhere,  — everywhere  else,  —  his  partisans  were  numerous, 
enthusiastic,  and  devoted.  From  the  northwest,  the  southwest, 
the  Pacific  coast  States,  from  New  York  and  Pennsylvania, 
they  gathered,  and  they  had  even  successfully  disputed  the 
claim  of  Ohio's  and  Illinois's  "  favorite  sons  "  to  united  dele- 
gations. It  was  evident,  before  the  convention  met,  that  the 
supporters  of  Mr.  Blaine  and  of  General  Arthur  constituted  a 
large  majority  of  the  delegates.     It  was  also  evident  that  Mr. 


423  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Blaine  was  the  leading  candidate.  His  success  was  sure,  un- 
less all  the  opposing  elements,  those  which  were  simply  more 
friendly  to  other  candidates,  as  well  as  that  element  which  was 
unalterably  opposed  to  his  candidacy,  could  be  held  together 
and  concentrated  upon  one  man. 

The  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  June  3.  The  national 
committee  had  named  ex-Senator  Powell  Clayton,  of  Arkansas, 
as  the  temporary  chairman  of  the  convention.  This  selection 
was  supposed  to  be  in  the  interest  of  Mr.  Blaine.  A  nomina- 
tion of  the  Hon.  John  R.  Lynch,  of  Mississippi,  a  distinguished 
colored  man,  was  made  from  the  floor,  and  the  convention,  on 
a  vote  by  delegates,  elected  him  to  the  position,  by  431  votes 
to  387  given  for  Mr.  Clayton.  On  the  next  day,  no  other 
business  was  transacted  beyond  the  choice  of  the  Hon.  John 
B.  Henderson,  of  Missouri,  as  permanent  president. 

On  the  third  day,  the  rules  of  the  convention  were  reported 
and  adopted.  One  important  rule  was  adopted,  concerning 
the  constitution  of  the  national  committee,  and  the  election  of 
future  conventions.  It  provided  that  "  no  person  shall  be  a 
member  of  the  committee  who  is  not  eligible  as  a  member 
of  the  electoral  college."  This  provision  excludes  from  the 
committee  all  persons  who  hold  offices  of  trust  or  profit  under 
the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  senators  and  representatives, 
and  removes  every  opportunity  to  influence  the  action  of  the 
party  directly  through  the  elected  or  appointed  official  class. 
The  same  rule  provides  that  all  delegates  at  large^shall  be 
chosen  by  state  conventions,  and  that  in  each  Congress-dis- 
trict the  delegates  shall  be  elected  "  in  the  same  way  as  the 
nomination  of  a  member  of  Congress  is  made  in  said  district." 
This  provision  abolishes  altogether  the  practice  of  subdividing 
a  state  convention  to  choose  district  delegates,  and  makes  each 
district  absolutely  free.  An  attempt  was  made  to  change  the 
basis  of  representation  in  the  convention,  but  it  met  with  small 
encouragement,  and  the  matter  was  not  brought  to  a  vote. 

The  following  platform  was  reported  and  adopted :  — 

1.  The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  national  convention 
assembled,  renew  their  allegiance  to  the  principles  upon  which 
they  have  triumphed  in  six  successive  presidential  elections,  and 
congratulate  the  American  people  on  the  attainment  of  so  many 
results  in  legislation  and  administration  by  which  the  Republican 
party  has,  after  saving  the  Union,  done  so  much  to  render  its  insti- 
tutions just,  equal,  and  beneficent ;  the  safeguard  of  liberty,  and 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  429 

the  embodiment  of  the  best  thought  and  highest  purposes  of  our 
citizens.  The  Republican  party  has  gained  its  strength  by  quick 
and  faithful  response  to  the  demands  of  the  people  for  the  freedom 
and  equality  of  all  men ;  for  a  united  nation,  assuring  the  rights 
of  all  citizens ;  for  the  elevation  of  labor  ;  for  an  honest  currency ; 
for  purity  in  legislation ;  and  for  integrity  and  accountability  in 
all  departments  of  the  government.  And  it  accepts  anew  the  duty 
of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress  and  reform. 

2.  We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfield,  whose  sound 
statesmanship,  long  conspicuous  in  Congress,  gave  promise  of  a 
strong  and  successful  administration,  a  promise  fully  realized  dur- 
ing the  short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of  the  United  States. 
His  distinguished  services  in  war  and  in  peace  have  endeared  him 
to  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 

3.  In  the  administration  of  President  Arthur  we  recognize  a 
wise,  conservative,  and  patriotic  policy,  under  which  the  country 
has  been  blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity ;  and  we  believe  his 
eminent  services  are  entitled  to,  and  will  receive,  the  hearty  ap- 
proval of  every  good  citizen. 

4.  It  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  government  to  protect  the  rights 
and  promote  the  interests  of  its  own  people.  The  largest  diversity 
of  industry  is  most  productive  of  general  prosperity  and  of  the 
comfort  and  independence  of  the  people.  We  therefore  demand 
that  the  imposition  of  duties  on  foreign  imports  shall  be  made,  not 
for  revenue  only,  but  that,  in  raising  the  requisite  revenues  for  the 
government,  such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  to 
our  diversified  industries,  and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages 
of  the  laborers,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well 
as  capital,  may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man  his 
full  share  in  the  national  prosperity. 

5.  Against  the  so-called  economical  system  of  the  Democratic 
party,  which  would  degrade  our  labor  to  the  foreign  standard,  we 
enter  our  most  earnest  protest.  The  Democratic  party  has  failed 
completely  to  relieve  the  people  of  the  burden  of  unnecessary  tax- 
ation by  a  wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 

6.  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  irregulari- 
ties of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  not  by  the  vicious  and 
indiscriminate  process  of  horizontal  reduction,  but  by  such  meth- 
ods as  will  relieve  the  taxpayer  without  injuring  the  laborer  or 
the  great  productive  interests  of  the  country. 

7.  We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep  husbandry  in  the 
United  States,  the  serious  depression  which  it  is  now  experien- 
cing, and  the  danger  threatening  its  future  prosperity ;  and  we 
therefore  respect  the  demands  of  the  representatives  of  this  im- 
portant agricultural  interest  for  a  readjustment  of  duties  upon 


430  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

foreign  wool,  in  order  that  snch  industry  shall  have  full  and  ade* 
quate  protection. 

8.  We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money  known  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  we  urge  that  an  effort  be  made  to  unite  air 
commercial  nations  in  the  establishment  of  an  international  stand- 
ard which  shall  fix  for  all  the  relative  value  of  gold  and  silver 
coinage. 

9.  The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  between 
the  States  is  one  of  the  most  important  prerogatives  of  the  general 
government,  and  the  Republican  party  distinctly  announces  its 
purpose  to  support  such  legislation  as  will  fully  and  efficiently 
carry  out  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  over  interstate 
commerce. 

10.  The  principle  of  the  public  regulation  of  railway  corpora- 
tions is  a  wise  and  salutary  one  for  the  protection  of  all  classes 
of  the  people,  and  we  favor  legislation  that  shall  prevent  unjust 
discrimination  and  excessive  charges  for  transportation,  and  that 
shall  secure  to  the  people  and  to  the  railways  alike  the  fair  and 
equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

11.  We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  national  bureau  of  labor; 
the  enforcement  of  the  eight-hour  law  ;  a  wise  and  judicious  sys- 
tem of  general  education,  by  adequate  appropriation  from  the 
national  revenues  wherever  the  same  is  needed.  We  believe  that 
everywhere  the  protection  of  a  citizen  of  American  birth  must  be 
secured  to  citizens  by  American  adoption,  and  we  favor  the  settle- 
ment of  national  differences  by  international  arbitration. 

12.  The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a  hatred  of  slave 
labor,  and  in  a  desire  that  all  men  may  be  truly  free  and  equal,  is 
unalterably  opposed  to  placing  our  workingmen  in  competition 
with  any  form  of  servile  labor,  whether  at  home  or  abroad.  In 
this  spirit  we  denounce  the  importation  of  contract  labor,  whether 
from  Europe  or  Asia,  as  an  offence  against  the  spirit  of  American 
institutions,  and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  sustain  the  present  law 
restricting  Chinese  immigration,  and  to  provide  such  further  legis- 
lation as  is  necessary  to  carry  out  its  purposes. 

13.  Reform  of  the  civil  service,  auspiciously  begun  under  Repub- 
lican administration,  should  be  completed  by  the  further  exten- 
sion of  the  reformed  system  already  established  by  law  to  all  the 
grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and 
purpose  of  the  reform  should  be  observed  in  all  executive  appoint- 
ments, and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the  objects  of  existing  re- 
formed legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers 
to  free  institutions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official  patronage 
may  be  wisely  and  effectively  avoided. 

14.  The  public  lands  are  a  heritage  of  the  people  of  the  United 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  431 

States,  and  should  be  reserved,  as  far  as  possible,  for  small  hold- 
ings by  actual  settlers.  We  are  opposed  to  the  acquisition  of  large 
tracts  of  these  lands  by  corporations  or  individuals,  especially 
where  such  holdings  are  in  the  hands  of  non-resident  aliens,  and 
we  will  endeavor  to  obtain  such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  correct 
this  evil.  We  demand  of  Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all 
land-grants  which  have  lapsed  by  reason  of  non-compliance  with 
acts  of  incorporation,  in  all  cases  where  there  has  been  no  attempt 
in  good  faith  to  perform  the  conditions  of  such  grants, 
i  15.  The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to  the 
Union  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late  war ;  and  the  Republican 
party  stands  pledged  to  suitable  pensions  for  all  who  were  disabled, 
and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  in  the  war. 
The  Republican  party  also  pledges  itself  to  the  repeal  of  the  lim- 
itation contained  in  the  arrears  act  of  1879,  so  that  all  invalid  sol- 
diers shall  share  alike,  and  their  pensions  begin  with  the  date  of 
disability,  and  not  with  the  date  of  the  application. 

16.  The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which  shall  keep  us 
from  entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and  which  gives 
us  the  right  to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain  from 
meddling  in  American  affairs,  —  the  policy  which  seeks  peace  and 
trade  with  all  powers,  but  especially  with  those  of  the  western 
hemisphere. 

17.  We  demand  the  restoration  of  our  navy  to  its  old-time 
strength  and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in  any  sea  protect  the  rights  of 
American  citizens  and  the  interests  of  American  commerce.  We 
call  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  American 
shipping  has  been  depressed,  so  that  it  may  again  be  true  that  we 
have  a  commerce  which  leaves  no  sea  unexplored,  and  a  navy 
which  takes  no  law  from  superior  force. 

18.  That  appointments  by  the  President  to  offices  in  the  Terri- 
tories should  be  made  from  the  bona-fi.de  citizens  and  residents  of 
the  Territories  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

19.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  such  laws  as  shall 
promptly  and  effectually  suppress  the  system  of  polygamy  within 
our  Territories,  and  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiastical 
power  of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church,  and  that  the  law  so  enacted 
should  be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil  authorities,  if  possible,  and 
by  the  military,  if  need  be. 

20.  The  people  of  the  United  States,  in  their  organized  capacity, 
constitute  a  nation,  and  not  a  mere  confederacy  of  States.  The 
national  government  is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its  national 
duties,  but  the  States  have  reserved  rights  which  should  be  faith- 
fully maintained,  and  which  should  be  guarded  with  jealous  care, 
fo  that  the  harmony  of  our  system  of  government  may  be  pre- 
served and  the  Union  kept  inviolate. 


432 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


21.  The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon  the  mainte- 
nance  of  a  free  ballot,  an  honest  count,  and  correct  return.  We 
denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practised  by  the  Democracy  in 
southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  the  voter  is  defeated,  as  dan- 
gerous to  the  preservation  of  free  institutions;  and  we  solemnly 
arraign  the  Democratic  party  as  being  the  guilty  recipient  of  the 
fruits  of  such  fraud  and  violence. 

22.  We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  regardless  of 
their  former  party  affiliations,  our  cordial  sympathy,  and  pledge  to 
them  our  most  earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of  such  legis- 
lation as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of  whatever  race  and  color, 
the  full  and  complete  recognition,  possession,  and  exercise  of  all 
civil  and  political  rights. 

An  evening  session  was  held,  at  which  the  speeches  were 
made,  putting  the  several  candidates  in  nomination,  but  no  vote 
was  taken  until  the  next  morning,  Friday,  June  6.  Four  votes 
only  were  required  to  effect  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Blaine, 
which  was  then  made  unanimous.  The  votes  were  as  fol- 
lows :  — 


James  G.  Blaine,  Maine  .  .  . 
Chester  A.  Arthur,  New  York 
George  F.  Edmunds,  Vermont . 
John  A.  Logan,  Illinois  .  .  . 
John  Sherman,  Ohio  .... 
Joseph  R.  Hawley,  Connecticut 
Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Illinois  .  . 
William  T.  Sherman,  Missouri 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

3341 

349 

375 

278 

276 

274 

93 

85 

69 

63| 

61 

53 

30 

28 

25 

13 

13 

13 

4 

4 

8 

2 

2 

2 

4th. 


541 

207 

41 

7 

15 
2 


At  an  evening  session,  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  was  nom- 
inated for  Vice-President  by  779  votes  to  7  for  Lucius  Fair- 
child,  of  Wisconsin,  and  6  for  Walter  Q.  Gresham,  of  Indiana, 
and  the  convention  adjourned. 

Although  there  had  been  certain  vague  warnings  in  a  part 
of  the  Republican  press  that  the  party  might  forfeit  the  support 
of  many  of  its  members  in  case  the  convention  should  adopt  a 
course  contrary  to  that  which  the  "  reform  element "  of  the 
party  desired,  yet  no  one  seems  to  have  been  prepared  for 
the  extensive  bolt  which  followed  immediately  upon  the  ad- 
journment of  the  convention.  Several  important  party  organs, 
and  a  large  number  of  prominent  Republicans,  chiefly  in  the 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  433 

Eastern  States,  announced,  formally,  that  they  would  not  sup- 
port the  candidates  nominated.  Independent  committees  were 
at  once  organized  in  New  York  and  Boston,  for  the  purpose  of 
concentrating  the  Republican  opposition  to  Mr.  Blaine ;  and 
these  committees,  which  had  the  cooperation  of  committees  and 
of  independent  voters  in  other  cities,  turned  to  the  Democrats 
with  assurances  that  if  they  would  make  nominations  accept- 
able to  the  reformers,  they  could  have  the  support  of  those 
who  were  opposed  to  Mr.  Blaine,  and  to  what  they  deemed 
the  reckless  disregard  of  good  political  morals  by  the  Republi- 
can convention. 

The  Republican  revolt  had  a  strong  effect  upon  the  action 
of  the  Democrats.  While  most  of  the  candidates  who  had 
received  votes  for  the  nomination  in  1880  were  again  in  the 
field  with  supporters  in  considerable  numbers,  —  Bayard,  Thur- 
man,  Randall,  and  others,  —  Democratic  public  opinion  had 
already  fixed  upon  Grover  Cleveland,  governor  of  New  York, 
as  the  strongest  candidate.  He  was  the  candidate  who  had 
obtained  the  enormous  majority  of  190,000  in  1882,  and  he 
had  a  large  majority  of  the  New  York  delegation,  which  was 
instructed  by  the  state  convention  to  act  as  a  unit  on  all  ques- 
tions. He  was,  moreover,  the  favorite  candidate  of  the  Repub- 
lican dissidents,  who  looked  upon  him  as  a  sincere  reformer, 
who  would  carry  into  practice  the  principles  which  he  and 
they  professed.  There  was,  in  New  York,  nevertheless,  not 
a  little  opposition,  chiefly  of  a  personal  nature,  to  Governor 
Cleveland,  for  the  powerful  organization  of  Tammany  Hall  was 
against  him. 

The  convention  met  at  Chicago,  on  July  8,  and  effected  a 
temporary  organization,  with  Richard  D.  Hubbard,  of  Texas, 
as  chairman.  The  rules  of  the  last  Democratic  convention 
were  adopted  with  one  modification,  namely,  a  provision  that 
after  a  State  had  given  its  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President  or 
Vice-President,  it  should  not  change  its  vote  until  the  roll-call 
should  be  completed.  The  "two-thirds  rule"  was,  of  course, 
adopted  with  the  rest.  The  leader  of  the  Tammany  opposition 
to  Grover  Cleveland  endeavored  to  secure  the  adoption  of  a 
rule  that  when  any  member  of  a  state  delegation  disputed  the 
correctness  of  the  vote  of  that  State,  as  announced  by  the 
chairman,  the  secretary  should  call  the  roll,  and  that  "  their 
individual  preferences  as  expressed  shall  be  recorded  as  the  vote 
of  the  State."     The  object,  of  course,  was  to  break  down  the 


434  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

unit  rule,  and  particularly  to  allow  the  minority  of  the  New 
York  delegation  to  be  heard.  The  proposition  was  defeated  by 
about  one  hundred  majority,  and,  although  attempts  were  after- 
ward made  to  cause  the  actual  vote  of  the  New  York  delegates 
to  be  recorded,  the  presiding  officer  declared  himself  bound  to 
accept  the  vote  of  that  delegation  as  a  unit,  in  accordance  with 
the  instructions  of  the  state  convention. 

On  the  second  day  of  the  convention,  William  F.  Vilas,  of 
Wisconsin,  was  elected  permanent  president ;  and  the  several 
candidates  were  presented  to  the  convention,  in  nominating 
speeches.  An  evening  session  was  held,  and  the  following 
platform  was  reported  and  adopted  :  — 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  through  its  representatives 
in  national  convention  assembled,  recognizes  that,  as  the  nation 
grows  older,  new  issues  are  born  of  time  and  progress,  and  old 
issues  perish ;  but  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Democracy, 
approved  by  the  united  voice  of  the  people,  remain,  and  will  ever 
remain,  as  the  best  and  only  security  for  the  continuance  of  free 
government.  The  preservation  of  personal  rights ;  the  equality 
of  all  citizens  before  the  law ;  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States ; 
and  the  supremacy  of  the  federal  government  within  the  limits  of 
the  Constitution,  will  ever  form  the  true  basis  of  our  liberties,  and 
can  never  be  surrendered  without  destroying  that  balance  of  rights 
and  powers  which  enables  a  continent  to  be  developed  in  peace, 
and  social  order  to  be  maintained  by  means  of  local  self-govern- 
ment. But  it  is  indispensable  for  the  practical  application  and 
enforcement  of  these  fundamental  principles  that  the  government 
should  not  always  be  controlled  by  one  political  party.  Frequent 
change  of  administration  is  as  necessary  as  constant  recurrence  to 
the  popular  will.  Otherwise,  abuses  grow,  and  the  government, 
instead  of  being  carried  on  for  the  general  welfare,  becomes  an 
instrumentality  for  imposing  heavy  burdens  on  the  many  who  are 
governed,  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  who  govern.  Public  servants 
thus  become  arbitrary  rulers.  This  is  now  the  condition  of  the 
country ;  hence,  a  change  is  demanded. 

The  Republican  party,  so  far  as  principle  is  concerned,  is  a 
reminiscence.  In  practice  it  is  an  organization  for  enriching  those 
who  control  its  machinery.  The  frauds  and  jobbery  which  have 
been  brought  to  light  in  every  department  of  the  government  are 
sufficient  to  have  called  for  reform  within  the  Republican  party ; 
yet  those  in  authority,  made  reckless  by  the  long  possession  of 
power,  have  succumbed  to  its  corrupting  influence,  and  have 
placed  in  nomination  a  ticket  against  which  the  independent 
portion  of  the  party  are  in  open  revolt.     Therefore  a  change  is 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  435 

demanded.  Such  a  change  was  alike  necessary  in  1876,  but  the 
will  of  the  people  was  then  defeated  by  a  fraud  which  can  never  be 
forgotten  nor  condoned.  Again,  in  1880,  the  change  demanded  by 
the  people  was  defeated  by  the  lavish  use  of  money  contributed 
by  unscrupulous  contractors  and  shameless  jobbers,  who  had  bar- 
gained for  unlawful  profits  or  high  office.  The  Republican  party, 
during  its  legal,  its  stolen,  and  its  bought  tenures  of  power,  has 
steadily  decayed  in  moral  character  and  political  capacity.  Its 
platform  promises  are  now  a  list  of  its  past  failures.  It  demands 
the  restoration  of  our  navy;  it  has  squandered  hundreds  of  mil- 
lions to  create  a  navy  that  does  not  exist.  It  calls  upon  Congress 
to  remove  the  burdens  under  which  American  shipping  has  been 
depressed;  it  imposed  and  has  continued  these  burdens.  It  pro- 
fesses the  policy  of  reserving  the  public  lands  for  small  hold- 
ings by  actual  settlers ;  it  has  given  away  the  people's  heritage, 
till  now  a  few  railroads  and  non-resident  aliens,  individual  and 
corporate,  possess  a  larger  area  than  that  of  all  our  farms  between 
the  two  seas.  It  professes  a  preference  for  free  institutions;  it 
organized  and  tried  to  legalize  a  control  of  state  elections  by  fed- 
eral troops.  It  professes  a  desire  to  elevate  labor;  it  subjected 
American  workingmen  to  the  competition  of  convict  and  imported 
contract  labor.  It  professes  gratitude  to  all  who  were  disabled  or 
died  in  the  war,  leaving  widows  and  orphans  ;  it  left  to  a  Demo- 
cratic House  of  Representatives  the  first  effort  to  equalize  both 
bounties  and  pensions.  It  professes  a  pledge  to  correct  the 
irregularities  of  our  tariff;  it  created  and  has  continued  them. 
Its  own  tariff  commission  confessed  the  need  of  more  than  twenty 
per  cent,  reduction ;  its  Congress  gave  a  reduction  of  less  than 
four  per  cent.  It  professes  the  protection  of  American  manu- 
factures ;  it  has  subjected  them  to  an  increasing  flood  of  manufac- 
tured goods  and  a  hopeless  competition  with  manufacturing 
nations,  not  one  of  which  taxes  raw  materials.  It  professes  to 
protect  all  American  industries;  it  has  impoverished  many,  to 
subsidize  a  few.  It  professes  the  protection  of  American  labor ;  it 
has  depleted  the  returns  of  American  agriculture,  an  industry  fol- 
lowed by  half  our  people.  It  professes  the  equality  of  all  men 
before  the  law,  attempting  to  fix  the  status  of  colored  citizens ; 
the  acts  of  its  Congress  were  overset  by  the  decisions  of  its  courts. 
It  "  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress  and 
reform ;  "  its  caught  criminals  are  permitted  to  escape  through 
contrived  delays  or  actual  connivance  in  the  prosecution.  Honey- 
combed with  corruption,  out-breaking  exposures  no  longer  shock 
its  moral  sense.  Its  honest  members,  its  independent  journals,  no 
longer  maintain  a  successful  contest  for  authority  in  its  canvasses  or 
a  veto  upon  bad  nominations.    That  change  is  necessary  is  proved 


436  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  an  existing  surplus  of  more  than  $100,000,000,  which  has 
yearly  been  collected  from  a  suffering  people.  Unnecessary  taxa- 
tion is  unjust  taxation.  We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for 
having  failed  to  relieve  the  people  from  crushing  war  taxes,  which 
have  paralyzed  business,  crippled  industry,  and  deprived  labor  of 
employment  and  of  just  reward. 

The  Democracy  pledges  itself  to  purify  the  administration  from 
corruption,  to  restore  economy,  to  revive  respect  for  law,  and  to 
reduce  taxation  to  the  lowest  limit  consistent  with  due  regard  to 
the  preservation  of  the  faith  of  the  nation  to  its  creditors  and  pen- 
sioners. Knowing  full  well,  however,  that  legislation  affecting 
the  occupations  of  the  people  should  be  cautious  and  conservative 
in  method,  not  in  advance  of  public  opinion,  but  responsive  to  its 
demands,  the  Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  revise  the  tariff  in  a 
spirit  of  fairness  to  all  interests.  But,  in  making  reduction  in 
taxes,  it  is  not  proposed  to  injure  any  domestic  industries,  but 
rather  to  promote  their  healthy  growth.  From  the  foundation  of 
this  government,  taxes  collected  at  the  custom-house  have  been  the 
chief  source  of  federal  revenue.  Such  they  must  continue  to  be. 
Moreover,  many  industries  have  come  to  rely  upon  legislation  for 
successful  continuance,  so  that  any  change  of  law  must  be  at  every 
step  regardful  of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved.  The  process 
of  reform  must  be  subject  in  the  execution  to  this  plain  dictate  of 
justice :  all  taxation  shall  be  limited  to  the  requirements  of  eco- 
nomical government.  The  necessary  reduction  in  taxation  can  and 
must  be  effected  without  depriving  American  labor  of  the  ability 
to  compete  successfully  with  foreign  labor,  and  without  imposing 
lower  rates  of  duty  than  will  be  ample  to  cover  any  increased 
cost  of  production  which  may  exist  in  consequence  of  the  higher 
rate  of  wages  prevailing  in  this  country.  Sufficient  revenue  to 
pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  federal  government,  economically  ad- 
ministered, including  pensions,  interest  and  principal  of  the  public 
debt,  can  be  got  under  our  present  system  of  taxation  from  custom- 
house taxes  on  fewer  imported  articles,  bearing  neaviest  on  articles 
of  luxury,  and  bearing  lightest  on  articles  of  necessity.  We  there- 
fore denounce  the  abuses  of  the  existing  tariff ;  and,  subject  to  the 
preceding  limitations,  we  demand  that  federal  taxation  shall  be 
exclusively  for  public  purposes,  and  shall  not  exceed  the  needs  of 
the  government  economically  administered. 

The  system  of  direct  taxation,  known  as  the  "  internal  revenue," 
is  a  war  tax,  and,  so  long  as  the  law  continues,  the  money  derived 
therefrom  should  be  sacredly  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the  people 
from  the  remaining  burdens  of  the  war,  and  be  made  a  fund  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  care  and  comfort  of  worthy  soldiers  dis- 
abled in  the  line  of  duty  in  the  wars  of  the  Republic,  and  for  the 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  437 

payment  of  such  pensions  as  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  grant 
to  such  soldiers,  a  like  fund  for  the  sailors  having  been  already 
provided ;  and  any  surplus  should  be  paid  into  the  Treasury. 

We  favor  an  American  continental  policy,  based  upon  more 
intimate  commercial  and  political  relations  with  the  fifteen  sister 
republics  of  North,  Central,  and  South  America,  but  entangling 
alliances  with  none. 

We  believe  in  honest  money,  the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of  the 
Constitution,  and  a  circulating  medium  convertible  into  such 
money  without  loss. 

Asserting  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  we  hold  that 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  government,  in  its  dealings  with  the  people, 
to  mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  citizens,  of  whatever 
nativity,  race,  color,  or  persuasion,  religious  or  political. 

We  believe  in  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count ;  and  we  recall  to  the 
memory  of  our  people  the  noble  struggle  of  the  Democrats  in  the 
Forty-fifth  and  Forty-sixth  Congresses,  by  which  a  reluctant  Re- 
publican opposition  was  compelled  to  assent  to  legislation  making 
everywhere  illegal  the  presence  of  troops  at  the  polls,  as  the  con- 
clusive proof  that  a  Democratic  administration  will  preserve  lib- 
erty with  order. 

The  selection  of  federal  officers  for  the  Territories  should  be 
restricted  to  citizens  previously  resident  therein. 

We  oppose  sumptuary  laws,  which  vex  the  citizens  and  interfere 
with  individual  liberty. 

We  favor  honest  civil  service  reform  and  the  compensation  of 
all  United  States  officers  by  fixed  salaries,  the  separation  of  Church 
and  State,  and  the  diffusion  of  free  education  by  common  schools, 
so  that  every  child  in  the  land  may  be  taught  the  rights  and  duties 
of  citizenship. 

While  we  favor  all  legislation  which  will  tend  to  the  equitable 
distribution  of  property,  to  the  prevention  of  monopoly,  and  to  the 
strict  enforcement  of  individual  rights  against  corporate  abuses, 
we  hold  that  the  welfare  of  society  depends  upon  a  scrupulous  re- 
gard for  the  rights  of  property  as  defined  by  law. 

We  believe  that  labor  is  best  rewarded  where  it  is  freest  and 
most  enlightened.  It  should,  therefore,  be  fostered  and  cherished. 
We  favor  the  repeal  of  all  laws  restricting  the  free  action  of  labor, 
and  the  enactment  of  laws  by  which  labor  organizations  may  be 
incorporated,  and  of  such  legislation  as  will  tend  to  enlighten  the 
people  as  to  the  true  relation  of  capital  and  labor. 

We  believe  that  the  public  land  ought,  as  far  as  possible,  to  be 
kept  as  homesteads  for  actual  settlers  ;  that  all  unearned  lands 
heretofore  improvidently  granted  to  railroad  corporations  by  the 
action  of  the  Republican  party  should  be  restored  to  the  public 


438  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

domain,  and  that  no  more  grants  of  land  shall  be  made  to  corpo- 
rations or  be  allowed  to  fall  into  the  ownership  of  alien  absentees. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  propositions  which,  upon  any  pretext, 
would  convert  the  general  government  into  a  machine  for  collect- 
ing taxes  to  be  distributed  among  the  States  or  the  citizens  thereof. 

In  reaffirming  the  declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform  of 
1856,  that  "the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  in  the  Constitution, 
which  makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum  of  the  op- 
pressed of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal  principles  in  the 
Democratic  faith,"  we  nevertheless  do  not  sanction  the  importa- 
tion of  foreign  labor  or  the  admission  of  servile  races,  unfitted  by 
habits,  training,  religion,  or  kindred,  for  absorption  into  the  great 
body  of  our  people,  or  for  the  citizenship  which  our  laws  confer. 
American  civilization  demands  that  against  the  immigration  or 
importation  of  Mongolians  to  these  shores  our  gates  be  closed. 

The  Democratic  party  insists  that  it  is  the  duty  of  this  govern- 
ment to  protect  with  equal  fidelity  and  vigilance  the  rights  of  its 
citizens,  native  and  naturalized,  at  home  and  abroad ;  and,  to  the 
end  that  this  protection  may  be  assured,  United  States  papers  of 
naturalization,  issued  by  courts  of  competent  jurisdiction,  must  be 
respected  by  the  executive  and  legislative  departments  of  our  own 
government  and  by  all  foreign  powers.  It  is  an  imperative  duty 
of  this  government  to  efficiently  protect  all  the  rights  of  persons 
and  property  of  every  American  citizen  in  foreign  lands,  and 
demand  and  enforce  full  reparation  for  any  invasion  thereof.  An 
American  citizen  is  only  responsible  to  his  own  government  for 
any  act  done  in  his  own  country  or  under  her  flag,  and  can  only 
be  tried  therefor  on  her  own  soil  and  according  to  her  laws; 
and  no  power  exists  in  this  government  to  expatriate  an  American 
citizen  to  be  tried  in  any  foreign  land  for  any  such  act. 

This  country  has  never  had  a  well-defined  and  executed  foreign 
policy,  save  under  Democratic  administration.  That  policy  has 
ever  been  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  so  long  as  they  do  no  act 
detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  country  or  hurtful  to  our  citi- 
zens, to  let  them  alone.  As  the  result  of  this  policy,  we  recall  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  California,  and  the  adjacent 
Mexican  territory  by  purchase  alone,  and  contrast  these  grand 
acquisitions  of  Democratic  statesmanship  with  the  purchase  of 
Alaska,  the  sole  fruit  of  a  Republican  administration  of  nearly  a 
quarter  of  a  century. 

The  federal  government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  republic,  so  as  to 
secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to  tide 
water. 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  439 

Under  a  long  period  of  Democratic  rule  and  policy,  our  mer- 
chant marine  was  fast  overtaking  and  on  the  point  of  outstripping 
that  of  Great  Britain.  Under  twenty  years  of  Republican  rule  and 
policy,  our  commerce  has  been  left  to  British  bottoms,  and  the 
American  flag  has  almost  been  swept  off  the  high  seas.  Instead 
of  the  Republican  party's  British  policy,  we  demand  for  the  people 
of  the  United  States  an  American  policy.  Under  Democratic  rule 
and  policy,  our  merchants  and  sailors,  flying  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
in  every  port,  successfully  searched  out  a  market  for  the  various 
products  of  American  industry ;  under  a  quarter  of  a  century  of 
Republican  rule  and  policy,  despite  our  manifest  advantages  over 
all  other  nations,  in  high-paid  labor,  favorable  climates,  and  teem- 
ing soils ;  despite  freedom  of  trade  among  all  these  United  States ; 
despite  their  population  by  the  foremost  races  of  men,  and  an 
annual  immigration  of  the  young,  thrifty,  and  adventurous  of  all 
nations ;  despite  our  freedom  here  from  the  inherited  burdens  of 
life  and  industry  in  Old  World  monarchies,  their  costly  war  navies, 
their  vast  tax-consuming,  non-producing  standing  armies ;  despite 
twenty  years  of  peace  — that  Republican  rule  and  policy  have 
managed  to  surrender  to  Great  Britain,  along  with  our  commerce, 
the  control  of  the  markets  of  the  world.  Instead  of  the  Republi- 
can party's  British  policy,  we  demand,  in  behalf  of  the  American 
Democracy,  an  American  policy.  Instead  of  the  Republican 
party's  discredited  scheme  and  false  pretence  of  friendship  for 
American  labor,  expressed  by  imposing  taxes,  we  demand,  in 
behalf  of  the  Democracy,  freedom  for  American  labor  by  reducing 
taxes,  to  the  end  that  these  United  States  may  compete  with  un- 
hindered powers  for  the  primacy  among  nations  in  all  the  arts  of 
peace  and  fruits  of  liberty. 

With  profound  regret  we  have  been  apprised  by  the  venerable 
statesman,  through  whose  person  was  struck  that  blow  at  the  vital 
principle  of  republics,  acquiescence  in  the  will  of  the  majority, 
that  he  cannot  permit  us  again  to  place  in  his  hands  the  leadership 
of  the  Democratic  hosts,  for  the  reason  that  the  achievement  of 
reform  in  the  administration  of  the  Federal  government  is  an 
undertaking  now  too  heavy  for  his  age  and  failing  strength.  Re- 
joicing that  his  life  has  been  prolonged  until  the  general  judgment 
of  our  fellow-countrymen  is  united  in  the  wish  that  that  wrong 
were  righted  in  his  person,  for  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States 
we  offer  to  him,  in  his  withdrawal  from  public  cares,  not  only  our 
respectful  sympathy  and  esteem,  but  also  that  best  of  homage  of 
freemen,  —  the  pledge  of  our  devotion  to  the  principles  and  the 
cause  now  inseparable  in  the  history  of  this  Republic  from  the 
labors  and  the  name  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 

With  this  statement  of  the  hopes,  principles,  and  purposes  of 


440 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


the  Democratic  party,  the  great  issue  of  reform  and  change  in 
administration  is  submitted  to  the  people  in  calm  confidence  that 
the  popular  voice  will  announce  in  favor  of  new  men,  and  new 
and  more  favorable  conditions  for  the  growth  of  industry,  ,the 
extension  of  trade,  the  employment  and  due  reward  of  labor  and 
of  capital,  and  the  general  welfare  of  the  whole  country. 

When  the  foregoing  platform  was  reported,  General  Benja- 
min F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  proposed  to  substitute  a  se- 
ries of  resolutions  embodying  certain  ideas  of  his  own,  which 
he  had  previously  offered  to  the  committee  on  resolutions. 
The  position  which  General  Butler  occupied  was  peculiar.  He 
had,  a  few  years  before,  abandoned  the  Republican  party,  with 
which  he  had  acted  since  the  civil  war,  and,  after  several  fail- 
ures, had  been  elected  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  1882,  as 
a  Democrat.  He  now  appeared  as  a  delegate  to  the  Demo- 
cratic national  convention,  supported  by  a  majority  of  his 
fellow-delegates  from  Massachusetts,  urging  his  own  nomina- 
tion as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  to  which  position  he 
had  already  received  two  nominations,  as  has  been  recorded  in 
this  chapter.  To  a  notification  of  one  of  the  nominations,  he 
had  written  a  reply,  in  which  he  had  adroitly  omitted  to  say 
whether  or  not  he  accepted  the  candidacy.  His  resolutions 
were  rejected,  — yeas,  97 J,  nays,  714|-,  —  and  the  platform  as 
reported  was  adopted  without  a  division.  General  Butler's 
name  was  not  presented  to  the  convention  as  a  candidate,  and 
he  received  no  votes. 

Two  ballots  only  were  necessary  to  effect  the  nomination  of 
a  candidate  for  President.     They  resulted  as  follows :  — 


Grover  Cleveland,  New  York 
Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Delaware  . 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  Indiana  . 
Allen  G.  Thurman,  Ohio  .  .  . 
Samuel  J.  Randall,  Pennsylvania 
Joseph  E.  McDonald,  Indiana  . 
John  G.  Carlisle,  Kentucky  .  . 
Roswell  P.  Flower,  New  York  . 
George  Hoadly,  Ohio  .... 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  New  York     . 


1st. 


392 

683 

170 

81* 

- 

145* 

88 

4 

78 

4 

56 

2 

27 

- 

4 

- 

3 

— 

1 

- 

Governor  Cleveland,  it  will  be  seen,  had  less  than  a  majority 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  441 

on  the  first  vote,  although  he  led  all  the  other  candidates. 
When  the  second  roll-call  was  completed  he  still  lacked  72 
votes  of  the  necessary  two  thirds,  but  numerous  changes 
were  made,  and  his  nomination  was  effected. 

Several  persons  were  named  to  the  convention  as  candidates 
for  the  nomination  for  Vice-President,  —  John  C.  Black,  of 
Illinois,  William  S.  Rosecrans,  of  California,  and  George  W. 
Glick,  of  Kansas.  The  names  were  all  withdrawn,  and 
Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  of  Indiana,  was  nominated  by  a  unani- 
mous vote.     This  completed  the  work  of  the  convention. 

Two  conventions  were  held  by  Prohibitionists.  The  first, 
which  seems  to  have  been,  not  a  representative  body,  but 
rather  a  mass  convention  of  the  whole  party,  was  held  at 
Chicago,  June  19,  under  the  name  of  the  American  Prohibition 
National  Convention,  It  was  presided  over  by  J.  L.  Barlow, 
of  Connecticut,  and  adopted  the  following  platform :  — 

We  hold :  1.  That  ours  is  a  Christian  and  not  a  heathen  nation, 
and  that  the  God  of  the  Christian  Scriptures  is  the  author  of  civil 
government. 

2.  That  the  Bible  should  be  associated  with  books  of  science 
and  literature  in  all  our  educational  institutions. 

3.  That  God  requires  and  man  needs  a  Sabbath. 

4.  That  we  demand  the  prohibition  of  the  importation,  manu- 
facture, and  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks. 

5.  That  the  charters  of  all  secret  lodges  granted  by  our  federal 
and  state  legislatures  should  be  withdrawn  and  their  oaths  pro- 
hibited by  law. 

6.  We  are  opposed  to  putting  prison  labor  or  depreciated  con- 
tract labor  from  foreign  countries  in  competition  with  free  labor 
to  benefit  manufacturers,  corporations,  and  speculators. 

7.  We  are  in  favor  of  a  thorough  revision  and  enforcement  of 
the  law  concerning  patents  and  inventions,  for  the  prevention  and 
punishment  of  frauds  either  upon  inventors  or  the  general  public. 

8.  We  hold  to  and  will  vote  for  woman  suffrage. 

9.  We  hold  that  civil  equality  secured  to  all  American  citizens 
by  articles  thirteen,  fourteen,  and  fifteen  pf  our  amended  national 
Constitution  should  be  preserved  inviolate,  and  the  same  equality 
should  be  extended  to  Indians  and  Chinamen. 

10.  That  international  differences  should  be  settled  by  arbitra- 
tion. 

11.  That  land  and  other  monopolies  should  be  discouraged. 

12.  That  the  general  government  should  furnish  the  people  with 
an  ample  and  sound  currency. 


442  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

13.  That  it  should  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  government  to 
reduce  the  tariffs  and  taxes  as  rapidly  as  the  necessities  of  revenue 
and  vested  business  interests  will  allow. 

14.  That  polygamy  should  be  immediately  suppressed  by  law, 
and  that  the  Republican  party  is  censurable  for  its  long  neglect  of 
its  duty  in  respect  to  this  evil. 

15.  And,  finally,  we  demand  for  the  American  people  the  aboli- 
tion of  electoral  colleges,  and  a  direct  vote  for  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States. 

The  convention  nominated  Samuel  C.  Pomeroy,  of  Kansas, 
for  President,  by  72  votes,  to  12  for  all  others,  and  nominated 
John  A.  Conant,  of  Connecticut,  for  Vice-President.  It  does 
not  appear  that  an  electoral  ticket  was  presented  at  the  polls 
in  any  State  in  support  of  the  nominees  of  this  convention. 

The  convention  of  the  regular  National  Prohibition  party 
was  held  at  Pittsburg,  July  23.  William  Daniel,  of  Mary- 
land, was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  Samuel  Dickie,  of 
Michigan,  the  permanent  president  of  the  convention,  which 
adopted  the  following  platform  :  — 

The  Prohibition-Home-Protection  party,  in  national  convention 
assembled,  acknowledge  Almighty  God  as  the  rightful  sovereign 
of  all  men,  from  whom  the  just  powers  of  government  are  derived, 
and  to  whose  laws  human  enactments  should  conform.  Peace, 
prosperity,  and  happiness  only  can  come  to  the  people  when  the 
laws  of  their  national  and  state  governments  are  in  accord  with 
the  divine  will. 

That  the  importation,  manufacture,  supply,  and  sale  of  alcoholic 
beverages,  created  and  maintained  by  the  laws  of  the  national  and 
state  governments,  during  the  entire  history  of  such  laws,  is  every- 
where  shown  to  be  the  promoting  cause  of  intemperance,  with  re-, 
suiting  crime  and  pauperism ;  making  large  demands  upon  public 
and  private  charity ;  imposing  large  and  unjust  taxation  and  pub- 
lic burdens  for  penal  and  sheltering  institutions  upon  thrift,  in- 
dustry, manufactures,  and  commerce;  endangering  the  public 
peace ;  causing  desecration  of  the  sabbath ;  corrupting  our  poli- 
tics, legislation,  and  administration  of  the  laws ;  shortening  lives  ; 
impairing  health ;  and  diminishing  productive  industry;  causing 
education  to  be  neglected  and  despised ;  nullifying  the  teachings 
of  the  Bible,  the  church,  and  the  school,  the  standards  and  guides 
of  our  fathers  and  their  children  in  the  founding  and  growth  under 
God  of  our  widely  extended  country ;  and,  while  imperilling  the 
perpetuity  of  our  civil  and  religious  liberties,  are  baleful  fruits  by 
which  we  know  that  these  laws  are  alike  contrary  to  God's  laws, 
and  contravene  our  happiness ;  and  we  call  upon  our  fellow-citizens 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  443 

to  aid  in  the  repeal  of  these  laws  and  in  the  legal  suppression  of 
this  baneful  liquor  traffic. 

The  fact  that,  during  the  twenty-four  years  in  which  the  Repub- 
lican party  has  controlled  the  general  government  and  that  of 
many  of  the  States,  no  effort  has  been  made  to  change  this  policy; 
that  Territories  have  been  created  from  the  national  domain,  and 
governments  from  them  established,  and  States  admitted  into  the 
Union,  in  no  instance  in  either  of  which  has  this  traffic  been  for- 
bidden, or  the  people  of  these  Territories  or  States  been  permitted 
to  prohibit  it ;  that  there  are  now  over  two  hundred  thousand  dis- 
tilleries, breweries,  wholesale  and  retail  dealers  in  these  drinks, 
holding  certificates  and  claiming  the  authority  of  government  for 
the  continuation  of  a  business  which  is  so  destructive  to  the  moral 
and  material  welfare  of  the  people,  together  with  the  fact  that 
they  have  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  remonstrance  and  petition  for  the 
correction  of  this  abuse  of  civil  government,  is  conclusive  that  the 
Republican  party  is  insensible  to  or  impotent  for  the  redress  of 
those  wrongs,  and  should  no  longer  be  intrusted  with  the  powers 
and  responsibilities  of  government ;  that  although  this  party,  in 
its  late  national  convention,  was  silent  on  the  liquor  question,  not 
so  were  its  candidates,  Messrs.  Blaine  and  Logan.  Within  the 
year  past,  Mr.  Blaine  has  publicly  recommended  that  the  revenues 
derived  from  the  liquor  traffic  shall  be  distributed  among  the 
States,  and  Senator  Logan  has  by  bill  proposed  to  devote  these 
revenues  to  the  support  of  schools.  Thus,  both  virtually  recom- 
mend the  perpetuation  of  the  traffic,  and  that  the  State  and  its 
citizens  shall  become  partners  in  the  liquor  crime. 

The  fact  that  the  Democratic  party  has,  in  its  national  deliver- 
ances of  party  policy,  arrayed  itself  on  the  side  of  the  drink  mak- 
ers and  sellers,  by  declaring  against  the  policy  of  prohibition  of 
such  traffic  under  the  false  name  of  "  sumptuary  laws,"  and,  when 
in  power  in  some  of  the  States,  in  refusing  remedial  legislation, 
and,  in  Congress,  of  refusing  to  permit  the  creation  of  a  board  of 
inquiry  to  investigate  and  report  upon  the  effects  of  this  traffic, 
proves  that  the  Democratic  party  should  not  be  intrusted  with 
power  or  place. 

There  can  be  no  greater  peril  to  the  nation  than  the  existing 
competition  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  for  the 
liquor  vote.  Experience  shows  that  any  party  not  firmly  opposed 
to  the  traffic  will  engage  in  this  competition,  will  court  the  favor 
of  the  criminal  classes,  will  barter  away  the  public  morals,  purity 
of  the  ballot,  and  every  trust  and  object  of  good  government,  for 
party  success ;  and  patriots  and  good  citizens  should  find  in  this 
practice  sufficient  cause  for  immediate  withdrawal  from  all  connec- 
tion with  their  party. 


444  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

That  we  favor  reforms  in  the  administration  of  the  government, 
in  the  abolition  of  all  sinecures,  useless  offices  and  officers,  in  the 
election  by  the  people  of  officers  of  the  government  instead  of 
appointment  by  the  President.  That  competency,  honesty,  and 
sobriety  are  essential  qualifications  for  holding  civil  office,  and  we 
oppose  the  removal  of  such  persons  from  mere  administrative 
offices,  except  so  far  as  it  may  be  absolutely  necessary  to  secure 
effectiveness  to  the  vital  issues  on  which  the  general  administra- 
tion of  the  government  has  been  intrusted  to  a  party. 

That  the  collection  of  revenue  from  alcohol,  liquors,  and  tobacco 
should  be  abolished,  as  the  vices  of  men  are  not  a  proper  subject 
for  taxation ;  that  revenues  for  custom  duties  should  be  levied  for 
the  support  of  the  government,  economically  administered;  and 
when  so  levied,  the  fostering  of  American  labor,  manufactures, 
and  industries  should  constantly  be  held  in  view. 

That  the  public  lands  should  be  held  for  homes  for  the  people 
and  not  for  gifts  to  corporations,  or  to  be  held  in  large  bodies  for 
speculators  upon  the  needs  of  actual  settlers. 

That  all  money,  coin  and  paper,  should  be  made,  issued,  and 
regulated  by  the  general  government,  and  should  be  a  legal  tender 
for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

That  grateful  care  and  support  should  be  given  to  our  soldiers 
and  sailors,  their  dependent  widows  and  orphans,  disabled  in  the 
service  of  the  country. 

That  we  repudiate  as  un-American,  contrary  to  and  subversive 
of  the  principle  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  from  which 
our  government  has  grown  to  be  the  government  of  fifty-five  mil- 
lions of  people,  and  a  recognized  power  among  nations,  that  any 
person  or  people  shall  or  may  be  excluded  from  residence  or  citi- 
zenship with  all  others  who  may  desire  the  benefits  which  our  in- 
stitutions confer  upon  the  oppressed  of  all  nations. 

That  while  there  are  important  reforms  that  are  demanded  for 
purity  of  administration  and  the  welfare  of  the  people,  their  im- 
portance sinks  into  insignificance  when  compared  with  the  reform 
of  the  drink  traffic,  which  annually  wastes  eight  hundred  million 
dollars  of  the  wealth  created  by  toil  and  thrift,  and  drags  down 
thousands  of  families  from  comfort  to  poverty ;  which  fills  jails, 
penitentiaries,  insane  asylums,  hospitals,  and  institutions  for 
dependency  ;  which  destroys  the  health,  saps  industry,  and  causes 
loss  of  life  and  property  to  thousands  in  the  land,  lowers  intellec- 
tual and  physical  vigor,  dulls  the  cunning  hand  of  the  artisan,  is 
the  chief  cause  of  bankruptcy,  insolvency,  and  loss  in  trade,  and, 
by  its  corrupting  power,  endangers  the  perpetuity  of  free  institu- 
tions. 

That  Congress  should  exercise  its  undoubted  power,  and  prohibit 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  445 

the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages  in  the  District; 
of  Columbia,  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  and  in  all 
places  over  which  the  government  has  exclusive  jurisdiction ;  that 
hereafter  no  State  shall  be  admitted  into  the  Union  until  its  con- 
stitution shall  expressly  prohibit  polygamy  and  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages. 

We  earnestly  call  the  attention  of  the  laborer  and  mechanic, 
the  miner  and  manufacturer,  and  ask  investigation  of  the  baneful 
effects  upon  labor  and  industry  caused  by  the  needless  liquor  busi- 
ness, which  will  be  found  the  robber  who  lessens  wages  and  profits, 
the  destroyer  of  happiness  and  the  family  welfare  of  the  laboring 
man,  and  that  labor  and  all  legitimate  industry  demand  deliver- 
ance from  the  taxation  and  loss  which  this  traffic  imposes,  and 
that  no  tariff  or  other  legislation  can  so  healthily  stimulate  pro- 
duction or  increase  a  demand  for  capital  and  labor,  or  produce  so 
much  of  comfort  and  content,  as  the  suppressing  of  this  traffic 
would  bring  to  the  laboring  man,  mechanic,  or  employer  of  labor 
throughout  the  land. 

That  the  activity  and  cooperation  of  the  women  of  America  for 
the  promotion  of  temperance  has,  in  all  the  history  of  the  past,  been 
a  strength  and  encouragement  which  we  gratefully  acknowledge 
and  record.  In  the  later  and  present  phase  of  the  movement 
for  the  prohibition  of  the  licensed  traffic  by  the  abolition  of  the 
drinking-saloon,  the  purity  of  purpose  and  method,  the  earnest- 
ness, zeal,  intelligence,  and  devotion  of  the  mothers  and  daughters 
of  the  Women's  Christian  Temperance  Union  has  been  eminently 
blessed  by  God.  Kansas  and  Iowa  have  been  given  her  as  "  sheaves 
of  rejoicing ; "  and  the  education  and  arousing  of  the  public 
mind,  and  the  demand  for  constitutional  amendment  now  pre- 
vailing, are  largely  the  fruit  of  her  prayers  and  labors,  and  we 
rejoice  to  have  our  Christian  women  unite  with  us  in  sharing  the 
labor  that  shall  bring  the  abolition  of  this  traffic  to  the  polls ;  she 
shall  join  in  the  grand  "  Praise  God,  from  whom  all  blessings 
flow,"  when  by  law  our  boys  and  friends  shall  be  free  from  legal 
drink  temptation. 

That  we  believe  in  the  civil  and  political  equality  of  the  sexes, 
and  that  the  ballot  in  the  hand  of  woman  is  a  right  for  her  pro- 
tection, and  would  prove  a  powerful  ally  for  the  abolition  of  the 
drinking-saloon,  the  execution  of  law,  the  promotion  of  reform  in 
civil  affairs,  and  the  removal  of  corruption  in  public  life ;  and  thus 
believing,  we  relegate  the  practical  outworking  of  this  reform  to 
the  discretion  of  the  Prohibition  party  in  the  several  States, 
according  to  the  condition  of  public  sentiment  in  those  States ; 
that  gratefully  we  acknowledge  and  praise  God  for  the  presence 
of  his  Spirit,  guiding  our  counsels  and  granting  the  success  which 


446  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

has  been  vouchsafed  in  the  progress  of  temperance  reform,  and, 
looking  to  Him  from  whom  all  wisdom  and  help  come,  we  ask  the 
voters  of  the  United  States  to  make  the  principles  of  the  above 
declaration  a  ruling  principle  in  the  government  of  the  nation  and 
of  the  States. 

Resolved,  That  henceforth  the  Prohibition-Home-Protection 
party  shall  be  called  by  the  name  of  the  Prohibition  party. 

John  P.  St.  John,  of  Kansas,  was  unanimously  nominated 
as  the  candidate  of  the  party  for  President,  and  William  Dan- 
iel, of  Maryland,  was  chosen  with  like  unanimity  for  Vice- 
President. 

It  became  evident,  as  soon  as  all  the  nominations  had  been 
made,  that  the  canvass  was  to  differ  in  important  respects  from 
all  that  had  preceded  it.  The  defection  of  the  independent 
Republicans,  who  soon  became  known  as  "  Mugwumps,"  took 
much  of  the  spirit  out  of  the  party  in  the  early  days  of  the 
contest.  These  men  would  not  be  wooed  back  into  the  ranks 
of  their  former  associates.  They  repeated  the  old  charges 
against  Mr.  Blaine,  and  added  to  them  objections  based  upon 
his  course  as  secretary  of  state,  which,  they  insisted,  had  a 
tendency  to  involve  the  country  in  war.  On  the  other  hand, 
serious  personal  accusations  were  brought  against  Mr.  Cleve- 
land. The  Mugwumps  openly  supported  Mr.  Cleveland,  but 
for  the  most  part  asserted  that  they  were  still  Republicans, 
that  they  opposed  Mr.  Blaine  only,  and  that  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  "  better  than  his  party."  As  a  matter  of  history  it  may 
be  mentioned  here  that  large  numbers  of  them  followed  Mr. 
Cleveland  to  the  end,  and  became  members  of  the  Democratic 
party.  The  canvass  was,  from  first  to  last,  conducted  on  per- 
sonal grounds.  The  candidates  were  mercilessly  lampooned, 
and  false  accusations  of  the  most  preposterous  character  were 
made  against  them.  The  earnest  efforts  of  many  Republicans 
to  introduce  questions  of  principle,  to  direct  the  attention  of  the 
people  to  the  records  and  the  tendencies  of  the  two  parties,  and 
thus  to  change  the  character  of  the  canvass,  were  unavailing. 

This  was  not  the  only  peculiarity  of  the  election  contest. 
The  candidacy  of  General  Butler  was  at  times  a  source  of 
uneasiness  to  the  Democrats,  who  feared  that  the  support  of 
him  by  Tammany  leaders  and  other  malcontents  in  New  York 
might  result  in  the  loss  of  that  State.  But  before  the  day  of 
election,  Tammany  yielded,  and  gave  its  support  to  Mr.  Cleve- 
land.    On  the  other  hand,  the  Republicans  were  greatly  weak- 


THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  447 

ened  by  the  Prohibition  party ;  for  that  organization  success- 
fully invited  many  Republicans  who  would  not  support  Mr. 
Blaine,  and  who  could  not  bring  themselves  to  the  point  of 
voting  for  a  Democrat,  to  give  their  votes  to  Mr.  St.  John. 

It  would  not  be  true,  despite  all  these  disturbing  conditions, 
to  say  that  the  canvass  was  not  an  enthusiastic  one  on  both  sides. 
The  Republican  defection  certainly  chilled  and  well-nigh  para- 
lyzed the  party  in  Massachusetts,  and  caused  a  serious  loss  in 
other  New  England  States  and  in  New  York.  But  in  the 
rest  of  the  country  the  defection  was  not  great.  In  the  West, 
the  enthusiasm  for  Mr.  Blaine  was  almost  unprecedented. 
During  the  canvass  he  made  a  tour  from  his  home  in  Maine 
through  many  of  the  States  of  the  "West,  and  was  met  and 
cheered  everywhere  by  enormous  crowds  of  people.  The  Dem- 
ocrats, jubilant  over  the  accession  of  a  fresh  contingent  of 
voters,  and  hopeful  of  returning  to  power  after  many  years  of 
exclusion  therefrom,  made  a  bold  and  confident  fight. 

Yet  all  observers  could  see  that  the  result  of  the  contest 
was  to  be  extremely  close.  The  whole  number  of  electoral 
votes  was  401.  The  Democrats,  as  usual,  were  sure  of  the 
" solid  South"  with  153  votes,  and  they  accordingly  needed 
to  gain  only  48  votes  in  the  North.  The  October  election  in 
Ohio  showed  that  in  the  States  usually  Republican  there  was 
likely  to  be  no  change ;  in  short,  the  Republicans  could  de- 
pend upon  all  the  Northern  States  except  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  and  Indiana,  —  that  is,  upon  182  votes. 
The  66  votes  of  four  States  would  decide  the  result.  No  one 
could  tell  how  these  States  would  go.  Each  party  hoped  and 
feared.  For  although  in  three  of  them  the  Republicans  had 
lost  many  strong  supporters,  Mr.  Blaine  was  popular  among 
the  Irish  voters,  and  no  one  could  guess  whether  from  that 
quarter  enough  recruits  might  not  be  found  to  offset  the  Mug- 
wump defection. 

Just  on  the  eve  of  the  election,  an  incident  occurred  which 
dashed  this  hope  of  the  Republicans.  A  delegation  of  clergy- 
men met  Mr.  Blaine  in  New  York,  as  he  was  returning  from 
the  tour  already  mentioned,'  and  one  of  their  number  made  an 
address  to  the  candidate,  in  the  course  of  which  he  said  in 
effect  that  the  Republican  canvass  was  directed  against  "  Rum, 
Romanism,  and  Rebellion."  The  phrase  was  immediately 
used  with  great  effect  to  drive  back  the  Irish  supporters  of 
Mr.  Blaine  into  the  Democratic  ranks.     He  had  not  used  the 


448 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


Popular  Vote. 

Electorai. 

VOTB. 

tf 

■ 
3j 

sf 

1 

Statu. 

h 

«  e 
*  is 

1 

Hi 

e£'cl 

-a 

si 

if 

1 
1* 

1 

§ 

I 

1 

V 

1 

<-> 

>  u 

JOT) 

o 
10 

3 

Alabama  .... 

93,951 

59,591 

873 

612 

_ 

Arkansas  .     . 

72,927 

50,895 

1,847 

- 

7 

- 

California .     . 

89,288 

102,416 

2,017 

2,920 

- 

8 

Colorado    .    . 

27,723 

36,290 

1,953 

761 

- 

3 

Connecticut   . 

67,199 

65,923 

1,688 

2,305 

6 

- 

Delaware  .    . 

16,964 

12,951 

6 

55 

3 

- 

Florida      .    . 

31,766 

28,031 

- 

72 

4 

- 

Georgia     .     . 

94,667 

48,603 

145 

195 

12 

- 

Illinois .    .     . 

312,355 

337,474 

10,910 

12,074 

- 

22 

Indiana     .    . 

244,990 

238,463 

8,293 

3,028 

15 

- 

Iowa     .... 

177,316 

197,089 

- 

1,472 

- 

13 

Kansas .     .    . 

90,132 

154,406 

16,341 

4,495 

- 

9 

Kentucky .     . 

152,961 

118,122 

1,691 

3,139 

13 

- 

Louisiana  .     . 

62,540 

46,347 

- 

- 

8 

- 

Maine    .     .     . 

52,140 

72,209 

3,953 

2,160 

- 

6 

Maryland  .     . 

96,932 

85,699 

531 

2,794 

8 

- 

Massachusetts 

122,481 

146,724 

24,433 

10,026 

- 

14 

Michigan  .     . 

149,835 

192,669 

42,243 

18,403 

- 

13 

Minnesota .    . 

70,144 

111,923 

3,583 

4,684 

- 

7 

Mississippi 

76,510 

43,509 

- 

- 

9 

- 

Missouri    .     . 

235,988 

202,929 

- 

2,153 

16 

- 

Nebraska  .     . 

54,391 

79,912 

- 

2,899 

- 

5 

Nevada      .    . 

5,578 

7,193 

26 

- 

- 

3 

New  Hampshire 

39,183 

43,249 

552 

1,571 

- 

4 

New  Jersey    . 

127,798 

123,440 

3,496 

6,159 

9 

- 

New  York 

563,154 

562,005 

16,994 

25,016 

36 

— 

North  Carolina 

142,952 

125,068 

- 

454 

11 

- 

Ohio      .     .     . 

368,280 

400,082 

5,179 

11,069 

- 

23 

Oregon .     .     . 

24,604 

26,860 

726 

492 

- 

3 

Pennsylvania 

392,785 

473,804 

16,992 

15,283 

- 

30 

Rhode  Island 

12,391 

19,030 

422 

928 

- 

4 

South  Carolina 

69,890 

21,733 

- 

- 

9 

- 

Tennessee 

133,258 

124,078 

957 

1,131 

12 

- 

Texas    .     .    . 

225,309 

93,141 

■    3,321 

3,534 

13 

- 

Vermont   .     . 

17,331 

39,514 

785 

1,752 

- 

4 

Virginia    .     .     , 

185,497 

139,356 

- 

138 

12 

- 

West  Virginia    . 

67,317 

63,096 

810 

939 

6 

- 

Wisconsin .... 

146,459 

161,157 

4,598 

7,656 

— 

11 

Total     .... 

4,874,986 

4,851,981 

175,370 

150,369 

219 

182 

THE  MUGWUMP  CAMPAIGN  449 

phrase,  —  indeed,  it  is  doubtful  if,  in  the  confusion,  he  even 
heard  it  as  it  was  uttered ;  but  it  was  employed  as  though  it 
had  been  an  expression  of  his  own,  and  there  is  scarcely  a 
doubt  that  it  affected  enough  votes  in  New  York,  which  was 
most  closely  divided,  to  change  the  whole  result,  and  to  elect 
Mr.  Cleveland  instead  of  Mr.  Blaine,  —  for  the  vote  of  New 
York  was  decisive. 

The  excitement  of  the  canvass  did  not  die  out  with  the  elec- 
tion, for  the  result  was  in  great  doubt.  The  early  returns 
showed  that  Mr.  Cleveland  had  carried  all  the  Southern  States, 
together  with  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  and  Indiana.  In  all 
the  other  Northern  States,  except  New  York,  the  Republicans 
had  been  successful.  The  vote  in  New  York  was  so  close  that 
both  parties  claimed  its  electoral  vote  for  several  days,  and  the 
corrected  returns  as  they  came  in,  showing  differences  from 
the  first  hasty  returns  of  a  score  or  two,  first  in  favor  of  one 
party,  then  in  favor  of  the  other,  were  studied  with  intense 
anxiety.  But  the  final  result,  a  plurality  of  1149  in  a  total 
vote  of  nearly  1,200,000,  ended  all  doubt,  and  gave  a  Presi- 
dent to  the  Democratic  party  for  the  first  time  since  the  close 
of  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration. 

No  State  had  been  admitted  since  1876,  but  a  new  appor- 
tionment on  the  basis  of  the  census  of  1880  had  increased  the 
number  of  electors.  The  result  of  the  popular  vote,  and  of 
the  vote  by  electors,  has  been  given. 

The  count  of  electoral  votes  took  place  on  February  11, 
1885,  in  accordance  with  a  joint  resolution  adopted  by  both 
Houses  of  Congress  without  opposition.  The  resolution  was 
in  the  identical  words  of  the  first  part  of  the  resolution  of 
1881,  and  simply  provided  for  the  opening  of  the  certificates 
by  two  tellers  on  the  part  of  each  House,  and  a  declaration  of 
the  result  by  the  president  of  the  Senate.  The  count  was 
undisturbed  by  any  event  calling  for  notice. 


XXVIII 

TWO  IMPORTANT  QUESTIONS  DECIDED 

The  quadrennial  period  which  completed  the  first  century 
of  government  under  the  Constitution  was  distinguished  by 
the  passage  of  two  acts  of  constitutional  importance.  By  one 
of  them,  the  method  of  counting  the  electoral  votes  was  settled 
on  principles  so  reasonable  and  equitable  that  there  seems  no 
reason  to  apprehend  that  it  will  ever  be  changed,  so  long  as 
the  system  of  electing  the  President  indirectly  is  pursued. 
Thus  the  famous  casus  omissus  of  the  Constitution  has  been 
supplied  so  far  as  that  can  be  done  without  a  formal  amend- 
ment. The  amendment  is  unnecessary  so  long  as  parties  are 
willing  to  abide  by  a  fair  settlement  of  a  much  disputed  point, 
and  it  could  not  be  adopted  were  either  party  opposed  to  it. 
By  the  other  act,  the  presidential  succession  has  been  com- 
pletely changed. 

The  history  of  the  adoption  of  these  measures  contains  little 
that  is  interesting.  Neither  was  carried  as  a  party  measure, 
and  when  brought  to  a  vote  the  opposition  to  either  was  little 
more  than  a  symptom  of  that  conservatism  which  usually  re- 
sists all  change. 

The  Presidential  Succession  Act  was  the  first  in  order  of 
time.  The  law  of  1791  made  the  President  pro  tempore  of 
the  Senate  the  successor  to  the  office  of  President  in  the  event 
of  the  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  disability  of  both  the 
President  and  the  Vice-President ;  1  and,  after  the  President 
of  the  Senate,  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  Constitution  conferred  upon  Congress  the  duty  of  desig- 
nating what  officer  shall  act  as  President  in  such  cases.  There 
was,  from  the  beginning,  a  doubt  if  the  President  pro  tempore 
of  the  Senate,  or  the  Speaker,  was  an  "  officer,"  within  the 
meaning  of  the  Constitution.  But  certain  considerations  of 
personal  politics  at  the  time  the  act  was  passed  caused  Con- 

1  See  page  36. 


TWO  IMPORTANT  QUESTIONS  DECIDED        451 

gress  not  to  take  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  natural  suc- 
cessors of  the  President  and  Vice-President  in  case  of  vacancy, 
but  to  vest  the  succession  in  the  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Fortunately,  the  case  has  never  occurred  which  called  for  an 
application  of  the  law  of  1791.  Nevertheless,  on  more  than 
one  occasion  the  country  was  perilously  near  a  crisis,  owing  to 
the  fact  that  the  death  of  one  person  would  cause  the  presi- 
dency to  lapse,  since  no  one  then  held  the  position  either  of 
President  pro  tempore  or  of  Speaker. 

It  was  this  consideration,  rather  than  the  doubt  if  the  law  of 
1791  was  in  conformity  with  the  Constitution,  that  led  to  the 
enactment  of  the  law  of  1886.  Another  reason  was  that 
neither  of  the  presiding  officers  of  Congress  designated  for  the 
succession  is  necessarily  or  invariably  a  member  of  the  party 
which  has  been  successful  in  electing  the  President ;  and  it  is 
universally  admitted  that  political  fair  dealing  demands  that 
the  party  which  has  carried  the  election  shall  not  be  deprived 
of  its  victory  by  the  death  of  the  President  and  Vice-President. 

The  Presidential  Succession  bill  was  reported  from  the 
Committee  on  the  Judiciary,  of  the  Senate,  as  early  as  June 
19,  1882.  It  was  considered  and  passed  January  19,  1883 ; 
but  was  not  taken  up  for  consideration  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives before  the  expiration  of  the  Forty-seventh  Congress, 
March  4,  1883.  A  bill  with  identical  provisions  was  passed 
by  the  Senate  on  December  17,  1885,  without  a  division.  It 
was  taken  up  January  12,  1886,  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, and,  after  several  proposed  amendments  had  been  re- 
jected, the  bill  was  passed  as  it  came  from  the  Senate  by  a 
vote  of  185  to  77.  The  affirmative  vote  was  given  by  146 
Democrats  and  39  Republicans ;  the  negative,  by  75  Republi- 
cans and  2  Democrats.  The  act  was  approved  January  18, 
1886,  and  is  in  the  following  words :  — 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  in  case  of  the  removal,  death,  resigna- 
tion, or  inability  of  both  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  the 
United  States,  the  Secretary  of  State,  or  if  there  be  none,  or  in 
case  of  his  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  then  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury,  or  if  there  be  none,  or  in  case  of  his  removal, 
death,  resignation,  or  inability,  then  the  Secretary  of  War,  or  if 
there  be  none,  or  in  case  of  his  removal,  death,  resignation,  or 
inability,  then  the  Attorney-General,  or  if  there  be  none,  or  in 
case  of  his  removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  then  the  Post- 


452  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

master-General,  or  if  there  be  none,  or  in  case  of  his  removal, 
death,  resignation,  or  inability,  then  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
or  if  there  be  none,  or  in  case  of  his  removal,  death,  resignation, 
or  inability,  then  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  shall  act  as  Presi- 
dent until  the  disability  of  the  President  or  Vice-President  is 
removed,  or  a  President  shall  be  elected :  provided,  that  whenever 
the  powers  and  duties  of  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States  shall  devolve  upon  any  of  the  persons  named  herein,  if 
Congress  be  not  then  in  session,  or  if  it  would  not  meet  in  accord- 
ance with  law  within  twenty  days  thereafter,  it  shall  be  the  duty 
of  the  person  upon  whom  said  powers  and  duties  shall  devolve  to 
issue  a  proclamation  convening  Congress  in  extraordinary  session, 
giving  twenty  days'  notice  of  the  time  of  meeting. 

Section  2.  That  the  preceding  section  shall  only  be  held  to 
describe  and  apply  to  such  officers  as  shall  have  been  appointed  by 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  to  the  offices  therein  named, 
and  such  as  are  eligible  to  the  office  of  President  under  the  Consti- 
tution, and  not  under  impeachment  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  United  States  at  the  time  the  powers  and  duties  of  the 
office  shall  devolve  upon  them  respectively. 

Section  3.  That  sections  146,  147,  148,  149,  and  150  of  the  Re- 
vised Statutes  are  hereby  repealed. 

The  final  settlement  of  the  mode  of  counting  the  electoral 
votes  stands  as  Chapter  9  of  the  Acts  of  the  Forty-ninth  Con- 
gress, approved  February  3,  1887.  Its  history  is  even  less 
eventful  than  that  of  the  Presidential  Succession  Act,  though 
agreement  upon  the  terms  of  the  bill  was  only  reached  after 
much  consideration,  many  amendments,  and  the  work  of  a  con- 
ference committee.  Into  this  act,  as  will  be  seen  from  an  exam- 
ination of  its  provisions,  has  been  introduced  the  principle  that 
a  State  may  finally  determine  every  contest  arising  out  of  a 
presidential  election.  Such  determination  must  be  made  in 
accordance  with  a  law  passed  before  the  electors  are  chosen, 
and  the  decision  must  have  been  made  at  least  six  days  before 
the  meeting  of  the  electors ;  but  under  these  conditions  the 
two  Houses  of  Congress  cannot  reverse  the  decision  so  reached. 
The  only  case  in  which  such  a  determination  can  be  subverted 
is  when  there  is  a  conflict  of  tribunals,  and  the  two  Houses 
cannot  agree  in  deciding  which  of  them  is  the  lawful  tribunal. 
As  to  votes  not  made  secure  by  a  judicial  determination,  the 
general  principle  is  that  none  can  be  rejected  except  by  con- 
current vote  of  the  two  Houses.  This  is  different  from  the 
principle  of  the  old  "  twenty-second  joint  rule,"  which  allowed 
either  House  to  reject  votes.     The  act  in  full  is  as  follows :  — 


TWO  IMPORTANT  QUESTIONS  DECIDED        453 

Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  that  the  electors  of  each  State  shall  meet  and 
give  their  votes  on  the  second  Monday  in  January  next  following 
their  appointment,  at  such  place  in  each  State  as  the  Legislature 
of  such  State  shall  direct. 

Section  2.  That  if  any  State  shall  have  provided,  by  laws  en- 
acted prior  to  the  day  fixed  for  the  appointment  of  the  electors, 
for  its  final  determination  of  any  controversy  or  contest  concern- 
ing the  appointment  of  all  or  any  of  the  electors  of  such  State,  by 
judicial  or  other  methods  of  procedure,  and  such  determination 
shall  have  been  made  at  least  six  days  before  the  time  fixed  for 
the  meeting  of  the  electors,  such  determination  made  pursuant  to 
such  law  so  existing  on  said  day,  and  made  at  least  six  days  prior 
to  the  said  time  of  meeting  of  the  electors,  shall  be  conclusive,  and 
shall  govern  in  the  counting  of  the  electoral  votes  as  provided  in 
the  Constitution,  as  hereinafter  regulated,  so  far  as  the  ascertain- 
ment of  the  electors  appointed  by  such  State  is  concerned. 

Section  3.  That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  executive  of  each 
State,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  conclusion  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  electors  in  such  State,  by  the  final  ascertainment  under 
and  in  pursuance  of  the  laws  of  such  State  providing  for  such 
ascertainment,  to  communicate  under  the  seal  of  the  State,  to  the 
secretary  of  state  of  the  United  States,  a  certificate  of  such  ascer- 
tainment of  the  electors  appointed,  setting  forth  the  names  of  such 
electors  and  the  canvass  or  other  ascertainment,  under  the  laws  of 
such  State,  of  the  number  of  votes  given  or  cast  for  each  person 
for  whose  appointment  any  and  all  votes  have  been  given  or  cast ; 
and  it  shall  also  thereupon  be  the  duty  of  the  executive  of  each 
State  to  deliver  to  the  electors  of  such  State,  on  or  before  the  day 
on  which  they  are  required,  by  the  preceding  section,  to  meet,  the 
same  certificate,  in  triplicate,  under  the  seal  of  the  State ;  and  such 
certificate  shall  be  inclosed  and  transmitted  by  the  electors  at  the 
same  time  and  in  the  same  manner  as  is  provided  by  law  for 
transmitting  by  such  electors  to  the  seat  of  government  the  lists 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of  all  persons  voted  for 
as  Vice-President:  and  Section  136  of  the  Revised  Statutes  is 
hereby  repealed ;  and  if  there  shall  have  been  any  final  determina- 
tion in  the  State  of  a  controversy  or  contest,  as  provided  for  in 
Section  2  of  this  act,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  executive  of  such 
State,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  such  determination,  to  commu- 
nicate, under  the  seal  of  the  State,  to  the  secretary  of  state  of  the 
United  States,  a  certificate  of  such  determination,  in  form  and 
manner  as  the  same  shall  have  been  made ;  and  the  secretary  of 
state  of  the  United  States,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  the  receipt 
at  the  State  Department  of  each  of  the  certificates  hereinbefore 
directed  to  be  transmitted  to  the  secretary  of  state,  shall  publish, 


454  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

in  such  public  newspaper  as  he  shall  designate,  such  certificates 
in  full ;  and  at  the  first  meeting  of  Congress,  thereafter,  he  shall 
transmit  to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  copies  in  full  of  each  and 
every  such  certificate  so  received  theretofore  at  the  State  Depart- 
ment. 

Section  4.  That  Congress  shall  be  in  session  on  the  second 
Wednesday  in  February  succeeding  every  meeting  of  the  electors. 
The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  shall  meet  in  the  hall 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  hour  of  one  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  on  that  day,  and  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  be 
their  presiding  officer.  Two  tellers  shall  be  previously  appointed 
on  the  part  of  the  Senate,  and  two  on  the  part  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  to  whom  shall  be  handed,  as  they  are  opened  by 
the  President  of  the  Senate,  all  the  certificates  and  papers  pur- 
porting to  be  the  certificates  of  the  electoral  vote,  which  certifi- 
cates and  papers  shall  be  opened,  presented,  and  acted  upon  in 
the  alphabetical  order  of  the  States,  beginning  with  the  letter  A ; 
and  said  tellers,  having  then  read  the  same  in  the  presence  and 
hearing  of  the  two  Houses,  shall  make  a  list  of  the  votes  as  they 
shall  appear  from  the  said  certificates,  and,  the  votes  having  been 
ascertained  and  counted  in  the  manner  and  according  to  the  rules 
in  this  act  provided,  the  result  of  the  same  shall  be  delivered  to 
the  President  of  the  Senate,  who  shall  thereupon  announce  the 
state  of  the  vote,  which  announcement  shall  be  deemed  a  suffi- 
cient declaration  of  the  persons,  if  any,  elected  President  and  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  and,  together  with  a  list  of  the 
votes,  be  entered  on  the  journals  of  the  two  Houses.  Upon  such 
reading  of  any  such  certificate  or  paper,  the  President  of  the  Sen- 
ate shall  call  for  objections,  if  any.  Every  objection  shall  be  made 
in  writing,  and  shall  state  clearly  and  concisely,  and  without  argu- 
ment, the  ground  thereof,  and  shall  be  signed  by  at  least  one  sena- 
tor and  one  member  of  the  House  of  Represenatives  before  the 
same  shall  be  received.  When  all  objections  so  made  to  any 
vote  or  paper  from  a  State  shall  have  been  received  and  read, 
the  Senate  shall  thereupon  withdraw,  and  such  objections  shall  be 
submitted  to  the  Senate  for  its  decision ;  and  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  shall,  in  like  manner,  submit  such 
objections  to  the  House  of  Representatives  for  its  decision ;  and 
no  electoral  vote  or  votes  from  any  State  which  shall  have  been 
regularly  given  by  electors,  whose  appointment  has  been  lawfully 
certified  to  according  to  Section  3  of  this  act,  from  which  but 
one  return  has  been  received,  shall  be  rejected  ;  but  the  two  Houses 
concurrently  may  reject  the  vote  or  votes  when  they  agree  that 
such  vote  or  votes  have  not  been  so  regularly  given  by  electors 
whose  appointment  has  been  so  certified.    If  more  than  one  return 


TWO  IMPORTANT  QUESTIONS  DECIDED       455 

or  paper  purporting  to  be  a  return  from  a  State  shall  have  been 
received  by  the  President  of  the  Senate,  those  votes,  and  those 
only,  shall  be  counted  which  shall  have  been  regularly  given  by 
the  electors  who  are  shown  by  the  determination  mentioned  in 
Section  2  of  this  act  to  have  been  appointed,  if  the  determination 
in  said  section  provided  for  shall-  have  been  made,  or  by  such  suc- 
cessors, or  substitutes,  in  case  of  a  vacancy  in  the  board  of  elec- 
tors so  ascertained,  as  have  been  appointed  to  fill  such  vacancy  in 
the  mode  provided  by  the  laws  of  the  State;  but  in  case  there 
shall  arise  a  question  which  of  two  or  more  of  such  State  authori- 
ties determining  what  electors  have  been  appointed,  as  mentioned 
in  Section  2  of  this  act,  is  the  lawful  tribunal  of  such  State,  the 
votes  regularly  given  of  those  electors,  and  those  only,  of  such 
State  shall  be  counted  whose  title  as  electors  the  two  Houses,  act- 
ing separately,  shall  concurrently  decide  is  supported  by  the  deci- 
sion of  such  State  so  authorized  by  its  laws  ;  and  in  such  case  of 
more  than  one  return  or  paper  purporting  to  be  a  return  from  a 
State,  if  there  shall  have  been  no  such  determination  of  the  ques- 
tion in  the  State  aforesaid,  then  those  votes,  and  those  only,  shall 
be  counted  which  the  two  Houses  shall  concurrently  decide  were 
cast  by  lawful  electors  appointed  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of 
the  State,  unless  the  two  Houses,  acting  separately,  shall  concur- 
rently decide  such  votes  not  to  be  the  lawful  votes  of  the  legally 
appointed  electors  of  such  State.  But  if  the  two  Houses  shall 
disagree  in  respect  of  the  counting  of  such  votes,  then  and  in  that 
case  the  votes  of  the  electors  whose  appointment  shall  have  been 
certified  by  the  Executive  of  the  State,  under  the  seal  thereof,  shall 
be  counted.  When  the  two  Houses  have  voted,  they  shall  imme- 
diately again  meet,  and  the  presiding  officer  shall  then  announce 
the  decision  of  the  questions  submitted.  No  votes  or  papers  from 
any  other  State  shall  be  acted  upon  until  the  objections  previously 
made  to  the  votes  or  papers  from  any  State  shall  have  been 
finally  die-posed  of. 

Section  5.  That  while  the  two  Houses  shall  be  in  meeting  as 
provided  in  this  act,  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall  have  power 
to  preserve  order  :  and  no  debate  shall  be  allowed  and  no  question 
shall  be  put  by  the  presiding  officer,  except  to  either  House  on  a 
motion  to  withdraw. 

Section  6.  That  when  the  two  Houses  separate  to  decide  upon 
an  objection  that  may  have  been  made  to  the  counting  of  any  elec- 
toral vote  or  votes  from  any  State,  or  other  question  arising  in  the 
matter,  each  Senator  and  Representative  may  speak  to  such  objec- 
tion or  question  five  minutes,  and  not  more  than  once ;  but  after 
such  debate  shall  have  lasted  two  hours,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the 
presiding  officer  of  each  House  to  put  the  main  question  without 
further  debate. 


456  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Section  7.  Such  joint  meeting  shall  not  be  dissolved  until  the 
count  of  electoral  votes  shall  be  completed  and  the  result  declared ; 
and  no  recess  shall  be  taken  unless  a  question  shall  have  arisen  in 
regard  to  counting  any  such  votes,  or  otherwise  under  this  act,  in 
which  case  it  shall  be  competent  for  either  House,  acting  sepa- 
rately, in  the  manner  hereinbefore  provided,  to  direct  a  recess  of 
such  House  not  beyond  the  next  calendar  day,  Sunday  excepted, 
at  the  hour  of  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon.  But  if  the  counting  of 
the  electoral  votes  and  the  declaration  of  the  result  shall  not  have 
been  completed  before  the  fifth  calendar  day  next  after  such  first 
meeting  of  the  two  Houses,  no  further  or  other  recess  shall  be 
taken  by  either  House. 

During  the  same  period  of  four  years  which  witnessed  the 
passage  of  these  two  important  acts,  propositions  to  amend  the 
Constitution  relative  to  the  office  of  President  were  intro- 
duced in  unusual  number  and  variety.  Some  of  the  old  sug- 
gestions were  received,  such  as  the  lengthening  of  the  term, 
forbidding  reelection,  and  changing  the  mode  of  election  so 
that  voters  should  cast  their  votes  directly  and  without  the 
intervention  of  electors.  Other  schemes,  some  of  them  highly 
fanciful,  were  added  to  the  list.  But  not  one  of  them  all,  old 
or  new,  had  even  the  success  implied  in  a  favorable  report  by 
a  committee ;  and  no  proposition  of  amendment  excited  the 
smallest  interest  on  the  part  of  the  general  public. 


XXIX 

THE  SECOND  HARRISON 

When"  a  political  party  acquires  control  of  the  executive 
department  of  the  government  after  passing  twenty-four  years 
in  the  cold  shade  of  the  opposition,  a  redistribution  of  offices 
is  naturally  the  matter  that  first  engages  its  attention.  Mr. 
Cleveland,  entering  upon  the  duties  of  President,  found  him- 
self in  a  peculiar  position.  He  owed  his  election  as  much  to 
a  body  of  dissident  Republicans  as  to  the  Democratic  party. 
His  "  Mugwump  "  supporters  were  for  the  most  part  thorough 
believers  in  the  principles  of  civil  service  reform,  and  had 
supported  him  in  the  belief  that  he  agreed  with  them  on  that 
issue.  They  were  totally  opposed  to  a  "clean  sweep"  of  the 
appointive  officers  of  the  government.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
main  body  of  his  adherents  regarded  the  offices  as  the  fruits 
of  victory,  and  would  not  be  satisfied  so  long  as  Republicans 
were  drawing  salaries  from  the  Treasury.  Mr.  Cleveland  so 
shaped  his  course  as  not  wholly  to  disappoint  either  wing  of 
his  supporters.  That  he  did  not  wholly  satisfy  either  wing  is 
involved  in  this  statement.  Removals  from  office  for  political 
reasons  were  numerous ;  and  at  the  end  of  the  four  years'  term 
a  large  proportion  of  the  incumbents  were  Democrats.  But  in 
one  case  Mr.  Cleveland  reappointed  a  Republican  to  an  impor- 
tant office ;  the  removals  were  not  made  with  too  unseemly 
haste  ;  and  in  many  instances  Republicans  were  suffered  to 
serve  out  the  full  term  of  four  years  for  which  they  had  been 
appointed.  There  was  not  much  friction  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Senate,  although  the  Republicans  controlled  that 
branch  of  Congress  during  Mr.  Cleveland's  term  of  office.  The 
Senate  usually  acquiesced  in  the  removals,  and  confirmed  the 
President's  appointments ;  and  before  his  term  had  half  ex- 
pired, it  concurred  with  the  Democratic  House  of  Representa- 
tives in  repealing  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  which  had  been 
devised  to  limit  President  Johnson's  power  of  removal  from 


458  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

office,  and  which,  in  a  modified  form,  had  been  retained  on  the 
statute  book  ever  since. 

Although  the  Senate  interposed  no  great  obstacles  to  the 
President's  distribution  of  the  offices  according  to  his  pleasure, 
it  set  up  an  effectual  barrier  to  the  enactment  of  legislation  of 
a  political  character.  There  was  no  serious  attempt  to  draw 
up  the  two  great  parties  in  line  of  battle  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  Forty-ninth  Congress.  The  party  wrangling 
took  place  for  the  most  part  over  the  executive  acts  of  the 
President,  the  Democrats  upholding  and  the  Republicans 
denouncing  the  disposition  he  made  of  the  offices,  and  his  use 
of  the  veto  power,  which  he  exercised  with  unexampled  free- 
dom. Inasmuch  as  a  large  number  of  the  bills  returned  to 
Congress  without  the  approval  of  the  President  were  private 
pension  bills,  the  effort  was  made,  not  without  a  measure  of 
success,  to  represent  Mr.  Cleveland  as  but  a  half-hearted  sym- 
pathizer with  the  soldiers  ;  and  the  accusation  that  the  interests 
of  the  former  defenders  of  the  flag  were  regarded  by  him  in  a 
too  calculating  spirit  was  used  against  him  in  the  ensuing  can- 


But  all  other  political  questions  were  thrust  completely  out 
of  sight  by  the  unusual  and  startling  act  of  the  President  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Fiftieth  Congress.  The  question  of  the 
tariff  had  been  brought  forward  during  the  Forty-ninth  Con- 
gress in  the  so-called  "  Morrison  bill,"  —  Mr.  Morrison,  of 
Illinois,  was  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and 
Means,  —  but  the  division  in  the  ranks  of  the  Democratic 
party  on  this  issue  had  been  deep  enough  to  prevent  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  even  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  which 
the  Democrats  had  a  clear  majority  of  forty  members.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  first  session  of  the  Fiftieth .  Congress,  in 
December,  1887,  the  President,  in  disregard  of  unbroken  prece- 
dent, omitted  altogether  from  his  annual  message  a  review  of 
government  operations  and  a  statement  of  international  rela- 
tions during  the  year  past,  and  devoted  the  whole  document 
to  a  plea  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff.  The  party  lines  were 
formed  at  once.  The  Republicans  detected  in  Mr.  Cleveland's 
message  an  attack  upon  the  principle  of  a  protective  tariff,  and 
closed  up  their  ranks  to  defend  the  system  of  which  they  had 
been  the  champions  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  Mr.  Blaine, 
who  was  making  a  long  sojourn  in  Europe,  in  an  "  interview  " 
with   an    American  newspaper   correspondent   examined  Mr. 


THE  SECOND   HARRISON  459 

Cleveland's  argument  in  detail,  and  set  forth  the  Republican 
side  of  the  discussion  in  a  way  which  made  his  "  Paris 
message,"  as  it  was  called,  the  "  keynote  "  of  the  Republican 
defence  of  the  protective  tariff.  The  Democrats  recognized  in 
the  President's  message  a  summons  to  move  forward  to  the 
attack.  They  responded  to  the  call.  The  leaders  resolved  to 
be  no  longer  tolerant  of  differences.  Those  who  would  not 
fight  the  battle  of  the  Democracy  must  be  coerced,  or  treated 
as  enemies  and  driven  out  of  the  camp.  The  measure  which 
the  Democratic  members  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee 
prepared  under  the  leadership  of  Mr.  Mills,  the  chairman,  after 
long  deliberation  and  consultation,  was  made  a  quasi  test  of 
party  loyalty.  Support  of  its  main  features,  and  support  of 
the  bill  itself  after  the  work  of  amendment  was  completed,  was 
required  of  all  Democrats  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
Those  who  refused  to  give  it  their  votes  forfeited  the  favors 
which  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  administration  and  the  party 
to  bestow.  The  party  became  so  well  united  in  the  support  of 
the  Mills  bill  that  when  that  measure  came  up  on  its  passage 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  four  Democrats  only  voted 
against  it.  When  that  vote  was  given,  on  July  21,  1888,  the 
great  conventions  had  already  been  held,  and  the  candidates 
were  before  the  people. 

Six  months  before  the  meeting  of  the  nominating  conven- 
tions it  seemed  to  be  certain  that  the  presidential  contest  of 
1888  would  be  between  the  same  candidates  who  had  been 
pitted  against  each  other  in  1884,  —  Cleveland  and  Blaine. 
The  President  made  no  public  manifestation  of  his  wish  to  be 
nominated  for  reelection,  but  it  was  not  necessary  that  he 
should  do  so.  It  appeared  to  be  the  well-nigh  universal  wish 
of  his  party  that  he  should  be  again  the  leader  of  their  forces, 
and  he  was  understood  to  be  entirely  willing  to  accept  the 
position. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  desire  of  the  Republicans  that  Mr. 
Blaine  should  head  the  ticket  once  more  found  overwhelming 
expression  among  them.  The  unanimity  of  sentiment  was 
surprising.  It  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  had  the  delegates 
to  the  convention  been  elected  in  December,  1887,  there  would 
not  have  been  chosen  a  dozen  in  all  the  country  who  would 
have  preferred  any  other  candidate  to  Mr.  Blaine.  Great, 
therefore,  was  the  confusion  into  which  the  party  was  thrown 
by  the  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Blaine  from  the  contest.     On  Jan^ 


460  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

uary  25,  1888,  he  addressed,  from  Florence,  Italy,  a  letter  to 
the  chairman  of  the  Republican  national  committee,  in  which, 
on  account  of  "  considerations  entirely  personal  to  myself,"  he 
announced  that  his  name  would  not  be  presented  to  the 
national  convention.  At  the  same  time  he  congratulated  the 
party  upon  its  cheering  prospects,  foretold  that  the  tariff  was 
to  be  the  great  issue  of  the  canvass,  and  expressed  confidence 
that  the  result  could  not  be  in  doubt.  Republicans  were  sur- 
prised and  disappointed  by  this  letter.  They  saw  that  it  was 
a  genuine  and  sincere  refusal  to  accept  the  nomination,  yet 
many  of  his  friends,  in  the  earnestness  of  their  wish  that  he 
should  be  again  the  candidate,  persuaded  themselves  that 
he  would  accept  the  mandate  of  the  party  if  it  were  expressed 
with  great  unanimity.  But  while  these  excessively  zealous 
champions  persisted  in  their  purpose  to  choose  and  send  to  the 
convention  delegates  who  were  for  Mr.  Blaine,  "first,  last, 
and  all  the  time,"  the  acceptance  of  his  withdrawal  as  a 
finality  by  the  party  at  large  resulted  in  the  coming  forward 
of  many  candidates.  The  unwillingness  of  Mr.  Blaine's  most 
ardent  friends  to  give  up  the  hope  of  nominating  him  placed 
that  gentleman  in  a  position  of  embarrassment  from  which  he 
extricated  himself  by  a  second  letter,  dated  at  Paris,  May  17. 
He  had  learned  that  some  of  his  former  supporters  had  not 
taken  his  Florence  letter  as  "  absolutely  conclusive  in  ultimate 
and  possible  contingencies,"  as  he  had  intended  it  to  be  ;  and  on 
the  strength  of  it  canvasses  had  been  begun  for  other  candidates. 
Therefore,  if  the  nomination  could  by  any  chance  be  offered  to 
him,  "I  could  not  accept  it  without  leaving  in  the  minds 
of  thousands  of  these  men  [friends  of  other  candidates]  the 
impression  that  I  had  not  been  free  from  indirection ;  and 
therefore  I  could  not  accept  it  at  all."  Even  after  this  there 
were  some  men  who  did  not  abandon  hope  that  Mr.  Blaine 
might  be  nominated ;  but  the  canvass  within  the  Republican 
party  proceeded  on  the  theory  that  the  leading  favorite  was 
entirely  out  of  the  contest. 

Two  conventions  were  held  simultaneously  in  Cincinnati, 
beginning  on  the  15th  of  May.  These  conventions  were  held 
by  two  factions  of  the  Labor  party,  known  respectively  as  the 
"  Union  Labor  "  and  the  "  United  Labor  "  party. 

The  Union  Labor  convention  was  made  up  of  about  two 
hundred  and  twenty  delegates,  representing  twenty  States. 
S.  F.  Norton  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  John  Seitz  the 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  461 

permanent  president.  The  following  platform  was  reported 
by  the  committee  on  resolutions,  and  adopted  after  a  long  dis- 
cussion :  — 

General  discontent  prevails  on  the  part  of  the  wealth-producer. 
Farmers  are  suffering  from  a  poverty  which  has  forced  most  of 
them  to  mortgage  their  estates,  and  the  prices  of  products  are  so 
low  as  to  offer  no  relief,  except  through  bankruptcy,  and  laborers 
are  sinking  into  greater  dependence.  Strikes  are  resorted  to 
without  bringing  relief,  because  of  the  inability  of  employers  in 
many  cases  to  pay  living  wages,  while  more  and  more  are  driven 
into  the  street.  Business  men  find  collections  almost  impossible, 
and,  meantime,  hundreds  of  millions  of  idle  public  money,  which 
is  needed  for  relief,  is  locked  up  in  the  United  States  Treasury,  or 
placed  without  interest  in  favored  banks  in  grim  mockery  of  dis- 
tress. Land  monopoly  flourishes  as  never  before,  and  more  owners 
of  the  soil  are  daily  becoming  tenants.  Great  transportation  cor- 
porations still  succeed  in  extorting  their  profits  on  watered  stock 
through  unjust  charges.  The  United  States  Senate  has  become  an 
open  scandal,  its  membership  being  purchased  by  the  rich  in  open 
defiance  of  the  popular  will.  Various  efforts  are  made  to  squander 
the  public  money,  which  are  designed  to  empty  the  Treasury  with- 
out paying  the  public  debt.  Under  these  and  other  alarming  con- 
ditions we  appeal  to  the  people  of  our  country  to  come  out  of  old 
party  organizations,  whose  indifference  to  the  public  welfare  is 
responsible  for  this  distress,  and  aid  the  Union  Labor  party  to 
repeal  existing  class  legislation,  and  relieve  the  distress  of  our 
industries  by  establishing  the  following  principles  :  — 

Land.  —  While  we  believe  that  the  proper  solution  of  the  finan- 
cial question  will  greatly  relieve  those  now  in  danger  of  losing  their 
homes  by  mortgages  and  foreclosures,  and  enable  all  industrious 
persons  to  secure  a  home  as  the  highest  result  of  civilization,  we 
oppose  land  monopoly  in  every  form,  demand  the  forfeiture  of 
unearned  grants,  the  limitation  of  land  ownership,  and  such  other 
legislation  as  will  stop  speculations  in  land,  and  holding  it  unused 
trom  those  whose  necessities  require  it. 

We  believe  the  earth  was  made  for  the  people,  and  not  to  enable 
an  idle  aristocracy  to  subsist,  through  rents,  upon  the  toil  of  the 
industrious,  and  that  corners  in  land  are  as  bad  as  corners  in  food, 
and  that  those  who  are  not  residents  or  citizens  should  not  be 
allowed  to  own  lands  in  the  United  States.  A  homestead  should 
be  exempt,  to  a  limited  extent,  from  execution  or  taxation. 

Transportation.  —  The  means  of  communication  and  transporta- 
tion should  be  owned  by  the  people,  as  is  the  United  States  postal 
Bervice. 

Money.  —  The  establishment  of  a  national  monetary  system  in 


4G2  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

the  interest  of  the  producer,  instead  of  the  speculator  and  usurer, 
by  which  the  circulating  medium,  in  necessary  quantity  and  full 
legal  tender,  shall  be  issued  directly  to  the  people,  without  the  in- 
tervention of  banks,  or  loaned  to  citizens  upon  land  security  at  a 
low  rate  of  interest,  to  relieve  them  from  extortions  of  usury,  and 
enable  them  to  control  the  money  supply.  Postal  savings  banks 
should  be  established.  While  we  have  free  coinage  of  gold,  we 
should  have  free  coinage  of  silver.  We  demand  the  immediate 
application  of  all  the  money  in  the  United  States  Treasury  to  the 
payment  of  the  bonded  debt,  and  condemn  the  further  issue  of 
interest-bearing  bonds,  either  by  the  national  government  or  by 
States,  Territories,  or  municipalities. 

Labor.  —  Arbitration  should  take  the  place, of  strikes  and  other 
injurious  methods  of  settling  labor  disputes.  The  letting  of  con- 
vict labor  to  contractors  should  be  prohibited,  the  contract  system 
be  abolished  in  public  works,  the  hours  of  labor  in  industrial  estab- 
lishments be  reduced  commensurate  with  the  increased  produc- 
tion by  labor-saving  machinery,  employees  protected  from  bodily 
injury,  equal  pay  for  equal  work  for  both  sexes,  and  labor,  agri- 
cultural, and  cooperative  associations  be  fostered  and  encouraged 
by  law.  The  foundation  of  a  republic  is  in  the  intelligence  of  its 
citizens,  and  children  who  are  driven  into  workshops,  mines,  and 
factories  are  deprived  of  the  education  which  should  be  secured  to 
all  by  proper  legislation. 

Pensions.  —  We  demand  the  passage  of  a  service  pension  bill  to 
every  honorably  discharged  soldier  and  sailor  of  the  United  States. 

Income  Tax.  —  A  graduated  income  tax  is  the  most  equitable 
system  of  taxation,  placing  the  burden  of  government  on  those 
who  can  best  afford  to  pay,  instead  of  laying  it  on  the  farmers 
and  producers,  and  exempting  millionaire  bondholders  and  cor- 
porations. 

United  States  Senate.  —  We  demand  a  constitutional  amendment 
making  United  States  senators  elective  by  a  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

Contract  Labor.  —  We  demand  the  strict  enforcement  of  laws 
prohibiting  the  importation  of  subjects  of  foreign  countries  under 
contract. 

Chinese.  —  We  demand  the  passage  and  enforcement  of  such 
legislation  as  will  absolutely  exclude  the  Chinese  from  the  United 
States. 

Woman  Suffrage.  —  The  right  to  vote  is  inherent  in  citizenship, 
irrespective  of  sex,  and  is  properly  within  the  province  of  state 
legislation. 

Paramount  Issues.  —  The  paramount  issues  to  be  solved  in  the 
interests  of  humanity  are  the  abolition  of  usury,  monopoly,  and 


THE  SECOND   HARRISON  463 

trusts,  and  we  denounce  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties 
for  creating  and  perpetuating  these  monstrous  evils. 

Alson  J.  Streeter,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for  President, 
by  acclamation.  Samuel  Evans,  of  Texas,  was  nominated  for 
Vice-President  on  the  first  trial.  He  received  124  votes  to  44 
for  T.  P.  Rynders,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  32  for  Charles  R. 
Cunningham,  of  Arkansas. 

The  United  Labor  party  held  what  the  chairman  of  the 
'national  committee  said  was  rather  a  conference  than  a  con- 
vention. The  number  in  attendance  was  small.  The  chair- 
man, both  temporary  and  permanent,  was  William  B.  Ogden, 
of  Kentucky,  and  the  Rev.  Edward  McGlynn,  of  New  York, 
was  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on  resolutions. 

The  following  platform  was  reported  and  adopted :  — 

"We,  the  delegates  of  the  United  Labor  party  of  the  United 
States,  in  national  convention  assembled,  hold  that  the  corrup- 
tions of  government  and  the  impoverishment  of  the  masses  result 
from  neglect  of  the  self-evident  truths  proclaimed  by  the  founders 
of  this  Republic,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and  are  endowed 
with  inalienable  rights.  We  aim  at  the  abolition  of  the  system 
which  compels  men  to  pay  their  fellow-creatures  for  the  use  of  the 
common  bounties  of  nature,  and  permits  monopolizers  to  deprive 
labor  of  natural  opportunities  for  employment. 

We  see  access  to  farming  land  denied  to  labor,  except  on  pay- 
ment of  exorbitant  rent  or  the  acceptance  of  mortgage  burdens, 
and  labor,  thus  forbidden  to  employ  itself,  driven  into  the  cities. 
We  see  the  wage-workers  of  the  cities  subjected  to  this  unnatural 
competition,  and  forced  to  pay  an  exorbitant  share  of  their  scanty 
earnings  for  cramped  and  unhealthful  lodgings.  We  see  the  same 
intense  competition  condemning  the  great  majority  of  business  and 
professional  men  to  a  bitter  and  often  unavailing  struggle  to  avoid 
bankruptcy ;  and  that,  while  the  price  of  all  that  labor  produces 
ever  falls,  the  price  of  land  ever  rises. 

We  trace  these  evils  to  a  fundamental  wrong,  —  the  making  of 
the  land  on  which  all  must  live  the  exclusive  property  of  but  a  por- 
tion of  the  community.  To  this  denial  of  natural  rights  are  due 
want  of  employment,  low  wages,  business  depressions,  that  intense 
competition  which  makes  it  so  difficult  for  the  majority  of  men  to 
get  a  comfortable  living,  and  that  wrongful  distribution  of  wealth 
which  is  producing  the  millionaire  on  one  side  and  the  tramp  on 
the  other. 

To  give  all  men  an  interest  in  the  land  of  their  country ;  to  ena- 
ble all  to  share  in  the  benefits  of  social  growth  and  improvement; 


464  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

to  prevent  the  shutting  out  of  labor  from  employment  by  the 
monopolization  of  natural  opportunities  ;  to  do  away  with  the  one- 
sided competition  which  cuts  down  wages  to  starvation  rates  ;  to 
restore  life  to  business,  and  prevent  periodical  depressions ;  to  do 
away  with  that  monstrous  injustice  which  deprives  producers  of 
the  fruits  of  their  toil  while  idlers  grow  rich  ;  to  prevent  the  con- 
flicts which  are  arraying  class  against  class,  and  which  are  fraught 
with  menacing  dangers  to  society,  —  we  propose  so  to  change  the 
existing  system  of  taxation  that  no  one  shall  be  taxed  on  the 
wealth  he  produces,  nor  any  one  suffered  to  appropriate  wealth  he 
does  not  produce  by  taking  to  himself  the  increasing  values  which 
the  growth  of  society  adds  to  land. 

What  we  propose  is  not  the  disturbing  of  any  man  in  his  holding 
or  title ;  but,  by  taxation  of  land  according  to  its  value  and  not 
according  to  its  area,  to  devote  to  common  use  and  benefit  those 
values  which  arise,  not  from  the  exertion  of  the  individual,  but 
from  the  growth  of  society,  and  to  abolish  all  taxes  on  industry 
and  its  products.  This  increased  taxation  of  land  values  must, 
while  relieving  the  working  farmer  and  small  homestead  owner  of 
the  undue  burdens  now  imposed  upon  them,  make  it  unprofitable 
to  hold  land  for  speculation,  and  thus  throw  open  abundant  oppor- 
tunities for  the  employment  of  labor  and  the  building  up  of  homes. 
We  would  do  away  with  the  present  unjust  and  wasteful  system 
of  finance  which  piles  up  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in  trea- 
sury vaults  while  we  are  paying  interest  on  an  enormous  debt; 
and  we  would  establish  in  its  stead  a  monetary  system  in  which  a 
legal  tender  circulating  medium  should  be  issued  by  the  govern- 
ment, without  the  intervention  of  banks. 

We  wish  to  abolish  the  present  unjust  and  wasteful  system  of 
ownership  of  railroads  and  telegraphs  by  private  corporations,  — 
a  system  which,  while  failing  to  supply  adequately  public  needs, 
impoverishes  the  farmer,  oppresses  the  manufacturer,  hampers  the 
merchant,  impedes  travel  and  communication,  and  builds  up  enor- 
mous fortunes  and  corrupting  monopolies  that  are  becoming  more 
powerful  than  the  government  itself.  For  this  system  we  would 
substitute  government  ownership  and  control  for  the  benefit  of 
the  whole  people  instead  of  private  profit. 

While  declaring  the  foregoing  to  be  the  fundamental  principles 
and  aims  of  the  United  Labor  party,  and  while  conscious  that  no 
reform  can  give  effectual  anal  permanent  relief  to  labor  that  does 
not  involve  the  legal  recognition  of  equal  lights  to  natural  oppor- 
tunities, we,  nevertheless,  as  measures  of  relief  from  some  of  the 
evil  effects  of  ignoring  those  rights,  favor  such  legislation  as  may 
tend  to  reduce  the  hours  of  labor,  to  prevent  the  employment  of 
children  of  tender  years,  to  avoid  the  competition  of  convict  labor 


THE   SECOND   HARRISON  465 

with  honest  industry,  to  secure  the  sanitary  inspection  of  tene- 
ments, factories,  and  mines,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  abuse  of  con- 
spiracy laws. 

We  desire  also  to  simplify  the  procedure  of  our  courts  and  dimin- 
ish the  expense  of  legal  proceedings,  that  the  poor  may  therein  be 
placed  on  an  equality  with  the  rich,  and  the  long  delays  which 
now  result  in  scandalous  miscarriages  of  justice  may  be  prevented. 
Since  the  ballot  is  the  only  means  by  which,  in  our  Republic,  the 
redress  of  political  and  social  grievances  is  to  be  sought,  we  espe- 
cially and  emphatically  declare  for  the  adoption  of  what  is  known 
as  the  Australian  system  of  voting,  in  order  that  the  effectual 
secrecy  of  the  ballot,  and  the  relief  of  candidates  for  public  office 
from  the  heavy  expenses  now  imposed  upon  them,  may  prevent 
bribery  and  intimidation,  do  away  with  practical  discriminations 
in  favor  of  the  rich  and  unscrupulous,  and  lessen  the  pernicious 
influence  of  money  in  politics. 

We  denounce  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  as  hope- 
lessly and  shamelessly  corrupt,  and,  by  reason  of  their  affiliation 
with  monopolies,  equally  unworthy  of  the  suffrages  of  those  who 
do  not  live  upon  public  plunder ;  we  therefore  require  of  those 
who  would  act  with  us  that  they  sever  all  connection  with  both. 

In  support  of  these  aims,  we  solicit  the  cooperation  of  all  patri- 
otic citizens,  who,  sick  of  the  degradation  of  politics,  desire  by 
constitutional  methods  to  establish  justice,  to  preserve  liberty,  to 
extend  the  spirit  of  fraternity,  and  to  elevate  humanity. 

Robert  H.  Cowdrey,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, and  W.  H.  T.  Wakefield,  of  Kansas,  for  Vice-President. 

The  National  Prohibition  party  began  its  convention  at 
Indianapolis  on  May  20.  The  gathering  was  a  large  one.  It 
was  estimated  that  there  were  at  least  four  thousand  members 
of  the  party  in  attendance  on  the  convention,  beside  the  dele- 
gates. Nearly  all  the  States  were  represented,  and  the  com- 
mittee on  credentials  reported  that  there  were  one  thousand  and 
twenty-nine  delegates  present.  A  feature  of  the  meeting  was 
the  presence  of  James  Black,  candidate  of  the  party  for  Presi- 
dent in  1872;  Neal  Dow,  the  candidate  in  1880;  and  John  P. 
St.  John,  the  candidate  in  1884;  as  well  as  two  of  the  party's 
former  candidates  for  Vice-President.  The  Rev.  H.  A.  Delano, 
of  Connecticut,  was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  John  P.  St. 
John,  of  Kansas,  was  the  permanent  president,  of  the  conven- 
tion. The  following  platform  was  adopted.  As  at  first  reported, 
the  tariff  plank  did  not  contain  the  implied  declaration  in  favor 
of  protection  ;  but  it  was  amended  on  motion  from  the  floor, 
as  noted  hereafter  :  — 


466  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  ac 
knowledging  Almighty  God  as  the  source  of  all  power  in  govern- 
ment, do  hereby  declare :  — 

1.  That  the  manufacture,  importation,  exportation,  transporta- 
tion, and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages  should  be  made  public  crimes, 
and  punished  as  such. 

2.  That  such  prohibition  must  be  secured  through  amendments 
of  our  national  and  state  constitutions,  enforced  by  adequate  laws 
adequately  supported  by  administrative  authority ;  and  to  this  end 
the  organization  of  the  Prohibition  party  is  imperatively  demanded 
in  State  and  Nation. 

3.  That  any  form  of  license,  taxation,  or  regulation  of  the  liquor 
traffic  is  contrary  to  good  government ;  that  any  party  which  sup- 
ports regulation,  license,  or  tax  enters  into  alliance  with  such 
traffic,  and  becomes  the  actual  foe  of  the  state's  welfare ;  and  that 
we  arraign  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  for  their  per- 
sistent attitude  in  favor  of  the  licensed  iniquity,  whereby  they 
oppose  the  demand  of  the  people  for  prohibition,  and,  through 
open  complicity  with  the  liquor  cause,  defeat  the  enforcement  of 
law. 

4.  For  the  immediate  abolition  of  the  internal  revenue  system, 
whereby  our  national  government  is  deriving  support  from  our 
greatest  national  vice. 

5.  That,  an  adequate  public  revenue  being  necessary,  it  may 
properly  be  raised  by  impost  duties  and  by  an  equitable  assessment 
upon  the  property  and  the  legitimate  business  of  the  country,  but 
import  duties  should  be  so  reduced  that  no  surplus  shall  be  accu- 
mulated in  the  treasury ;  and  that  the  burdens  of  taxation  shall  be 
removed  from  foods,  clothing,  and  other  comforts  and  necessaries 
of  life,  and  imposed  on  such  other  articles  of  import  as  will  give 
protection  both  to  the  manufacturing  employee  and  the  producing 
laborer  against  the  competition  of  the  world. 

6.  That  civil  service  appointments  for  all  civil  offices,  chiefly 
clerical  in  their  duties,  should  be  based  upon  moral,  intellectual, 
and  physical  qualifications,  and  not  upon  party  service  or  party 
necessity. 

7.  That  the  right  of  suffrage  rests  on  no  mere  circumstance  of 
race,  color,  sex,  or  nationality,  and  that  where,  from  any  cause,  it 
has  been  held  from  citizens  who  are  of  suitable  age  and  mentally 
and  morally  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  an  intelligent  ballot,  it 
should  be  restored  by  the  people  through  the  legislatures  of  the 
several  States  on  such  educational  basis  as  they  may  deem  wise. 

8.  For  the  abolition  of  polygamy  and  the  establishment  of  uni 
form  laws  governing  marriage  and  divorce. 

9.  For  prohibiting  all  combinations  of  capital  to  control  and  to 
increase  the  cost  of  products  for  popular  consumption. 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  467 

10.  For  the  preservation  and  defence  of  the  Sabbath  as  a  civil 
institution  without  oppressing  any  who  religiously  observe  the 
same  on  any  other  day  than  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

11.  That  arbitration  is  the  Christian,  wise,  and  economic  method 
of  settling  national  differences,  and  the  same  method  should,  by 
judicious  legislation,  be  applied  to  the  settlement  of  disputes  be- 
tween large  bodies  of  employees  and  employers;  that  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  saloons  would  remove  the  burdens,  moral,  physical, 
pecuniary,  and  social,  which  now  oppress  labor  and  rob  it  of  its 
earnings,  and  Would  prove  to  be  the  wise  and  successful  way  of 
promoting  labor  reform ;  and  we  invite  labor  and  capital  to  unite 
with  us  for  the  accomplishment  thereof ;  that  monopoly  in  land  is 
a  wrong  to  the  people,  and  the  public  land  should  be  reserved  to 
actual  settlers,  and  that  men  and  women  should  receive  equal 
wages  for  equal  work. 

12.  That  our  immigration  laws  should  be  so  enforced  as  to  pre- 
vent the  introduction  into  our  country  of  all  convicts,  inmates  of 
other  dependent  institutions,  and  of  others  physically  incapacitated 
for  self-support,  and  that  no  person  should  have  the  ballot  in  any 
State  who  is  not  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

Recognizing  and  declaring  that  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic 
has  become  the  dominant  issue  in  national  politics,  we  invite  to 
full  party  fellowship  all  those  who,  on  this  one  dominant  issue,  are 
with  us  agreed,  in  the  full  belief  that  this  party  can  and  will  re- 
move sectional  differences,  promote  national  unity,  and  insure  the 
best  welfare  of  our  entire  land. 

The  only  contest  in  the  convention  took  place  upon  the 
woman  suffrage  plank  of  the  platform, — the  paragraph  num- 
bered seven.  There  was  a  long  debate  upon  the  subject  in  the 
session  of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  and  the  matter  was 
brought  before  the  full  convention  by  a  minority  report,  in 
which  was  recommended  the  substitution  of  a  declaration  in 
favor  of  leaving  the  question  to  the  action  of  States,  promising 
that  "  as  rapidly  as  we  come  into  power  we  will  submit  this 
question  to  a  vote  of  the  people  in  the  several  States,  to  be 
settled  by  them  at  the  ballot-box."  This  resolution  was  de- 
feated by  an  overwhelming  vote. 

An  addition  was  made  to  the  platform  on  a  motion  from  the 
floor,  which  was  not  opposed.  To  the  tariff  plank,  the  para- 
graph numbered  five,  these  words  were  appended  :  — 

.  .  .  "and  imposed  on  such  other  articles  of  import  as  will 
give  protection  both  to  the  manufacturing  employee  and  the 
producing  laborer  against  the  competition  of  the  world.'' 


468  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  platform,  with  this  amendment,  was  adopted  without  a 
division. 

Clinton  B.  Fisk,  of  New  Jersey,  was  made  the  candidate 
for  President,  and  John  A.  Brooks,  of  Missouri,  for  Vice- 
President.  Both  nominations  were  made  unanimously  and  by 
acclamation. 

The  Democrats  assembled  in  national  convention  at  St. 
Louis  on  the  5th  of  June.  Notwithstanding  the  certainty  of 
Mr.  Cleveland's  nomination,  there  was  an  enormous  gathering 
of  prominent  members  of  the  party  from  North  and  South. 
S.  M.  White,  of  California,  acted  as  temporary  chairman,  and 
Patrick  A.  Collins,  of  Massachusetts,  was  made  permanent 
president.  The  rules  of  the  convention  of  1884  were  adopted, 
with  a  slight  change  in  the  phraseology  of  the  rule  intended 
to  discourage  a  stampede.  In  its  new  form  the  rule  provided 
"that,  in  voting  for  candidates  for  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, no  State  shall  be  allowed  to  change  its  vote  until  the 
roll  of  the  States  has  been  called,  and  every  State  has  cast  its 
vote." 

There  was  a  contest  within  the  committee  on  resolutions 
as  to  the  extent  to  which  the  convention  should  "indorse  " 
the  Mills  bill.  While  not  only  all  the  members  of  the  com- 
mittee, but  all  the  delegates  who  composed  the  convention, 
were  in  favor  of  a  strong  declaration  for  "  tariff  reform,"  there 
were  some  who  deemed  it  inexpedient  in  explicit  terms  to 
express  approval  of  the  bill  at  that  moment  pending  before 
the  House  of  Representatives.  But  the  general  sentiment  of 
the  committee  was  that  the  Mills  bill,  as  it  stood,  should  be 
made  a  party  question.  The  minority  yielded,  and  the  com- 
mittee made  a  unanimous  report.  Nevertheless  there  was  a 
half  compromise ;  for  the  indorsement  of  the  Mills  bill  was 
not  made  a  part  of  the  platform  proper.  The  committee  on 
resolutions  expressed  its  approval  of  three  resolutions  to  be 
offered  from  the  floor,  and  one  of  the  three  was  an  unqualified 
expression  in  favor  of  the  Mills  bill.  The  platform,  as  reported 
and  adopted,  is  as  follows  :  — 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States,  in  national  conven- 
tion assembled,  renews  the  pledge  of  its  fidelity  to  Democratic 
faith,  and  reaffirms  the  platform  adopted  by  its  representatives  in 
the  convention  of  1884,  and  indorses  the  views  expressed  by  Pre- 
sident Cleveland  in  his  last  earnest  message  to  Congress  as  the 
correct  interpretation  of  that  platform  upon  the  question  of  tariff 


THE   SECOND   HARRISON  469 

reduction  ;  and  also  indorses  the  efforts  of  our  Democratic  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress  to  secure  a  reduction  of  excessive  taxation. 
Chief  among  its  principles  of  party  faith  are  the  maintenance  of  an 
indissoluble  union  of  free  and  indestructible  States,  now  about  to 
enter  upon  its  second  century  of  unexampled  progress  and  renown  ; 
devotion  to  a  plan  of  government  regulated  by  a  written  constitu- 
tion strictly  specifying  every  granted  power,  and  expressly  reserv- 
ing to  the  States  or  people  the  entire  ungranted  residue  of  power; 
the  encouragement  of  a  jealous  popular  vigilance,  directed  to  all 
who  have  been  chosen  for  brief  terms  to  enact  and  execute  the 
laws,  and  are  charged  with  the  duty  of  preserving  peace,  insuring 
equality,  and  establishing  justice. 

The  Democratic  party  welcomes  an  exacting  scrutiny  of  the 
administration  of  the  executive  power  which,  four  years  ago,  was 
committed  to  its  trust  in  the  election  of  Grover  Cleveland  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States ;  but  it  challenges  the  most  searching 
inquiry  concerning  its  fidelity  and  devotion  to  the  pledges  which 
then  invited  the  suffrages  of  the  people.  During  a  most  critical 
period  of  our  financial  affairs,  resulting  from  over-taxation,  the 
anomalous  condition  of  our  currency,  and  a  public  debt  unma- 
tured, it  has,  by  the  adoption  of  a  wise  and  conservative  policy, 
not  only  averted  a  disaster,  but  greatly  promoted  the  prosperity  of 
the  people.  It  has  reversed  the  improvident  and  unwise  policy 
of  the  Republican  party  touching  the  public  domain,  and  has 
reclaimed  from  corporations  and  syndicates,  alien  and  domestic, 
and  restored  to  the  people,  nearly  one  hundred  millions  of  acres  of 
valuable  land  to  be  sacredly  held  as  homesteads  for  our  citizens. 

While  carefully  guarding  the  interests  of  the  taxpayers  and  con- 
forming strictly  to  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity,  it  has  paid 
out  more  for  pensions  and  bounties  to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of 
the  Republic  than  was  ever  paid  before  during  an  equal  period. 

It  has  adopted  and  consistently  pursued  a  firm  and  prudent 
foreign  policy,  preserving  peace  with  all  nations,  while  scrupu- 
lously maintaining  all  the  rights  and  interests  of  our  own  govern- 
ment and  people  at  home  and  abroad.  The  exclusion  from  our 
shores  of  Chinese  laborers  has  been  effectually  secured  under  the 
provisions  of  a  treaty  the  operation  of  which  has  been  postponed 
by  the  action  of  a  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate. 

Honest  reform  in  the  civil  service  has  been  inaugurated  and 
maintained  by  President  Cleveland,  and  he  has  brought  the  public 
service  to  the  highest  standard  of  efficiency,  not  only  by  rule  and 
precept,  but  by  the  example  of  his  own  untiring  and  unselfish 
administration  of  public  affairs. 

In  every  branch  and  department  of  the  government  under 
Democratic  control  the  rights  and  welfare  of  all  the  people  have 


470  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

been  guarded  and  defended ;  every  public  interest  has  been  pro- 
tected, and  the  equality  of  all  our  citizens  before  the  law,  without 
regard  to  race  or  color,  has  been  steadfastly  maintained. 

Upon  its  record  thus  exhibited,  and  upon  a  pledge  of  a  con- 
tinuance to  the  people  of  these  benefits,  the  Democracy  invokes  a 
renewal  of  popular  trust  by  the  reelection  of  a  Chief  Magistrate 
who  has  been  faithful,  able,  and  prudent.  We  invoke,  in  addition 
to  that  trust,  the  transfer  also  to  the  Democracy  of  the  entire 
legislative  power. 

The  Republican  party,  controlling  the  Senate  and  resisting  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress  a  reformation  of  unjust  and  unequal  tax 
laws  which  have  outlasted  the  necessities  of  war,  and  are  now 
undermining  the  abundance  of  a  long  peace,  denies  to  the  people 
equality  before  the  law,  and  the  fairness  and  the  justice  which  are 
their  right.  Thus  the  cry  of  American  labor  for  a  better  share  in 
the  rewards  of  industry  is  stifled  with  false  pretences,  enterprise 
is  fettered  and  bound  down  to  home  markets,  capital  is  dis- 
couraged with  doubt,  and  unequal,  unjust  laws  can  neither  be 
properly  amended  nor  repealed.  The  Democratic  party  will  con- 
tinue with  all  the  power  confided  to  it  the  struggle  to  reform 
these  laws,  in  accordance  with  the  pledges  of  its  last  platform, 
indorsed  at  the  ballot-box  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people. 

Of  all  the  industrious  freemen  of  our  land,  the  immense  major- 
ity, including  every  tiller  of  the  soil,  gain  no  advantage  from 
excessive  tax  laws,  but  the  price  of  nearly  everything  they  buy  is 
increased  by  the  favoritism  of  an  unequal  system  of  tax  legisla- 
tion. All  unnecessary  taxation  is  unjust  taxation.  It  is  repug- 
nant to  the  creed  of  Democracy  that  by  such  taxation  the  cost  of 
the  necessaries  of  life  should  be  unjustifiably  increased  to  all  our 
people.  Judged  by  Democratic  principles,  the  interests  of  the 
people  are  betrayed  when,  by  unnecessary  taxation,  trusts  and 
combinations  are  permitted  to  exist  which,  while  unduly  enrich- 
ing the  few  that  combine,  rob  the  body  of  our  citizens  by  depriving 
them  of  the  benefits  of  natural  competition.  Every  Democratic 
rule  of  governmental  action  is  violated  when,  through  unneces- 
sary taxation,  a  vast  sum  of  money,  far  beyond  the  needs  of  an 
economical  administration,  is  drawn  from  the  people  and  the 
channels  of  trade,  and  accumulated  as  a  demoralizing  surplus  in 
the  national  treasury.  The  money  now  lying  idle  in  the  federal 
treasury,  resulting  from  superfluous  taxation,  amounts  to  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  million  dollars,  and  the  surplus 
collected  is  reaching  the  sum  of  more  than  sixty  millions  annually. 
Debauched  by  this  immense  temptation,  the  remedy  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  is  to  meet  and  exhaust  by  extravagant  appropriations 
and  expenses,  whether  constitutional  or  not,  the  accumulation  of 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  471 

extravagant  taxation.  The  Democratic  policy  is  to  enforce  fru- 
gality in  public  expense,  and  to  abolish  unnecessary  taxation. 
Our  established  domestic  industries  and  enterprises  should  not, 
and  need  not,  be  endangered  by  the  reduction  and  correction  of 
the  burdens  of  taxation.  On  the  contrary,  a  fair  and  careful 
revision  of  our  tax  laws,  with  due  allowance  for  the  difference 
between  the  wages  of  American  and  foreign  labor,  must  promote 
and  encourage  every  branch  of  such  industries  and  enterprises,  by 
giving  them  assurance  of  extended  markets  and  steady  and  con- 
tinuous operations  in  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which 
should  in  no  event  be  neglected.  The  revision  of  our  tax  laws 
contemplated  by  the  Democratic  party  should  promote  the  advan- 
tage of  such  labor,  by  cheapening  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of 
life  in  the  home  of  every  workman,  and  at  the  same  time  securing 
to  him  steady  and  remunerative  employment.  Upon  this  question 
of  tariff  reform,  so  closely  concerning  every  phase  of  our  national 
life,  and  upon  every  question  involved  in  the  problem  of  good 
government,  the  Democratic  party  submits  its  principles  and  pro- 
fessions to  the  intelligent  suffrages  of  the  American  people. 

The  following  are  the  three  resolutions  mentioned  above, 
:  offered  with  the  sanction  of  the  committee  on  resolutions,  and 
adopted  unanimously  by  the  convention  :  — 

Resolved,  That  this  convention  hereby  indorses  and  recommends 
the  early  passage  of  the  bill  for  the  reduction  of  the  revenue  now 
pending  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Resolved,  That  a  just  and  liberal  policy  should  be  pursued  in 
reference  to  the  Territories ;  that  right  of  self-government  is 
inherent  in  the  people,  and  guaranteed  under  the  Constitution ; 
that  the  Territories  of  Washington,  Dakota,  Montana,  and  New 
Mexico  are,  by  virtue  of  population  and  development,  entitled  to 
admission  into  the  Union  as  States,  and  we  unqualifiedly  condemn 
the  course  of  the  Republican  party  in  refusing  statehood  and  self- 
government  to  their  people. 

Resolved,  That  we  express  our  cordial  sympathy  with  the  strug- 
gling people  of  all  nations  in  their  efforts  to  secure  for  themselves 
the  inestimable  blessings  of  self-government,  and  civil  and  reli- 
gious liberty,  and  we  especially  declare  our  sympathy  with  the 
efforts  of  those  noble  patriots,  who,  led  by  Gladstone  and  Parnell, 
have  conducted  their  grand  and  peaceful  contest  for  home  rule 
in  Ireland. 

For  the  first  time  since  1840,  when  Martin  Van  Buren  was 
nominated  for  reelection  by  resolution,  and  not  by  the  individ- 
ual votes  of  delegates,  there  was  no  formal  vote  for  a  candi- 
date  for  President.     A  motion  was   made    and  carried  with 


472  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

great  enthusiasm  to  place  Grover  Cleveland  in  nomination  foi 
a  second  term.  The  death  of  Vice-President  Hendricks  in 
the  first  year  of  his  term  had  left  the  second  place  on  the 
ticket  open  to  a  contest.  Several  candidates  had  appeared,  but, 
before  the  convention  met,  the  sentiment  of  the  delegates 
was  setting  strongly  in  favor  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio. 
The  brief  contest  over  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice- 
President  gave  rise  to  the  most  picturesque  incidents  that 
characterized  the  St.  Louis  convention.  During  Judge  Thur- 
man's  long  service  in  the  Senate  the  country  had  become  ac- 
customed to  hear  much  about  the  "  red  bandanna "  of  which 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  making  use  after  indulging  in  a  pinch 
of  snuff.  The  friends  of  Governor  Gray,  of  Indiana,  were 
present  in  strong  force,  all  wearing  high  white  hats  as  badges. 
But  the  advocates  of  Judge  Thurman  had  provided  themselves 
with  a  great  quantity  of  red  pocket-handkerchiefs,  and  these 
articles  proved  to  be  far  more  popular  badges  than  the  white 
hats.  When  the  voting  for  a  candidate  was  about  to  begin, 
the  California  delegation  displayed  the  bandanna  at  the  top  of 
a  long  pole,  and  the  appearance  of  the  emblem  was  received 
with  the  wildest  cheering.  The  Indiana  delegation  strove  in 
vain  to  offset  the  demonstration  by  elevating  a  white  hat  on 
another  pole.  The  red  bandannas  fluttered  in  all  parts  of  the 
immense  hall,  and  delegates  and  spectators  cheered  until  they 
were  hoarse  for  the  flag  of  the  "  noble  old  Roman,"  as  the 
Democrats  affectionately  designated  Mr.  Thurman.  The  vic- 
tory had,  in  reality,  been  won  by  Judge  Thurman  already. 
The  vote  for  a  candidate  showed  an  immense  majority  in  his 
favor.  It  resulted :  for  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  690 ; 
for  Isaac  P.  Gray,  of  Indiana,  105;  for  John  C.  Black,  of 
Illinois,  25. 

The  Republican  convention  was  held  at  Chicago,  June  19. 
John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  M.  M.  Estee,  of  California,  was  the  permanent  president. 
The  following  platform  was  reported  and  adopted  :  — 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their  dele- 
gates in  national  convention,  pause  on  the  threshold  of  theL- 
proceedings  to  honor  the  memory  of  their  first  great  leader,  the 
immortal  champion  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the  people,  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  and  to  cover  also  with  wreaths  of  imperishable  re- 
membrance and  gratitude  the  heroic  names  of  our  later  leaders, 
who  have  more  recently  been  called  away  from  our  councils,  — 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  473 

Grant,  Garfield,  Arthur,  Logan,  Conkling.  May  their  memories 
be  faithfully  cherished  !  We  also  recall,  with  our  greetings  and 
with  prayer  for  his  recovery,  the  name  of  one  of  our  living  heroes, 
whose  memory  will  be  treasured  in  the  history  both  of  Republi- 
cans and  of  the  Republic,  the  name  of  that  noble  soldier  and 
favorite  child  of  victory,  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 

In  the  spirit  of  these  great  leaders,  and  of  our  own  devotion  to 
human  liberty,  and  with  that  hostility  to  all  forms  of  despotism 
and  oppression  which  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  the  Republican 
party,  we  send  fraternal  congratulations  to  our  fellow-Americans 
of  Brazil  upon  their  great  act  of  emancipation,  which  completed 
the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  two  American  continents. 
We  earnestly  hope  that  we  may  soon  congratulate  our  fellow- 
citizens  of  Irish  birth  upon  the  peaceful  recovery  of  home  rule  for 
Ireland. 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the  national  Constitu- 
tion, and  to  the  indissoluble  union  of  the  States  ;  to  the  autonomy 
reserved  to  the  States  under  the  Constitution  ;  to  the  personal 
rights  and  liberties  of  citizens  in  all  the  States  and  Territories  in 
the  Union,  and  especially  to  the  supreme  and  sovereign  right  of 
every  lawful  citizen,  rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  born,  white  or 
black,  to  cast  one  free  ballot  in  public  elections,  and  to  have  that 
ballot  duly  counted.  We  hold  the  free  and  honest  popular  ballot, 
and  the  just  and  equal  representation  of  all  the  people,  to  be  the 
foundation  of  our  republican  government,  and  demand  effective 
legislation  to  secure  the  integrity  and  purity  of  elections,  which 
are  the  fountains  of  public  authority.  We  charge  that  the  pre- 
sent administration  and  the  Democratic  majority  in  Congress  owe 
their  existence  to  the  suppression  of  the  ballot  by  a  criminal  nul- 
lification of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

We  are  uncompromisingly  in  favor  of  the  American  system  of 
protection.  We  protest  against  its  destruction,  as  proposed  by 
the  President  and  his  party.  They  serve  the  interests  of  Europe ; 
we  will  support  the  interests  of  America.  We  accept  the  issue, 
and  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  for  their  judgment.  The  pro- 
tective system  must  be  maintained.  Its  abandonment  has  always 
been  followed  by  disaster  to  all  interests,  except  those  of  the 
usurer  and  the  sheriff.  We  denounce  the  Mills  bill  as  destructive 
to  the  general  business,  the  labor,  and  the  farming  interests  of  the 
country,  and  we  heartily  indorse  the  consistent  and  patriotic  action 
of  the  Republican  representatives  in  Congress  opposing  its  pas- 
sage. We  condemn  the  proposition  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
place  wool  on  the  free  list,  and  we  insist  that  the  duties  thereon 
shall  be  adjusted  and  maintained  so  as  to  furnish  full  and  ade- 
quate protection  to  that  industry.     The  Republican  party  would 


474  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

effect  all  needed  reduction  of  the  national  revenue  by  repealing  the 
taxes  upon  tobacco,  which  are  an  annoyance  and  burden  to  agri- 
culture, and  the  tax  upon  spirits  used  in  the  arts  and  for  mechani- 
cal purposes,  and  by  such  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will  tend 
to  check  imports  of  such  articles  as  are  produced  by  our  people, 
the  production  of  which  gives  employment  to  our  labor,  and  re- 
lease from  import  duties  those  articles  of  foreign  production,  except 
luxuries,  the  like  of  which  cannot  be  produced  at  home.  If  there 
shall  still  remain  a  larger  revenue  than  is  requisite  for  the  wants 
of  the  government,  we  favor  the  entire  repeal  of  internal  taxes, 
rather  than  the  surrender  of  any  part  of  our  protective  system,  at 
the  joint  behest  of  the  whiskey  trusts  and  the  agents  of  foreign 
manufacturers. 

We  declare  our  hostility  to  the  introduction  into  this  country  of 
foreign  contract  labor,  and  of  Chinese  labor,  alien  to  our  civiliza- 
tion and  our  Constitution,  and  we  demand  the  rigid  enforcement 
of  the  existing  laws  against  it,  and  favor  such  immediate  legisla- 
tion as  will  exclude  such  labor  from  our  shores. 

We  declare  our  opposition  to  all  combinations  of  capital,  organ- 
ized in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of 
trade  among  our  citizens,  and  we  recommend  to  Congress  and  the 
state  legislatures,  in  their  respective  jurisdictions,  such  legislation 
as  will  prevent  the  execution  of  all  schemes  to  oppress  the  people 
by  undue  charges  on  their  supplies,  or  by  unjust  rates  for  the 
transportation  of  their  products  to  market.  We  approve  the  leg- 
islation by  Congress  to  prevent  alike  unjust  burdens  and  unfair 
discriminations  between  the  States, 

We  reaffirm  the  policy  of  appropriating  the  public  lands  of  the 
United  States  to  be  homesteads  for  American  citizens  and  settlers, 
not  aliens,  which  the  Republican  party  established  in  1862,  against 
the  persistent  opposition  of  the  Democrats  in  Congress,  and  which 
has  brought  our  great  Western  domain  into  such  magnificent  de- 
velopment. The  restoration  of  unearned  railroad  land  grants  to 
the  public  domain  for  the  use  of  actual  settlers,  which  was  begun 
under  the  administration  of  President  Arthur,  should  be  con- 
tinued. We  deny  that  the  Democratic  party  has  ever  restored 
one  acre  to  the  people,  but  declare  that  by  the  joint  action  of  the 
Republicans  and  Democrats  about  fifty  millions  of  acres  of  un- 
earned lands,  originally  granted  for  the  construction  of  railroads, 
have  been  restored  to  the  public  domain,  in  pursuance  of  the  con- 
ditions inserted  by  the  Republican  party  in  the  original  grants. 
We  charge  the  Democratic  administration  with  failure  to  execute 
the  laws  securing  to  settlers  title  to  their  homesteads,  and  with 
using  appropriations  made  for  that  purpose  to  harass  innocent 
settlers  with  spies  and  prosecutions  under  the  false  pretence  of 
exposing  frauds  and  vindicating  the  law. 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  475 

The  government  by  Congress  of  the  Territories  is  based  upon 
necessity  only,  to  the  end  that  they  may  become  States  in  the 
Union ;  therefore,  whenever  the  conditions  of  population,  material 
resources,  public  intelligence,  and  morality  are  such  as  to  insure  a 
stable  local  government  therein,  the  people  of  such  Territories 
should  be  permitted,  as  a  right  inherent  in  them,  the  right  to  form 
for  themselves  constitutions  and  state  governments,  and  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union.  Pending  the  preparation  for  statehood, 
all  officers  thereof  should  be  selected  from  the  bona  fide  residents 
and  citizens  of  the  Territory  wherein  they  are  to  serve.  South 
Dakota  should,  of  right,  be  immediately  admitted  as  a  State  un- 
der the  constitution  framed  and  adopted  by  her  people,  and  we 
heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  Republican  Senate  in  twice 
passing  bills  for  her  admission.  The  refusal  of  the  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives,  for  partisan  purposes,  favorably  to  con- 
sider these  bills  is  a  wilful  violation  of  the  sacred  American  prin- 
ciple of  local  self-government,  and  merits  the  condemnation  of  all 
just  men.  The  pending  bills  in  the  Senate  for  acts  to  enable  the 
people  of  Washington,  North  Dakota,  and  Montana  Territories  to 
form  Constitutions  and  establish  state  governments  should  be 
passed  without  unnecessary  delay.  The  Republican  party  pledges 
itself  to  do  all  in  its  power  to  facilitate  the  admission  of  the  Ter- 
ritories of  New  Mexico,  Wyoming,  Idaho,  and  Arizona  to  the 
enjoyment  of  self-government  as  States,  such  of  them  as  are  now 
qualified  as  soon  as  possible,  and  the  others  as  soon  as  they  be- 
come so. 

The  political  power  of  the  Mormon  Church  in  the  Territories  a» 
exercised  in  the  past  is  a  menace  to  free  institutions,  a  danger  no 
•longer  to  be  suffered ;  therefore  we  pledge  the  Republican  party 
to  appropriate  legislation  asserting  the  sovereignty  of  the  nation 
in  all  Territories  where  the  same  is  questioned,  and  in  furtherance 
of  that  end  to  place  upon  the  statute  books  legislation  stringent 
enough  to  divorce  the  political  from  the  ecclesiastical  power,  and 
thus  stamp  out  the  attendant  wickedness  of  polygamy. 

The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  money,  and  condemns  the  policy  of  the  Democratic  ad- 
ministration in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver. 

We  demand  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent  per 
uunce. 

In  a  republic  like  ours,  where  the  citizen  is  the  sovereign  and 
the  official  the  servant,  where  no  power  is  exercised  except  by  the 
will  of  the  peopk,  it  is  important  that  the  sovereign  and  the  peo- 
ple should  possess  intelligence.  The  free  school  is  the  promoter 
of  that  intelligence  which  is  to  preserve  us  a  free  nation :  there- 
fore the  State  or  nation,  or  both  combined,  should  support  free 


476  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

institutions  of  learning,  sufficient  to  afford  to  every  child  growing 
up  in  the  land  the  opportunity  of  a  good  common-school  educa- 
tion. 

"We  earnestly  recommend  that  prompt  action  be  taken  by  Con- 
gress in  the  enactment  of  such  legislation  as  will  best  secure  the 
rehabilitation  of  our  American  merchant  marine ;  and  we  protest 
against  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a  free-ship  bill,  as  calculated  to 
work  injustice  to  labor  by  lessening  the  wages  of  those  engaged 
in  preparing  materials  as  well  as  those  directly  employed  in  our 
shipyards. 

We  demand  appropriations  for  the  early  rebuilding  of  our  navy ; 
for  the  construction  of  coast  fortifications  and  modern  ordnance, 
and  other  approved  modern  means  of  defence  for  the  protection  of 
our  defenceless  harbors  and  cities ;  for  the  payment  of  just  pen- 
sions to  our  soldiers ;  for  necessary  works  of  national  importance 
in  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  the  channels  of  internal,  coast- 
wise, and  foreign  commerce ;  for  the  encouragement  of  the  ship- 
ping interests  of  the  Atlantic,  Gulf,  and  Pacific  States,  as  well  as 
for  the  payment  of  the  maturing  public  debt.  This  policy  will 
give  employment  to  our  labor ;  activity  to  our  various  industries ; 
increase  the  security  of  our  country;  promote  trade;  open  new 
and  direct  markets  for  our  produce,  and  cheapen  the  cost  of  trans- 
portation. We  affirm  this  to  be  far  better  for  our  country  than 
the  Democratic  policy  of  loaning  the  government's  money,  with- 
out interest,  to  "  pet  banks." 

The  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  by  the  present  administration 
has  been  distinguished  by  its  inefficiency  and  its  cowardice.  Hav- 
ing withdrawn  from  the  Senate  all  pending  treaties  effected  by 
Republican  administration  for  the  removal  of  foreign  burdens  and 
restrictions  upon  our  commerce,  and  for  its  extension  into  better 
markets,  it  has  neither  effected  nor  proposed  any  others  in  their 
stead.  Professing  adherence  to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  it  has  seen, 
with  idle  complacency,  the  extension  of  foreign  influence  in  Cen- 
tral America  and  of  foreign  trade  everywhere  among  our  neigh- 
bors. It  has  refused  to  charter,  sanction,  or  encourage  any  Amer- 
ican organization  for  constructing  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  —  a  work 
of  vital  importance  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
and  of  our  national  influence  in  Central  and  South  America,  and 
necessary  for  the  development  of  trade  with  our  Pacific  territory, 
with  South  America,  and  with  the  islands  and  farther  coasts  of 
the  Pacific  Ocean. 

We  arraign  the  present  Democratic  administration  for  its  weak 
and  unpatriotic  treatment  of  the  fisheries  question,  and  its  pusil- 
lanimous surrender  of  the  essential  privileges  to  which  our  fishing 
Vessels  are  entitled  in  Canadian  ports  under  the  treaty  of  1818,  the 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON  477 

reciprocal  maritime  legislation  of  1830,  and  the  comity  of  nations, 
and  which  Canadian  fishing  vessels  receive  in  the  ports  of  the 
United  States.  We  condemn  the  policy  of  the  present  administra- 
tion and  the  Democratic  majority  in  Congress  towards  our  fisher- 
ies as  unfriendly  and  conspicuously  unpatriotic,  and  as  tending  to 
destroy  a  valuable  national  industry  and  an  indispensable  resource 
of  defence  against  a  foreign  enemy. 

The  name  of  American  applies  alike  to  all  citizens  of  the  repub- 
lic, and  imposes  upon  all  alike  the  same  obligation  of  obedience  to 
the  laws.  At  the  same  time  that  citizenship  is  and  must  be  the 
panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it,  and  protects  him, 
whether  high  or  low,  rich  or  poor,  in  all  his  civil  rights,  it  should 
and  must  afford  him  protection  at  home,  and  follow  and  protect 
him  abroad,  in  whatever  land  he  may  be,  on  a  lawful  errand. 

The  men  who  abandoned  the  Republican  party  in  1884,  and  con- 
tinue to  adhere  to  the  Democratic  party,  have  deserted  not  only 
the  cause  of  honest  government,  of  sound  finance,  of  freedom,  of 
purity  of  the  ballot,  but  especially  have  deserted  the  cause  of  re- 
form in  the  civil  service.  We  will  not  fail  to  keep  our  pledges 
because  they  have  broken  theirs,  nor  because  their  candidate  has 
broken  his.  We  therefore  repeat  our  declaration  of  1884,  to  wit : 
"  The  reform  of  the  civil  service  auspiciously  begun  under  the 
Republican  administration  should  be  completed  by  the  further 
extension  of  the  reform  system,  already  established  by  law,  to  all 
the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and 
purpose  of  the  reform  should  be  observed  in  all  executive  appoint- 
ments, and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the  object  of  existing  reform 
legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to  free 
institutions,  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official  patronage,  may  be 
wisely  and  effectively  avoided." 

The  gratitude  of  the  nation  to  the  defenders  of  the  Union  can- 
not be  measured  by  lawrs.  The  legislation  of  Congress  should 
conform  to  the  pledge  made  by  a  loyal  people,  and  be  so  enlarged 
and  extended  as  to  provide  against  the  possibility  that  any  man 
who  honorably  wore  the  Federal  uniform  shall  become  an  inmate 
of  an  almshouse  or  dependent  upon  private  charity.  In  the  pre- 
sence of  an  overflowing  treasury,  it  would  be  a  public  scandal  to 
do  less  for  those  whose  valorous  services  preserved  the  government. 
We  denounce  the  hostile  spirit  shown  by  President  Cleveland,  in 
his  numerous  vetoes  of  measures  for  pension  relief,  and  the  action 
of  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  in  refusing  even  a 
consideration  of  general  pension  legislation. 

In  support  of  the  principles  herewith  enunciated,  we  invite  the 
cooperat^pn  of  patriotic  men  of  all  parties,  and  especially  of  all 
workingmen,  whose  prosperity  is  seriously  threatened  by  the  free' 
trade  policy  of  the  present  administration- 


178  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Blaine,  as  has  been  explained,  had 
left  the  field  open  for  all  contestants.  Not  only  was  there 
an  unusually  large  number  of  "  favorite  sons,"  but  several  pro- 
minent public  men,  who  were  not  brought  forward  as  candi- 
dates by  the  delegates  representing  the  respective  States  of  their 
residence,  were  mentioned  as  possible  candidates  in  case  the  con- 
test should  be  long  and  the  difficulty  of  agreeing  upon  a  nomi- 
nee great.  Pervading  the  convention  at  all  times,  up  to  the 
moment  that  a  nomination  was  effected,  was  a  feeling  that  the 
name  of  Mr.  Blaine  might  be  presented  in  such  a  way,  at  a 
critical  period,  that  the  convention  would  be  carried  away  by 
an  outburst  of  irrepressible  enthusiasm,  and  that  he  would  be 
summoned  to  lead  the  party  again  by  a  call  so  vociferous  that 
he  could  not  decline.  Mr.  Blaine  gave  no  countenance  nor  help 
to  this  movement.  At  the  opening  of  the  convention,  having 
learned  that  some  of  his  indiscreet  friends  were  making  unau- 
thorized use  of  his  name,  and  were  assuming  to  declare  what 
he  would  do  in  certain  contingencies,  Mr.  Blaine  requested  the 
London  correspondent  of  the  "  New  York  Tribune "  to  say 
that  all  rumors  "  pretending  to  give  letters  or  dispatches  from 
him  or  any  of  his  party  touching  political  topics  of  any  kind 
may  be  promptly  discredited  unless  signed  by  Mr.  Blaine  him- 
self ;  "  and,  further,  that  he  had  written  nothing  concerning 
the  presidential  nominations  except  the  two  published  letters 
from  Florence  and  Paris,  and  that  he  had  held  no  correspond- 
ence of  any  kind  with  any  one  on  political  subjects.  Even 
this  did  not  prevent  many  men  from  thinking  that  the  nomi- 
nation of  Mr.  Blaine  was  the  most  probable  outcome  of  the 
contest.  Some  of  the  delegates  persisted  in  voting  for  him 
from  first  to  last ;  and  a  Blaine  stampede  was  the  event  which 
the  whole  country  expected.  But  the  fitting  moment  for  it 
never  came,  and  the  judgment  of  the  cooler  members  of  the 
convention  was  against  it  at  all  times,  chiefly  because  they  saw, 
what  Mr.  Blaine  had  said  so  clearly,  that  he  could  not  honor- 
ably accept  the  nomination,  even  if  it  were  thrust  upon  him. 

The  first  vote  for  a  candidate  showed  an  extraordinary  lack 
of  concentration.  Senator  John  Sherman,  who  led  all  other 
candidates,  had  but  little  more  than  one  half  of  the  number 
necessary  to  nominate.  Judge  Gresham,  the  next  on  the  list, 
had  less  than  half  as  many  as  Mr.  Sherman,  and  not  one  of  the 
delegates  from  his  own  State  of  Indiana  was  among  his  sup- 
porters.    The  votes  were   divided  among  thirteen  candidates, 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON 


479 


and  even  on  the  fourth  trial  the  number  had  been  reduced 
only  to  ten.  How  greatly  the  votes  were  scattered  may  be 
seen  from  the  statement  that,  on  the  first  vote  for  a  candidate, 
Senator  Sherman  received  more  or  less  support  from  twenty- 
three  States  and  Territories,  Judge  Gresham  from  twenty-three, 
Mr.  Harrison  from  twenty-three,  Mr.  Alger  from  twenty,  Mr. 
Allison  from  nineteen,  Mr.  Depew  from  sixteen,  and  Mr. 
Blaine  from  thirteen.  Only  nine  States  of  the  Union  gave  a 
solid  vote  to  any  candidate,  and  five  of  the  nine  presented 
"  favorite  sons  n  as  candidates. 

The  session  of  the  convention  was  one  of  the  longest  in  the 
history  of  the  country.  It  began  on  June  19.  The  platform 
was  adopted  on  the  21st.  Two  votes  for  a  presidential  can- 
didate were  taken  on  the  22d,  three  on  the  23d,  and  three  on 
the  25th  (the  24th  was  Sunday).  The  history  of  former  con- 
ventions was  repeated  ;  the  leading  candidate  did  not  greatly 
increase  his  vote,  and  a  concentration  took  place  gradually 
upon  one  who  had  at  the  beginning  a  small  but  a  compact  and 
aggressive  body  of  followers.  General  Benjamin  Harrison,  of 
Indiana,  was  nominated  upon  the  eighth  vote.  The  result  on 
each  of  the  votes  is  shown  in  the  following  table :  — 


1st. 

229 
111 
99 
84 
80 
72 
35 
28 
25 
25 
24 
13 
3 
2 

830 
416 

2d. 

249 
108 
99 
116 
91 
75 
33 
16 
20 
18 

2 
3 

830 
416 

3d. 

244 
123 
91 
122 
94 
88 
35 

16 
5 

2 

8 
2 

830 
416 

4th. 

235 
98 

135 
217 
88 
42 

1 
11 

1 

1 

829 
415 

5th. 

224 
87 

142 
213 
99 
48 

14 

827 
414 

6th. 

244 
91 

137 

231 

73 

40 

12 

1 

1 

830 
416 

7th. 

231 
91 

120 

278 

76 

15 

2 
16 

1 

1 

831 
416 

8th. 

John  Sherman,  Ohio   .... 
Walter  Q.  Gresham,  Indiana    . 
Chaunoey  M.  Depew,  New  York 
Rii8sel  A.  Alger,  Michigan  .    . 
Benjamin  Harrison,  Indiana     . 
William  B.  Allison,  Iowa     .    . 

118 
59 

100 
544 

5 

Jeremiah  M.  Rusk,  Wisconsin  . 
William  W.  Phelps,  New  Jersey 
E.  H.  Fitter,  Pennsylvania  .     . 
Joseph  R.  Hawley,  Connecticut 
Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Illinois  .    . 
William  McKinley,  Jr.,  Ohio   . 
Samuel  F.  Miller,  Iowa   .     .    . 
Frederick  Douglass     .... 
Joseph  B.  Foraker,  Ohio      .     . 
Frederick  D.  Grant,  New  York 
Creed  Haymond,  California 

4 
830 

416 

Levi  P.  Morton,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for  Vice-Pre- 
sident on  the  first  vote.  He  received  591  votes  to  119  for 
William  Walter  Phelps,  of  New  Jersey ;  103  for  William  O. 


480  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Bradley,  of  Kentucky  ;  11  for  Blanche  K.  Bruce,  of  Missis. 
sippi ;  "and  1  for  Walter  F.  Thomas,  of  Texas. 

The  following  resolution,  which  was  offered  from  the  floor, 
at  the  close  of  the  proceedings  of  the  convention,  was  adopted 
with  but  one  dissenting  vote :  — 

The  first  concern  of  all  good  government  is  the  virtue  and 
sobriety  of  the  people,  and  the  purity  of  their  homes.  The  Repub- 
lican party  cordially  sympathizes  with  all  wise  and  well-directed 
efforts  for  the  promotion  of  temperance  and  morality. 

A  convention  of  a  party  which  adopted  the  name  of  Ameri- 
can was  held  at  Washington  on  the  14th  of  August.  It  was 
attended  by  126  delegates,  of  whom  65  represented  New  York, 
and  15  were  from  California.  On  the  second  day  of  the  con- 
vention a  contest  which  had  divided  the  meeting  from  the  first 
led  to  a  split,  and  all  the  members  except  those  from  New 
York  and  California  seceded  and  held  a  convention  of  their 
own.  The  issue  which  broke  up  the  convention  was  the  appor- 
tionment of  votes.  The  two  States  most  strongly  represented 
desired  that  each  delegate  should  have  one  vote,  while  the 
minority  insisted  upon  the  usual  rule  of  other  conventions, 
that  the  State  or  the  Congressional  district  should  be  the  unit 
for  voting  power,  rather  than  the  individual  delegate.  The 
seceders  from  the  convention  made  no  nominations.  The  New 
York  and  California  members  who  were  left  completed  their 
work,  not  without  some  friction.  They  nominated  for  President 
James  Langdon  Curtis,  of  New  York,  and  for  Vice-President 
James  R.  Greer,  of  Tennessee.  Mr.  Greer  subsequently  declined 
the  nomination. 

The  following  platform  was  adopted  :  — 

Resolved,  That  all  law-abiding  citizens  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  whether  native  or  foreign  born,  are  politically  equals 
(except  as  provided  by  the  Constitution),  and  all  are  entitled  to, 
and  should  receive,  the  full  protection  of  the  laws. 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  should  be 
so  amended  as  to  prohibit  the  federal  and  state  governments  from 
conferring  upon  any  person  the  right  to  vote  unless  such  person  be 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  fostering  and  encouraging 
American  industries  of  every  class  and  kind,  and  declare  that  the 
assumed  issue  "  Protection  "  vs.  "  Free  Trade  "  is  a  fraud  and  a 
snare.  The  best  "  protection  "  is  that  which  protects  the  labor 
ftnd  life  blood  of  the  republic  from  the  degrading  competition  with 


THE   SECOND   HARRISON  481 

and  contamination  by  imported  foreigners ;  and  the  most  danger- 
ous "  free  trade  "  is  that  in  paupers,  criminals,  communists,  and  an- 
archists, in  which  the  balance  has  always  been  against  the  United 
States. 

Whereas,  One  of  the  greatest  evils  of  unrestricted  foreign  im- 
migration is  the  reduction  of  the  wages  of  the  American  working- 
man  and  working-woman  to  the  level  of  the  underfed  and  under- 
paid labor  of  foreign  countries  ;  therefore 

Resolved,  That  we  demand  that  no  immigrant  shall  be  admitted 
into  the  United  States  without  a  passport  obtained  from  the  Amer- 
ican consul  at  the  port  from  which  he  sails ;  that  no  passport 
shall  be  issued  to  any  pauper,  criminal,  or  insane  person,  or  to  any 
person  who,  in  the  judgment  of  the  consul,  is  not  likely  to  become 
a  desirable  citizen  of  the  United  States  ;  and  that  for  each  immi- 
grant passport  there  shall  be  collected  by  the  consul  issuing  the 
same  the  sum  of  one  hundred  dollars  to  be  by  him  paid  into  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  That  the  present  naturalization  laws  of  the  United 
States  should  be  unconditionally  repealed. 

Resolved,  That  the  soil  of  America  should  belong  to  Americans ; 
that  no  alien  non-resident  should  be  permitted  to  own  real  estate 
in  the  United  States ;  and  that  the  realty  possessions  of  the  resi- 
dent alien  should  be  limited  in  value  and  area. 

Resolved,  That  no  flag  shall  float  on  any  public  buildings,  muni- 
cipal, state,  or  national,  in  the  United  States,  except  the  munici- 
pal, state,  or  national  flag  of  the  United  States,  —  the  flag  of  the 
stars  and  stripes. 

Resolved,  That  we  reassert  the  American  principles  of  abso- 
lute freedom  of  religious  worship  and  belief,  the  permanent  sepa- 
ration of  church  and  state ;  and  we  oppose  the  appropriation  of 
public  money  or  property  to  any  church,  or  institution  adminis- 
tered by  a  church.  We  maintain  that  all  church  property  should 
be  subject  to  taxation. 

The  canvass  which  followed  the  nomination  of  candidates 
presented  no  remarkable  features  until  a  short  time  before  the 
election.  Political  clubs  took  somewhat  unusual  prominence 
in  the  contest.  They  were  enabled  to  make  their  work  more 
effective  by  forming  state  and  national  leagues,  and  thus  gain- 
ing the  advantage  which  is  derived  from  organized  and  con- 
certed effort. 

The  tariff  was  the  great  issue.  It  was  the  chief  topic  upon 
which  the  Republican  and  Democratic  candidates  dwelt  in  their 
respective  letters  of  acceptance.  It  was  the  subject  discussed 
from  the  stump  and  in  the  party  journals.     The  Democrats 


482  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

distinctly  pledged  themselves  that,  if  they  should  gain  full  con- 
trol of  the  government,  they  would  reduce  the  tariff,  taking  for 
general  principles  in  the  method  of  reduction  the  system 
sketched  by  the  "  Mills  bill."  The  Republicans,  on  the  other 
hand,  committed  themselves  unreservedly  by  a  declaration  that 
they  would  sweep  away  the  whole  internal  revenue  system  be- 
fore they  would  abandon  any  part  of  the  protective  duties  on 
imports.  The  public  discussion  was  earnest.  There  were, 
however,  prior  to  the  election  itself,  no  decided  indications 
how  the  battle  was  going  to  result.  Although  each  side  pro- 
fessed confidence  that  it  would  win  from  the  enemy  electoral 
votes  of  States  not  counted  as  doubtful,  there  was  little  real 
expectation  on  either  side  of  such  a  result.  The  Democrats 
were  evidently  sure  of  the  entire  Southern  vote ;  and  the  Re- 
publicans had  no  fear  of  losing  any  Northern  State,  except  Con- 
necticut, New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Indiana.  Upon  these 
States,  therefore,  most  of  the  energy  of  both  parties  was  con- 
centrated. 

Two  weeks  before  the  election  a  strange  incident  occurred, 
and  the  importance  attached  to  it  —  for  no  doubt  it  had  a  cer- 
tain influence  in  the  election  — shows  how  highly  wrought  was 
political  feeling  at  that  time.  A  correspondence  was  published 
between  a  person,  who  adopted  the  fictitious  name  of  Charles 
E.  Murchison,  and  Lord  Sackville,  the  British  Minister  at  Wash- 
ington. The  false  Murchison  represented  himself  to  be  a  former 
British  subject,  now  naturalized  as  an  American,  but  cherishing 
a  love  for  the  mother  country,  and  asking  Lord  Sackville's  ad- 
vice as  to  how  he  should  vote  at  the  coming  election.  The 
incautious  reply  of  Lord  Sackville,  who  fell  into  a  trap  set 
for  him,  implied,  though  it  gave  no  direct  advice,  that  a  vote 
for  the  Democratic  candidate  would  be  rather  more  friendly  to 
England  than  one  for  Mr.  Harrison.  The  correspondence  was 
published  on  October  24.  The  Republicans  seized  upon  it  as 
confirming  what  they  had  insisted  upon,  when  discussing  the 
Mills  bill,  that  the  Democratic  tariff  policy  was  good  for  Eng- 
land's interest,  but  bad  for  America.  The  President  quickly 
perceived  the  use  that  was  to  be  made  of  the  incident,  and  took 
his  measures  accordingly.  The  view  was  taken  that  the  advice 
given  by  Lord  Sackville  was  an  interference  by  a  foreign  min- 
ister with  the  internal  politics  of  this  country,  —  a  repetition 
on  a  small  scale  of  the  impertinence  of  Citizen  Genet  during 
the  administration  of  Washington.      The  attention  of  Lord 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON 


483 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral 
Vote. 

States. 

a 

s 

1 

1. 

fit 

j 
II 

8 

I 
1 

a 

M 
H 

t 

a 

•a 

|3 

I 

si 
Eta 

2 

5* 

ffc 

I1 

o 

CD 

1 

I  s 

■ 

o 

5 

3 

n 

5 

Alabama  .     .     . 

56,197 

117,320 

583 

10 

Arkansas .     .     . 

58,752 

85,962 

641 

10,613 

- 

7 

California*   .     . 

124,816 

117,729 

5,761 

- 

8 

- 

Colorado  .     .     . 

50,774 

37,567 

2,191 

1,266 

3 

- 

Connecticut  .     . 

74,584 

74,920 

4,234 

240 

- 

6 

Delaware      .     . 

12,973 

16,414 

400 

-1 

- 

3 

Florida     .     .     . 

26,657 

39,561 

423 

- 

- 

4 

Georgia    .     .     . 

40,496 

100,499 

1,808 

130 

- 

12 

Illinoist    .     .     . 

370,473 

348,278 

21,695 

7,090 

22 

- 

Indiana     •     .     . 

263,361 

261,013 

9,881 

2,694 

15 

- 

Iowa    .... 

211,598 

179,887 

3,550 

9,105 

13 

— 

Kansas     .     .     . 

182,934 

103,744 

6,768 

37,726 

9 

- 

Kentucky     .     . 

155,134 

183,800 

5,225 

622 

- 

13 

Louisiana      .     . 

30,484 

85,032 

160 

39 

- 

8 

Maine  .... 

73,734 

50,481 

2,691 

1,344 

6 

- 

Maryland      .     . 

99,986 

106,168 

4,767 

- 

- 

8 

Massachusetts   . 

183,892 

151,856 

8,701 

- 

14 

- 

Michigan .     .     . 

236,370 

213,459 

20,942 

4,541 

13 

- 

Minnesota     .     . 

142,492 

104,385 

15,311 

1,094 

7 

- 

Mississippi    .     . 

30,096 

85,471 

218 

22 

- 

9 

Missouri   .     .     . 

236,257 

261,974 

4,539 

18,632 

- 

16 

Nebraska      .     . 

108,425 

80,552 

9,429 

4,226 

5 

- 

Nevada    .     .     . 

7,22» 

5,362 

41 

- 

3 

- 

New  Hampshire 

45,728 

43,458 

1,593 

13 

4 

- 

New  Jersey  .     . 

144,344 

151,493 

7,904 

- 

- 

9 

New  York*  .     . 

648,759 

635,757 

30,231 

626 

36 

- 

North  Carolina . 

134,784 

147,902 

2,787 

32 

- 

11 

Ohio     .... 

416,054 

396,455 

24,356 

3,496 

23 

- 

Oregon     .     .     . 

33,291 

26,522 

1,677 

363 

3 

- 

Pennsylvania     . 

526,091 

446,633 

20,947 

3,873 

30 

- 

Rhode  Island    . 

21,968 

17,530 

1,250 

18 

4 

- 

South  Carolina  ■ 

13,736 

65,825 

- 

- 

— 

9 

Tennessee     .     . 

138,988 

158,779 

5,969 

48 

- 

12 

Texas  .... 

88,422 

234,883 

4,749 

29,459 

- 

13 

Vermont  .     .     . 

45,192 

16,785 

1,460 

- 

4 

- 

Virginia  .     .     . 

150,438 

151,977 

1,678 

- 

- 

12 

West  Virginia  . 

77,791 

79,664 

669 

1,064 

- 

6 

Wisconsin     .     . 

176,553 

155,232 

14,277 

8,552 

11 
233 

■■ 

Total   .... 

5,439,853 

5,540,329 

249,506 

146,935 

168 

*  1591  for  CurtiB,  American,    t  150  for  Cowdrey,  United  Labor.    \  2668  for  Cowdrey 


484  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Salisbury  was  called  to  the  matter ;  and  when  the  British  pre- 
mier failed  to  regard  Lord  Sackville's  indiscretion  as  a  serious 
offence,  if  indeed  he  regarded  it  as  an  offence  at  all,  the  Presi- 
dent directed  that  the  British  minister  be  informed  that  he  was 
no  longer  persona  grata,  and  that  his  passports  should  be  given 
to  him.  The  incident  was  variously  regarded  at  the  time. 
Some  deemed  the  whole  affair  an  amusing  illustration  of  the 
tendency  to  magnify  what  is  really  insignificant  when  an  elec- 
tion is  pending.  Those  who  took,  or  affected  to  take,  a  serious 
view  of  the  matter,  vented  their  indignation,  according  to  the 
party  to  which  they  respectively  belonged,  upon  the  sharp  pol- 
itician who  prepared  a  pitfall  for  the  diplomatist,  or  upon  the 
minister,  who,  they  said,  had  revealed  the  partiality  of  the  gov- 
ernment he  represented  for  one  of  the  two  parties.  Great  Brit- 
ain took  the  expulsion  of  Lord  Sackville  so  seriously  that  it 
refused  to  appoint  another  minister  until  after  the  close  of  Mr. 
Cleveland's  administration. 

The  number  of  States  participating  in  the  election  was,  as 
in  1884,  thirty-eight.  The  Democrats  carried  the  entire  South, 
together  with  the  States  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey.  The 
other  States  of  the  North,  including  the  doubtful  States  of 
New  York  and  Indiana,  chose  Republican  electors.  The  pop- 
ular and  electoral  votes  are  given  on  the  preceding  page. 

The  statement  of  the  popular  vote  is  that  printed  in  Apple- 
tons'  "  Annual  Cyclopaedia  "  for  1888.  It  differs  slightly  in 
the  vote  of  several  States  from  that  given  in  McPherson's 
"Handbook  of  Politics,"  and  in  the  New  York  "Tribune 
Almanac,"  edited  by  Mr.  McPherson.  A  comparison  of  the 
totals  is  printed  on  the  next  page.  The  returns  were  "  offi- 
cial "  in  each  case;  the  reason  why  they  do  not  agree  does 
not  appear.  It  may  be  suggested  that  the  return  in  the  one 
case  is  that  of  the  vote  for  the  leading  elector  on  each  ticket, 
and  in  the  other  case  the  average  vote  for  all  the  electors  on 
each  ticket  respectively.  This  is  apparently  not  the  true 
explanation.  The  aggregate  difference  between  the  two  state- 
ments is  not  large. 

There  are  other  returns  which  differ  from  both  of  those 
given.  Possibly  they  also  may  have  been  obtained  from  "  offi- 
cial "  sources.  The  discrepancies  are  not  important,  but  they 
illustrate  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  exact  statistics  when  the 
ultimate  authority  varies  its  reply  to  the  same  question. 

The  count  of  electoral  votes  following  this  election  was  the 


THE  SECOND  HARRISON 


485 


Cleveland      .... 

Harrison 

Fisk 

Streator 

Curtis 

Cowdrey 

Socialist  and  scattering 

Total  vote .    .    . 


Appletons  : 
Cyclopaedia. 


5,540,329 

5,439,853 

249,506 

146,935 

1,591 

2,818 

7,006 


11,388,038 


McPherson : 

Handbook  and 

Almanac. 


5,536,242 

5,440,708 

246,876 

146,836 

1,591 

3,073 

9,845 


11,385,171 


first  to  take  place  under  the  act  of  February  3,  1887,  and  the 
first  in  the  history  of  the  government  under  the  Constitution 
which  was  regulated  by  a  general  law,  and  did  not  require  pre- 
vious concurrent  action  by  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  for  the 
time  being.  The  joint  convention  for  counting  the  votes  was 
held  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  February 
13,  1889.  The  proceedings  were  devoid  of  striking  incident. 
Mr.  Cox,  of  New  York,  called  attention  to  a  slight  deviation 
from  the  precise  requirements  of  the  law.  It  appears  that  Mr. 
Ingalls,  the  President  jyro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  who  presided, 
did  not  "  call  for  objections,  if  any,"  after  the  reading  of  each 
certificate,  as  directed  by  section  four  of  the  law  (see  p.  454). 
The  official  report  of  the  proceedings  does  not  state  whether  or 
not  the  presiding  officer  changed  his  method  after  attention  was 
called  to  the  matter.  When  the  vote  of  Indiana  was  reported, 
the  vote  of  the  President-elect's  own  State,  there  was  applause, 
which  was  quickly  suppressed.  Mr.  Manderson,  the  first  of 
the  Senate  tellers,  reported  the  state  of  the  vote  in  detail,  and 
in  a  summary  ;  the  presiding  officer  repeated  the  summary,  and 
added  a  formula,  drawn  from  the  law,  that  this  announcement 
of  the  state  of  the  vote  "  is,  by  law,  a  sufficient  declaration  " 
that  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  had  been 
elected  President,  and  Levi  P.  Morton,  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  Vice-President,  for  the  ensuing  term. 


XXX 

CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION 

The  victory  of  the  Republicans,  although  narrow,  was  com- 
plete. A  safe  majority  of  the  electoral  vote  was  supplemented 
by  a  meagre  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress.  A  factional 
quarrel  among  the  Democrats  of  Delaware  threw  the  legisla- 
ture of  that  State  into  the  hands  of  the  Republicans,  who  thus 
regained  the  one  Senator,  lost  in  Virginia,  needed  to  give  them 
ascendency  in  the  upper  house.  The  House  of  Representa- 
tives was  so  closely  divided  between  the  two  parties  as  to  give 
some  ground  for  the  apprehension  that  certain  Democratic  gov- 
ernors in  southern  States  would  revise  and  amend  the  returns 
for  Congressmen,  and  withhold  certificates  from  candidates  who 
apparently  had  received  a  plurality  of  votes.  In  one  case  only 
•  did  a  governor  assume  authority  to  pass  judicially  upon  the 
county  returns,  and  his  act  was  not  sufficient  to  overcome  the 
Republican  majority.  The  victorious  party  felt  itself  returned 
permanently  to  power  in  the  country  ;  and  the  exultant  re- 
mark was  commonly  made  that,  "  if  we  behave  ourselves  well," 
the  Republicans  could  not  be  shaken  from  their  hold  upon  the 
government  for  twenty  years  to  come. 

The  four  years'  term  of  Benjamin  Harrison  which  followed 
was  a  period  of  as  bitter  party  strife  as  the  country  has  ever 
seen.  It  was  crowded  with  events  that  had  a  direct  bearing 
upon  the  ensuing  election.  The  Republicans  proceeded  to 
carry  through  their  measures  with  perfect  confidence  that  they 
had  the  people  behind  them  ;  the  Democrats  waged  an  aggres- 
sive and  unrelenting  war  upon  them.  In  the  end  it  was  evi- 
dent that  the  dominant  party  had  exposed  itself  to  attack  at 
too  many  points.  The  favor  of  the  people  was  withdrawn 
when  the  administration  was  at  its  mid-point,  and  given  to  the 
opposition  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  At  the  close  of  the 
four  years  the  control  of  every  department  of  the  government, 
except  the  judicial,  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Democrats, 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  487 

where  it  had  not  been  placed  since  the  election  of  James 
Buchanan  in  1856. 

When  the  Fifty-first  Congress  met,  in  December,  1889,  the 
extremely  small  Republican  majority  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, as  elected  in  1888,  was  reinforced  by  the  addition 
of  five  members  from  newly  admitted  States.  The  two  parties 
had  been  engaged  in  a  competition  for  the  favor  of  the  people 
of  the  Territories  clamoring  for  admission  to  the  Union.  For 
several  years  Republicans  had  urged  the  passage  of  an  ena- 
bling act  for  Dakota.  The  Democrats,  knowing  that  the  pro- 
posed new  State  would  be  against  them,  had  prevented  its 
admission  until  the  Territory  became  populous  enough,  as  it 
was  territorially  large  enough,  to  claim  division,  and  admission 
as  two  States.  Then  the  Democrats  proposed  to  offset  the 
two  Dakotas  by  admitting  at  the  same  time  Washington  and 
Montana,  both  of  which  they  expected  to  control.  The  Re- 
publicans feared  that  opposition  to  the  admission  of  Washing- 
ton and  Montana  —  which  they  knew  would  be  futile  in  any 
event  —  would  insure  their  becoming  Democratic  States.  Ac- 
cordingly they  gave  their  support  to  the  "  omnibus "  bill, 
which  became  a  law  in  February,  1889.  All  four  of  the 
States  were  carried  by  the  Republicans  at  the  first  election, 
and  added  eight  votes  to  the  strength  of  the  party  in  the 
Senate,  and  five  —  South  Dakota  elected  two  members  —  to 
the  Republican  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
But  after  these  five  votes  were  added,  the  majority  in  the 
House  was  still  too  small  to  be  effective.  The  chance  absence 
of  a  few  members  might  easily  convert  it  into  a  minority. 
Moreover,  the  rules  of  the  House  and  the  —  to  that  time  — 
uniform  interpretation  of  the  quorum  clause  of  the  Constitu- 
tion rendered  a  narrow  majority  powerless  for  affirmative 
action  in  the  face  of  determined  "  filibustering." 

Mr.  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine,  who  was  chosen  Speaker, 
had  long  held  two  views  directly  opposed  to  accepted  parlia- 
mentary law.  He  maintained  that  the  vote  of  a  member  was 
not  the  only  method  of  revealing  his  presence  in  the  House  as 
a  part  of  a  constitutional  quorum ;  that  the  House  itself,  or 
the  Speaker  as  the  organ  of  the  House,  might  take  cognizance 
of  his  physical  presence  and  count  him  as  a  present  member. 
Under  the  previously  accepted  theory,  the  ruling  party  could 
pass  no  motion  if,  not  mustering  a  full  quorum,  of  its  own 
members,  the  opposition  unanimously  refused  to  vote.     Mr.. 


188  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Speaker  Reed  acted  upon  his  own  theory,  prior  to  the  adop. 
tion  of  any  rules,  by  counting  as  present  non-voting  members 
who  were  otherwise  taking  part  in  the  proceedings.  The  other 
point  whereon  he  differed  from  earlier  parliamentary  authori- 
ties was  that  of  dilatory  motions.  Congress  had  long  before 
limited  the  "  freedom  of  debate  "  by  a  rule  which  restricted  a 
member's  right  to  occupy  the  floor  on  any  motion  to  the  space 
of  one  hour.  It  had  limited  his  right  to  make  motions  by  the 
"previous  question."  But  it  had  left  open  for  his  use  certain 
privileged  motions  which,  made  alternately  and  decided  in 
each  case  by  a  roll-call,  would  put  a  complete  and  indefinite 
stop  to  public  business.  The  Speaker  proposed  a  new  code  of 
rules  of  parliamentary  procedure,  which  included  a  recognition 
of  the  right  to  "  count  a  quorum, "  an  absolute  prohibition  of 
dilatory  motions,  and  some  minor  amendments  of  the  current 
parliamentary  law.  The  code  was  debated  with  great  asperity, 
but  was  finally  adopted  by  a  party  vote.  It  made  the  majority 
masters  of  the  House,  and  enabled  them  to  pass  measures  which 
never  would  have  been  brought  to  a  vote  under  the  old  sys- 
tem. It  added  greatly  to  the  power  of  the  Speaker  in  the 
conduct  of  business,  and  to  his  control  over  legislation.  Mr. 
Speaker  Reed's  strong  will  and  undaunted  courage,  in  enfor- 
cing his  new  rules  against  violent  opposition,  earned  for  him 
with  the  Democratic  members  the  title  of  "  Czar."  Not  a  few 
of  them  admitted  that  his  position  was  sound  and  logical, 
while  they  condemned  his  forceful  maintenance  of  it.  The 
Republicans  applauded  ;  and  the  whole  country  saw  afterward 
that  it  was  upon  him,  far  more  than  upon  any  other  person, 
that  the  responsibility  rested  for  things  done  and  left  undone 
by  the  Fifty-first  Congress. 

The  Republicans  proceeded,  promptly  and  mercilessly,  to 
decide  contested  elections  by  ejecting  Democrats  and  giving 
the  places  to  members  of  their  own  party,  thus  increasing  their 
effective  majority.  The  fact  that  the  number,  both  of  con- 
tested seats  and  of  members  displaced,  was  unusually  large 
they  explained  by  asserting  that  fraud  had  been  unusually  rife 
in  the  elections  and  returns.  The  opposition  accused  the  ma- 
jority of  using  its  power  to  override  and  reverse  the  will  of 
the  people  expressed  at  the  polls.  In  many  cases  the  Demo- 
crats refused  to  answer  to  their  names  when  the  resolutions 
unseating  their  members  were  put  to  vote  ;  some  of  them  were 
counted,  though  not  voting,  to  make  up  the  quorum. 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  489 

Both  parties  were  committed,  by  platform  and  by  the  pro- 
mises of  their  candidates  and  leaders,  to  a  revision  of  customs 
duties.  A  large  part  of  the  session  was  occupied  in  the  elabo- 
ration of  a  tariff  bill.  It  was  reported  by  Mr.  McKinley,  of 
Ohio,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  in 
April ;  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  in  May  ; 
was  passed  by  the  Senate  in  September  ;  and,  after  an  adjust- 
ment of  the  differences  between  the  two  Houses  by  a  confer- 
ence committee,  was  sent  to  the  President,  by  whom  it  was 
signed  on  the  1st  of  October.  The  act  was  popularly  styled 
the  "  McKinley  Bill,"  and  as  such  played  a  great  part  in  the 
political  events  of  the  next  three  years.  The  principle  of  the 
bill  was  to  lighten  the  burden  borne  by  the  people  by  remov- 
ing altogether  the  duty  on  sugar,  the  article  most  productive 
of  revenue  of  all  commodities  entered  at  the  custom-houses, 
and  at  the  same  time  to  make  the  system  of  "  protection  " 
more  thorough  by  raising  the  rates  of  duty  on  all  foreign  arti- 
cles which,  under  the  previous  tariff,  could  compete  success- 
fully with  similar  articles  of  domestic  production.  The  Amer- 
ican sugar-planters  were  compensated  for  the  withdrawal  of 
tariff  protection  by  means  of  a  bounty  on  their  production. 
The  Tariff  Act  of  1890  went  beyond  any  previous  measure  of 
the  kind  in  its  levy  of  duty  on  agricultural  productions  im- 
ported from  abroad.  The  avowed  intention  of  its  partisans 
was  to  give  the  farmer  protection  equal  to  that  enjoyed  by  the 
manufacturer.  The  McKinley  Act  aroused  the  unmeasured 
opposition  of  the  Democrats,  who  could  find  no  words  ade- 
quate to  express  their  detestation  of  it,  and  of  what  they 
denounced  as  the  bad  faith  of  the  Republicans.  In  their  view 
the  people  had  demanded  a  substantial  reduction  of  the  tariff, 
and  had  given  the  Republican  party  a  commission  to  carry  out 
their  will.  That  party  had  solicited  and  obtained  the  privi- 
lege of  making  the  reduction  in  a  spirit  friendly  to  the  protec- 
tive system  and  to  the  manufacturers.  Now,  so  the  Democrats 
declared,  the  party  in  power  had  violated  its  pledge  by  bring- 
ing forward  a  proposition  in  which  increases  of  the  rates  of 
duty  were  far  more  numerous  than  reductions.  But  the  Re- 
publicans were  unmoved  by  the  criticism,  and  persisted  in 
their  course.  Some  of  their  leaders  made  no  secret  of  an  opin- 
ion that  the  measure  was  too  radical.  In  particular,  Mr. 
Blaine,  the  Secretary  of  State,  expressed  the  opinion  openly, 
and   directed    attention  to  the   fact  that  while  the  bill  was 


490  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

professedly  drawn  in  the  interest  of  agriculture,  it  would  not 
open  any  foreign  market  to  American  flour  and  pork.  His 
influence  was  sufficient  to  secure  the  adoption  by  the  Senate 
of  an  amendment,  afterward  concurred  in  by  the  House,  au- 
thorizing the  negotiation  of  reciprocity  treaties  providing  foi 
the  admission  of  American  products,  at  favorable  rates  of  duty, 
into  the  countries  with  which  the  treaties  might  be  concluded. 
It  may  be  remarked  here  that  many  such  treaties  were  negoti- 
ated under  the  terms  of  the  McKinley  Act,  but,  as  will  be 
seen  presently,  they  were  denounced  by  the  Democrats  in 
their  national  platform  ;  and  during  the  ensuing  administra- 
tion the  authorization  of  such  treaties  was  withdrawn,  and  the 
treaties  themselves  were  abrogated. 

Another  most  important  measure  of  this  session  was  the 
act  which  subsequently  became  known  as  the  Sherman  Silver 
Purchase  Act.  The  history  of  this  legislation,  and  indeed  of 
the  whole  agitation  for  the  free  coinage  of  silver  during  the 
administration  of  President  Harrison,  is  most  interesting. 
But,  save  that  the  act  above  mentioned  served  for  the  time 
being  to  keep  the  Republican  party  together,  it  had  no  dis- 
tinct bearing  upon  the  election  of  the  next  President,  and 
therefore  the  record  of  what  was  done,  and  prevented,  in 
reference  to  silver,  is  reserved  for  the  next  chapter. 

A  third  measure,  which  never  became  a  law,  did  play  a 
certain  part  in  the  election,  namely,  the  bill  to  regulate  na- 
tional elections,  styled  by  the  Democrats  the  "  Force  Bill." 
The  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the 
first  session  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress ;  it  failed  in  the  Senate 
at  the  second  session  through  the  defection  of  a  certain  num- 
ber of  Republican  senators  who  favored  the  free  coinage  of 
silver.  It  was  well  understood,  and  indeed  not  concealed, 
that  there  was  a  temporary  alliance  between  these  senators 
and  the  Democrats.  Some  of  the  Democratic  senators  showed 
at  the  time  a  toleration  toward  the  silver  movement  which 
they  did  not  manifest  before  nor  afterward. 

The  McKinley  tariff  act  went  into  effect  just  before  the 
general  congressional  elections  of  November,  1890.  The 
Democrats  had  succeeded  in  making  it  exceedingly  unpopular 
even  before  it  was  finally  passed  ;  and  they  followed  up  its 
enactment  with  vigorous  assaults  upon  its  promoters,  and  en- 
ergetic efforts  to  convince  the  people  that  it  was  detrimental 
to  their  interests.     Success   was   comparatively  easy,  for  the 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  491 

increase  of  duty  on  certain  articles  of  common  consumption 
was  distinctly  perceptible  in  the  retail  price.  While  it  is  im- 
possible to  estimate  the  exact  influence  of  this  event  and  that 
in  bringing  about  a  political  revulsion,  and  while  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  other  acts  of  the  Republican  party  contributed 
their  share  toward  its  overthrow,  certainly  the  quick  popular 
condemnation*  of  the  tariff  act  was  the  most  potent  agent  in 
determining  the  result  of  the  congressional  election  in  1890. 
The  Republicans  were  overwhelmed  at  the  polls.  They  lost 
more  than  one  half  of  their  strength  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives;  and  the  Democrats  lacked  but  a  few  votes  of  a 
three-fourths  majority.  The  sixteen  Southern  States,  return- 
ing 121  members,  elected  but  three  Republicans.  Even  New 
England  returned  a  majority  of  Democratic  members.  A 
highly  significant  feature  of  this  election  was  the  great  stride 
made  by  the  party  which  had  begun  its  existence  as  the 
"  Farmers'  Alliance,''  but  which  now  became  known  as  the 
"  People's  Party,"  or  "  Populists."  In  several  of  the  West- 
ern States  this  party  made  a  brave  showing  as  an  independent 
organization,  maintaining  a  separate  existence  and  voting  for 
its  own  candidates.  In  others  it  allied  itself  with  the  Demo- 
crats. It  succeeded  in  electing  nine  members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  held  such  a  strong  position  in  the  legis- 
latures of  Kansas  and  South  Dakota  as  to  be  able  to  send  two 
members  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  political  situation  established  by  the  elections  of  1890 
changed  but  slightly  during  the  ensuing  two  years.  The 
conditions  were  of  course  not  favorable  to  legislation,  and  the 
Democrats  wisely  attempted  nothing  beyond  proposing  amend- 
ments of  the  tariff.  The  few  elections  which  took  place  in 
1891  did  not  indicate  that  the  Republicans  had  regained  the 
ground  lost  the  year  before ;  but  they  did  show  some  recovery, 
and  gave  the  party  reason  to  hope  that  it  might  succeed  in  the 
coming  contest.  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  in  particular,  gave 
evidence  of  a  reaction  in  favor  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
local  elections  in  New  York  State,  and  the  annual  election  in 
Rhode  Island,  in  the  spring  of  1892,  were  still  more  encour- 
aging to  them.  Indeed,  a  peculiar  situation  developed  itself: 
about  a  year  before  the  presidential  election.  The  active 
politicians  of  both  the  great  parties  were  opposed  to  the  lead- 
ing candidates.  On  the  Democratic  side  they  attributed  the 
loss  of  the  election  in  1888  to  Mr.   Cleveland's  forcing  the 


492  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

tariff  issue ;  and,  although  the  popular  judgment  had  seemed 
to  be  reversed  in  1890,  they  were  still  afraid  to  appeal  to  the 
people  for  a  fresh  verdict  on  the  question  of  protection  or  free 
trade.  Moreover,  Mr.  Cleveland  himself  was  not  and  had 
never  been  personally  popular  with  the  men  who  managed 
caucuses  and  conventions.  Most  important  of  all,  as  it  then 
seemed,  there  was  a  factional  division  of  the  party  in  New 
York.  Governor  David  B.  Hill  was  in  control  of  the  party 
machinery.  He  was  himself  an  avowed  candidate  for  the 
presidency.  Rightly  or  wrongly,  he  was  accused  of  having 
defeated  the  Democratic  electors  in  New  York  in  1888,  while 
securing  his  own  election  as  governor.  The  electoral  vote  of 
New  York  was  deemed  absolutely  essential  to  success,  and 
great  stress  was  laid  upon  the  inexpediency  of  nominating  for 
President  a  man  who  was  represented  to  be  foredoomed  to 
defeat  in  that  State. 

Mr.  Harrison,  on  the  other  hand,  had  not  gained  popularity 
in  his  own  party,  either  with  the  politicians  or  with  the  com- 
mon people.  It  was  understood  that  there  was  friction  be- 
tween him  and  Mr.  Blaine,  his  Secretary  of  State  ;  and  Mr. 
Blaine's  devoted  partisans  were,  for  that  reason,  against  the 
nomination  of  the  President  for  a  second  term,  without  know- 
ing the  cause  of  unpleasantness  nor  the  merits  of  the  case. 
The  President  had  won  the  esteem  of  his  party  by  his  admin- 
istration, but  to  himself  he  had  attached  no  large  body  of 
personal  admirers  and  adherents.  Nevertheless  there  was  a 
general  expectation  that  he  would  be  again  a  candidate.  The 
general  sentiment  of  the  party  may  be  best  described  as  one  of 
indifference.  The  rank  and  file  of  the  party  were  not  opposed 
to  Mr.  Harrison,  as  were  many  of  the  leaders,  nor  were  they 
eager  for  his  nomination  for  a  second  term.  The  opponents  of 
the  President  endeavored  to  take  advantage  of  this  condition  of 
the  public  mind,  and  organized  to  defeat  him.  They  turned, 
of  course,  to  Mr.  Blaine  as  the  natural  candidate  in  such  cir- 
cumstances. But  that  gentleman  disconcerted  them  by  writ- 
ing a  letter  in  February,  1892,  announcing  that  he  was  not  a 
candidate.  Had  there  been  no  other  reason  for  the  decision, 
Mr.  Blaine's  health  was  seriously  and  permanently  impaired. 
His  withdrawal  from  the  field  left  the  opponents  of  Mr.  Har- 
rison no  man  of  sufficient  strength  and  prominence  to  make 
headway  against  him,  and,  although  they  continued  to  protest 
against  his  nomination  to  the  last,  their  defeat  was  inevitable. 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  493 

The  campaign  opened  with  a  startling  event.  On  January 
25,  almost  as  soon  as  the  call  for  the  Democratic  national 
convention  had  been  issued,  the  New  York  Democratic  state 
committee  called  the  state  convention  to  choose  the  delegates, 
to  meet  on  the  22d  of  February,  —  four  full  months  before  the 
national  convention.  The  hand  of  Governor  Hill  was  seen 
clearly  in  this  action.  The  plan  was,  and  it  was  subsequently 
carried  out,  to  choose  a  full  delegation  to  Chicago  pledged  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Hill  and  to  oppose  Mr.  Cleveland.  A  chorus  of 
indignant  protest  against  the  "  snap  convention  "  was  raised  at 
once  by  Mr.  Cleveland's  friends,  who  organized,  not  to  control 
that  convention,  which  would  be  hopeless  while  all  the  party 
machinery  was  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but  to  send  another 
delegation  to  Chicago  representing,  as  they  asserted,  a  majority 
of  the  Democratic  voters  of  the  State.  Those  who  joined  in 
this  anti-Hill  movement  were  known  popularly  as  "  anti- 
snappers.  " 

During  the  spring  months  the  delegates  to  the  several  con- 
ventions were  chosen.  On  the  Republican  side  the  party 
elections  were  largely  in  favor  of  General  Harrison.  Never- 
theless, the  number  of  uninstructed  delegates  was  so  large  that 
his  success  was  by  no  means  assured.  The  Democratic  state 
and  district  conventions  were  overwhelmingly  in  favor  of  Mr. 
Cleveland.  It  was  evident  that,  unless  the  Hill  delegation 
from  New  York  could  rule  the  national  convention  by  fear, 
Mr.  Cleveland  would  receive  far  more  than  the  necessary  two 
thirds  on  the  first  vote. 

The  convention  period  was  a  time  of  great  excitement, 
despite  the  fact  which  all  could  see,  save  those  who  would 
not  see,  that  the  nominations  were  predetermined.  In  the 
case  of  General  Harrison,  and  equally  so  in  the  case  of  Mr. 
Cleveland,  determined  and  bitter  antagonism  was  manifested 
to  the  evident  choice  of  a  majority  of  delegates  until  the  very 
end.  The  opponents  of  the  President  endeavored  to  rally 
around  Mr.  Blaine,  but  his  letter  declining  to  be  a  candidate 
stood  in  the  way  of  their  success.  Although  he  added  nothing 
to  that  letter  and  took  nothing  away  from  it,  yet  some  of  his 
adherents  declared  that  he  would  not  refuse  a  nomination  if 
tendered  to  him.  But  others  of  his  oldest  and  stanchest 
friends,  who  had  become  partisans  of  Mr.  Harrison,  after  Mr. 
Blaine's  withdrawal,  insisted  that  the  Secretary  of  State  would 
not  and  could  not  be  a  candidate.     Three   days    before   the 


494  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

meeting  of  the  Republican  convention  Mr.  Blaine  suddenly 
resigned  from  the  Cabinet.  His  act  threw  the  whole  country 
into  a  condition  of  amazed  and  wondering  bewilderment. 
What  did  it  mean  ?  Had  the  relations  between  the  Presi- 
dent and  the  Secretary  become  intolerable  ?  Had  the  Secre- 
tary changed  his  intention  not  to  be  a  candidate  ?  Had  his 
health  at  last  broken  down  ?  An  authoritative  answer  to  the 
series  of  questions  has  never  been  given.  Every  one  who 
discussed  it  believed  that  the  act  of  resignation  and  the  time 
chosen  for  it  had  a  direct  connection  with  the  approach  of  the 
time  for  the  meeting  of  the  national  convention.  But  since 
it  was  as  easy  to  give  the  interpretation  that  Mr.  Blaine  pur- 
posed retiring  from  public  life,  as  to  deem  his  purposed  resig- 
nation a  mark  of  willingness  again  to  enter  the  field,  the 
startling  change  in  the  situation  gave  no  help  to  the  opponents 
of  Mr.  Harrison,  nor  did  it  concentrate  their  efforts  upon  an 
attempt  to  nominate  Mr.  Blaine.  It  simply  added  to  the  pre- 
vailing confusion. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  Minneapolis,  June  7, 
1892.  Mr.  J.<  Sloat  Fassett,  of  New  York,  was  the  temporary 
chairman,  and  Governor  William  McKinley,  Jr.,  of  Ohio,  the 
permanent  president.  The  drafting  of  the  platform  was  a 
difficult  task,  owing  to  the  demands  of  the  partisans  of  silver 
money  that  the  party  should  make  a  declaration  in  favor  of 
free  coinage.  This  demand  was  resisted,  and  the  "  plank  " 
relating  to  the  money  question  was  a  compromise.  The  plat- 
form, reported  and  adopted  on  June  9,  was  as  follows :  — 

The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States, 
assembled  in  general  convention  on  the  shores  of  the  Mississippi 
River,  the  everlasting  bond  of  an  indestructible  republic,  whose 
most  glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the  record  of  the  Republican 
party,  congratulate  their  countrymen  on  the  majestic  march  of 
the  nation  under  the  banners  inscribed  with  the  principles  of  our 
platform  of  1888,  vindicated  by  victory  at  the  polls  and  prosperity 
in  our  fields,  workshops,  and  mines,  and  make  the  following  decla- 
ration of  principles :  — 

kWe  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protection.  We  call  at- 
tention to  its  growth  abroad.  We  maintain  that  the  prosperous 
condition  of  our  country  is  largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue  legisla- 
tion of  the  Republican  Congress. 

We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  produced  in  the 
United  States,  except  luxuries,  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty, 
and  that  on  all  imports  coming  into  competition  with  the  products 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  495 

of  American  labor  there  should  be  levied  duties  equal  to  the  dif- 
ference between  wages  abroad  and  at  home. 

We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of  general 
consumption  have  been  reduced  under  the  operations  of  the  Tariff 
Act  of  1890. 
I  We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  destroy  our  tariff  laws  piecemeal,  as 
is  manifested  by  their  attacks  upon  wool,  lead  and  lead  ores,  the 
chief  products  of  a  number  of  States,  and  we  ask  the  people  for 
their  judgment  thereon. 

We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican  policy  of  reciprocity, 
under  which  our  export  trade  has  vastly  increased,  and  new  and 
enlarged  markets  have  been  opened  for  the  products  of  our  farms 
and  workshops. 

We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to  this  practical  business  measure,  and  claim  that, 
executed  by  a  Republican  administration,  our  present  laws  will 
eventually  give  us  control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  interest,  favor  bimet- 
allism, and  the  Republican  party  demands  the  use  of  both  gold 
and  silver  as  standard  money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under 
such  provisions,  to  be  determined  by  legislation,  as  will  secure  the 
maintenance  of  the  parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so  that  the 
purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  of  the  dollar,  whether  of  silver, 
gold,  or  paper,  shall  be  at  all  times  equal.  The  interests  of  the 
producers  of  the  country,  its  farmers  and  its  workingmen,  demand 
that  every  dollar,  paper  or  coin,  issued  by  the  government,  shall 
be  as  good  as  any  other. 

We  commend  the  wise  and  patriotic  steps  already  taken  by  our 
government  to  secure  an  international  conference  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value  between  gold  and  silver 
for  use  as  money  throughout  the  world. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot  in  all  public  elec- 
tions, and  that  sucli  ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as  cast ; 
that  such  laws  shall  be  enacted  and  enforced  as  will  secure  to 
every  citizen,  be  he  rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  born,  white  or 
black,  this  sovereign  right  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution.  The 
free  and  honest  popular  ballot,  the  just  and  equal  representation 
of  all  the  people,  as  well  as  their  just  and  equal  protection  under 
the  laws,  are  the  foundation  of  our  republican  institutions,  and 
the  party  will  never  relax  its  efforts  until  the  integrity  of  the 
ballot  and  the  purity  of  elections  shall  be  fully  guaranteed  and 
protected  in  every  State. 

We  denounce  the  continued  inhuman  outrages  perpetrated  upon 


496  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

American  citizens  for  political  reasons  in  certain  Southern  State* 
of  the  Union. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  the  restora- 
tion of  our  mercantile  marine  by  home-built  ships,  and  the  creation 
of  a  navy  for  the  protection  of  our  national  interests  and  the 
honor  of  our  flag ;  the  maintenance  of  the  most  friendly  relations 
with  all  foreign  powers,  entangling  alliances  with  none,  and  the 
protection  of  the  rights  of  our  fishermen. 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  and  believe 
in  the  achievement  of  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  republic  in  its 
broadest  sense. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  more  stringent  laws  and  regulations 
for  the  restriction  of  criminal,  pauper,  and  contract  immigration. 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to  protect  the  life 
and  limbs  of  employees  of  transportation  companies  engaged  in 
carrying  on  interstate  commerce,  and  recommend  legislation  by 
the  respective  States  that  will  protect  employees  engaged  in  state 
commerce,  in  mining  and  manufacturing. 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the  champion  of  the 
oppressed,  and  recognizes  the  dignity  of  manhood,  irrespective  of 
faith,  color,  or  nationality ;  it  sympathizes  with  the  cause  of  home 
rule  in  Ireland,  and  protests  against  the  persecution  of  the  Jews 
in  Russia. 

The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  government  is  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  people  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom  among  men. 
We  therefore  declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty  of  thought  and 
conscience,  of  speech  and  press,  and  approve  all  agencies  and  in- 
strumentalities which  contribute  to  the  education  of  the  children 
of  the  land ;  but,  while  insisting  upon  the  fullest  measure  of  reli- 
gious liberty,  we  are  opposed  to  any  union  of  church  and  state. 

We  reaffirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the  Republican  platform 
of  1888,  to  all  combinations  of  capital,  organized  in  trusts  or  other- 
wise, to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among  our  citi- 
zens. We  heartily  indorse  the  action  already  taken  upon  this 
subject,  and  ask  for  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  required  to 
remedy  any  defects  in  existing  laws,  and  to  render  their  enforce- 
ment more  complete  and  effective. 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  to  towns,  villages,  and  rural 
communities  the  advantages  of  the  free  delivery  service,  now  en- 
joyed by  the  larger  cities  of  the  country,  and  reaffirm  the  declara- 
tion contained  in  the  Republican  platform  of  1888,  pledging  the 
reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent,  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  the  Post-office  Depart- 
ment, and  the  highest  class  of  postal  service. 

We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  reform  in  the  civil  sei> 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  497 

vice,  and  the  wise  and  consistent  enforcement  by  the  Republican 
party  of  the  laws  regulating  the  same. 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the  highest  im- 
portance to  the  American  people,  both  as  a  measure  of  national 
defence  and  to  build  up  and  maintain  American  commerce,  and  it 
should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States  government. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at  the 
earliest  practical  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All  the  fed- 
eral officers  appointed  for  the  Territories  should  be  selected  from 
honaf.de  residents  thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-government  should 
be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  favor  cession,  subject  to  the  homestead  laws,  of  the  arid 
public  lands  to  the  States  and  Territories  in  which  they  lie,  under 
such  congressional  restrictions  as  to  disposition,  reclamation,  and 
occupancy  by  settlers  as  will  secure  the  maximum  benefits  to  the 
people. 

The  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  great  national  under- 
taking, and  Congress  should  promptly  enact  such  reasonable  legis- 
lation in  aid  thereof  as  will  ensure  a  discharge  of  the  expenses  and 
obligations  incident  thereto,  and  the  attainment  of  results  com- 
mensurate with  the  dignity  and  progress  of  the  nation. 

In  temperance  we  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate 
efforts  to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  pro- 
mote morality. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  services  and  sacrifices  of  the  men  who 
saved  the  life  of  the  nation,  we  pledge  anew  to  the  veteran  sol- 
diers of  the  republic  a  watchful  care  and  recognition  of  their  just 
claims  upon  a  grateful  people. 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic,  and  thoroughly  American 
administration  of  President  Harrison.  Under  it  the  country  has 
enjoyed  remarkable  prosperity,  and  the  dignity  and  honor  of  the 
nation,  at  borne  and  abroad,  have  been  faithfully  maintained,  and 
we  offer  the  record  of  pledges  kept  as  a  guarantee  of  faithful  per- 
formance in  the  future. 

President  Harrison  was  nominated  for  reelection  on  the  first 
vote,  June  10.     The  result  of  the  polling  was  as  follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 905 

Necessary  for  a  choice 453 

Benjamin  Harrison,  Indiana ,     .  535^ 

James  G.  Blaine,  Maine 182£ 

William  McKinley,  Jr.,  Ohio 182 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  Maine 4 

Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Illinois 1 


498  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  fractional  votes  here  reported  resulted  firm  the  division 
of  the  voting  power  between  contesting  deleguies  in  North 
Carolina  and  Mississippi.  In  the  one  case  the  division  was 
into  thirds,  and  in  the  other  into  halves  of  votes.  The  com- 
bination of  fractions  caused  an  erroneous  appearance  of  a  more 
minute  division  than  really  existed. 

Whitelaw  Reid,  of  New  York,  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  by  acclamation. 

The  Democratic  convention  met  at  Chicago  on  June  21. 
William  C.  Owens,  of  Kentucky,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  William  L.  Wilson,  of  West  Virginia,  the  permanent  presi- 
dent. The  platform  was  reported  on  the  evening  of  June  22. 
As  adopted  it  was  as  follows  :  — 

Section  1.  The  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
United  States,  in  national  convention  assembled,  do  reaffirm  their 
allegiance  to  the  principles  of  the  party  as  formulated  by  Jeffer- 
son, and  exemplified  by  the  long  and  illustrious  line  of  his  suc- 
cessors in  Democratic  leadership,  from  Madison  to  Cleveland ;  we 
believe  the  public  welfare  demands  that  these  principles  be  applied 
to  the  conduct  of  the  federal  government  through  the  accession 
to  power  of  the  party  that  advocates  them  ;  and  we  solemnly  de- 
clare that  the  need  of  a  return  to  these  fundamental  principles  £>f 
a  free  popular  government,  based  on  home  rule  and  individual 
liberty,  was  never  more  urgent  than  now,  when  the  tendency  to 
centralize  all  power  at  the  federal  capital  has  become  a  menace 
to  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States  that  strikes  at  the  very  roots  of 
bur  government  under  the  Constitution  as  framed  by  the  fathers 
of  the  republic. 

Sec.  2.  We  warn  the  people  of  our  common  country,  jealous 
for  the  preservation  of  their  free  institutions,  that  the  policy  of 
federal  control  of  elections  to  which  the  Republican  party  has 
pommitted  itself  is  fraught  with  the  greatest  dangers,  scarcely 
less  momentous  than  would  result  from  a  revolution  practically 
establishing  monarchy  on  the  ruins  of  the  republic.  It  strikes  at 
the  North  as  well  as  the  South,  and  injures  the  colored  citizei\ 
even  more  than  the  white.  It  means  a  horde  of  deputy  marshals 
at  every  polling-place  armed  with  federal  power,  returning  boards 
appointed  and  controlled  by  federal  authority,  the  outrage  of  the 
electoral  rights  of  the  people  in  the  several  States,  the  subjugation 
of  the  colored  people  to  the  control  of  the  party  in  power,  and 
the  reviving  of  race  antagonisms  now  happily  abated,  of  the  ut- 
most peril  to  the  safety  and  happiness  of  all ;  a  measure  deliber- 
ately and  justly  described  by  a  leading  Republican  senator  as 
"the  most  infamous  bill  that  ever  crossed  the  threshold  of  the 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  499 

Senate."  Such  a  policy,  if  sanctioned  by  law,  would  mean  the 
dominance  of  a  self-perpetuating  oligarch}1-  of  office-holders,  and 
the  party  first  intrusted  with  its  machinery  could  be  dislodged 
from  power  only  by  an  appeal  to  the  reserved  right  of  the  people 
to  resist  oppression,  which  is  inherent  in  all  self-governing  com- 
munities. Two  years  ago,  this  revolutionary  policy  was  emphati- 
cally condemned  by  the  people  at  the  polls :  but  in  contempt  of 
that  verdict,  the  Republican  party  has  defiantly  declared  in  its 
latest  authoritative  utterance  that  its  success  in  the  coming  elec- 
tions will  mean  the  enactment  of  the  Force  bill,  and  the  usurpation 
of  despotic  control  over  'elections  in  all  the  States.  Believing  that 
the  preservation  of  republican  government  in  the  United  States 
is  dependent  upon  the  defeat  of  this  policy  of  legalized  force  and 
fraud,  we  invite  the  support  of  all  citizens  who  desire  to  see  the 
Constitution  maintained  in  its  integrity,  with  the  laws  pursuant 
thereto,  which  have  given  our  country  a  hundred  years  of  unex- 
ampled prosperity  ;  and  we  pledge  the  Democratic  party,  if  it  be 
intrusted  with  power,  not  only  to  the  defeat  of  the  Force  bill,  but 
also  to  relentless  opposition  to  the  Republican  policy  of  profligate 
expenditure,  which  in  the  short  space  of  two  years  has  squandered 
an  enormous  surplus,  and  emptied  an  overflowing  treasury,  after 
piling  new  burdens  of  taxation  upon  the  already  overtaxed  labor 
of  the  country. 

Sec.  3.  We  denounce  the  Republican  protection  as  a  fraud,  a 
robbery  of  the  great  majority  of  the  American  people  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few.  We  declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle 
of  the  Democratic  party  that  the  federal  government  has  no  con- 
stitutional power  to  impose  and  collect  tariff  duties,  except  for  the 
purposes  of  revenue  only,  and  we  demand  that  the  collection  of 
such  taxes  shall  be  limited  to  the  necessities  of  the  government 
when  honestly  and  economically  administered. 

We  denounce  the  McKinley  tariff  law  enacted  by  the  Fifty-first 
Congress  as  the  culminating  atrocity  of  class  legislation^  we  in- 
dorse the  efforts  made  by  the  Democrats  of  the  presents ongress 
to  modify  its  most  oppressive  features  in  the  direction  of  free  raw 
materials  and  cheaper  manufactured  goods  that  enter  into  general 
consumption,  and  we  promise  its  repeal  as  one  of  the  beneficent 
results  that  will  follow  the  action  of  the  people  in  intrusting  power 
to  the  Democratic  party.  Since  the  McKinley  tariff  went  into  oper- 
ation, there  have  been  ten  reductions  of  the  wages  of  laboring  men 
to  one  increase.  We  deny  that  there  has  been  any  increase  of 
prosperity  to  the  country  since  that  tariff  went  into  operation, 
and  we  point  to  the  dullness  and  distress,  the  wage  reductions  and 
strikes  in  the  iron  trade,  as  the  best  possible  evidence  that  no  such 
prosperity  has  resulted  from  the  McKinley  Act. 


500  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  call  the  attention  of  thoughtful  Americans  to  the  fact  that, 
after  thirty  years  of  restrictive  taxes  against  the  importation  of 
foreign  wealth  in  exchange  for  our  agricultural  surplus,  the  homes 
and  farms  of  the  country  have  become  burdened  with  a  real  estate 
mortgage  debt  of  over  $2,500,000,000,  exclusive  of  all  other  forms 
of  indebtedness ;  that  in  one  of  the  chief  agricultural  States  of  the 
West,  there  appears  a  real  estate  mortgage  debt  averaging  $165 
per  capita  of  the  total  population,  and  that  similar  conditions  and 
tendencies  are  shown  to  exist  in  the  other  agricultural  exporting 
States.  We  denounce  a  policy  which  fosters  no  industry  so  much 
as  it  does  that  of  the  sheriff. 

Sec.  4.  Trade  interchange  on  the  basis  of  reciprocal  advantage 
to  the  countries  participating  is  a  time-honored  doctrine  of  the 
Democratic  faith;  but  we  denounce  the  sham  reciprocity  which 
juggles  with  the  people's  desire  for  enlarged  foreign  markets  and 
freer  exchanges  by  pretending  to  establish  closer  trade  relations 
for  a  country  whose  articles  of  export  are  almost  exclusively  agri- 
cultural products  with  other  countries  that  are  also  agricultural, 
while  erecting  a  custom-house  barrier  of  prohibitive  tariff  taxes 
against  the  richest  countries  of  the  world,  that  stand  ready  to  take 
our  entire  surplus  of  products,  and  to  exchange  therefor  commo- 
dities which  are  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  among  our  own 
people. 

Sec.  5.  We  recognize,  in  the  trusts  and  combinations  which  are 
designed  to  enable  capital  to  secure  more  than  its  just  share  of 
the  joint  product  of  capital  and  labor,  a  natural  consequence  of  the 
prohibitive  taxes  which  prevent  the  free  competition  which  is 
the  life  of  honest  trade,  but  we  believe  their  worst  evils  can  be 
abated  by  law ;  and  we  demand  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws 
made  to  prevent  and  control  them,  together  with  such  further 
legislation  in  restraint  of  their  abuses  as  experience  may  show  to 
be  necessaiy. 

Sec.  6.  The  Republican  party,  while  professing  a  policy  of  re- 
serving the  public  land  for  small  holdings  by  actual  settlers,  has 
given  away  the  people's  heritage,  till  now  a  few  railroad  and  non- 
resident aliens,  individual  and  corporate,  possess  a  larger  area  than 
that  of  all  our  farms  between  the  two  seas.  The  last  Democratic 
administration  reversed  the  improvident  and  unwise  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  touching  the  public  domain,  and  reclaimed  from 
corporations  and  syndicates,  alien  and  domestic,  and  restored  to 
the  people,  nearly  100,000,000  acres  of  valuable  land,  to  be  sacredly 
held  as  homesteads  for  our  citizens,  and  we  pledge  ourselves  to 
continue  this  policy  until  every  acre  of  land  so  unlawfully  held 
shall  be  reclaimed  and  restored  to  the  people. 

Sec.  7.  We  denounce  the  Republican  legislation  known  as  the 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  501 

Sherman  Act  of  1890  as  a  cowardly  makeshift,  fraught  with  possi- 
bilities of  danger  in  the  future  which  should  make  all  of  its  sup- 
porters, as  well  as  its  author,  anxious  for  its  speedy  repeal.  We 
hold  to  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  the  standard  money  of 
the  country,  and  to  the  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  without 
discrimination  against  either  metal  or  charge  for  mintage;  but 
the  dollar  unit  of  coinage  of  both  metals  must  be  of  equal  intrinsic 
and  exchangeable  value,  or  be  adjusted  through  international 
agreement,  or  by  such  safeguards  of  legislation  as  shall  insure 
the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  the  two  metals,  and  the  equal 
power  of  every  dollar  at  all  times  in  the  markets  and  in  the  pay- 
ment of  debts ;  and  we  demand  that  all  paper  currency  shall  be 
kept  at  par  with  and  redeemable  in  such  coin.  We  insist  upon 
this  policy  as  especially  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  farmers 
and  laboring  classes,  the  first  and  most  defenceless  victims  of  un- 
stable money  and  a  fluctuating  currency. 

Sec.  8.  We  recommend  that  the  prohibitory  ten  per  cent,  tax  on 
state  bank  issues  be  repealed. 

Sec.  9.  Public  office  is  a  public  trust.  We  reaffirm  the  declara- 
tion of  the  Democratic  national  convention  of  1876  for  the  reform 
of  the  civil  service,  and  we  call  for  the  honest  enforcement  of  all 
laws  regulating  the  same.  The  nomination  of  a  President,  as  in 
the  recent  Republican  convention,  by  delegations  composed  largely 
of  his  appointees,  holding  office  at  his  pleasure,  is  a  scandalous 
satire  upon  free  popular  institutions,  and  a  startling  illustration 
of  the  methods  by  which  a  President  may  gratify  his  ambition. 
We  denounce  a  policy  under  which  federal  office-holders  usurp 
control  of  party  conventions  in  the  States,  and  we  pledge  the 
Democratic  party  to  the  reform  of  these  and  all  other  abuses  which 
threaten  individual  liberty  and  local  self-government. 

Sec.  10.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  only  party  that  has  ever 
given  the  country  a  foreign  policy  consistent  and  vigorous,  com- 
pelling respect  abroad  and  inspiring  confidence  at  home.  While 
avoiding  entangling  alliances,  it  has  aimed  to  cultivate  friendly 
relations  with  other  nations,  and  especially  with  our  American 
neighbors  on  the  American  continent  whose  destiny  is  closely 
linked  with  our  own,  and  we  view  with  alarm  the  tendency  to  a 
policy  of  irritation  and  bluster  which  is  liable  at  any  time  to  con- 
front us  with  the  alternative  of  humiliation  or  war.  We  favor  the 
maintenance  of  a  navy  strong  enough  for  all  purposes  of  national 
defence,  and  to  properly*  maintain  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the 
country  abroad.  *  « 

Sec.  11.  This  country  has  always  been  the  refuge  of  the  op- 
pressed from  every  land,  —  exiles  for  conscience'  sake;  and  in  the 
spirit  of  the  founders  of  our  government,  we  condemn  the  oppres- 


502  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

gion  practised  by  the  Russian  government  upon  its  Lutheran  an<J 
Jewish  subjects,  and  we  call  upon  our  national  government,  in  the 
interest  of  justice  and  humanity,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  to 
use  its  prompt  and  best  efforts  to  bring  about  a  cessation  of  these 
cruel  persecutions  in  the  dominions  of  the  Czar,  and  to  secure  to 
the  oppressed  equal  rights.  We  tender  our  profound  and  earnest 
sympathy  to  those  lovers  of  freedom  who  are  struggling  for  home 
rule  and  the  great  cause  of  local  self-government  in  Ireland. 

Sec.  12.  We  heartily  approve  all  legitimate  efforts  to  prevent 
the  United  States  from  being  used  as  the  dumping-ground  for  the 
known  criminals  and  professional  paupers  of  Europe;  and  we 
demand  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws  against  Chinese  immi- 
gration, or  the  importation  of  foreign  workmen  under  contract,  to 
degrade  American  labor  and  lessen  its  wages;  but  we  condemn 
and  denounce  any  and  all  attempts  to  restrict  the  immigration  of 
the  industrious  and  worthy  of  foreign  lands. 

Sec.  13.  This  convention  hereby  renews  the  expression  of  appre- 
ciation of  the  patriotism  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union 
in  the  war  for  its  preservation,  and  we  favor  just  and  liberal  pen- 
sions for  all  disabled  Union  soldiers,  their  widows  and  dependents ; 
but  we  demand  that  the  work  of  the  Pension  office  shall  be  done 
industriously,  impartially,  and  honestly.  We  denounce  the  present 
administration  of  that  office  as  incompetent,  corrupt,  disgraceful, 
and  dishonest. 

Sec.  14.  The  federal  government  should  care  for  and  improve 
the  Mississippi  River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  republic, 
so  as  to  secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transporta- 
tion to  the  tidewater.  When  any  waterway  of  the  republic  is  of 
sufficient  importance  to  demand  the  aid  of  the  government,  such 
aid  should  be  extended  for  a  definite  plan  of  continuous  work 
until  permanent  improvement  is  secured. 

Sec.  15.  For  purposes  of  national  defence  and  the  promotion  of 
commerce  between  the  States,  we  recognize  the  early  construction 
of  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  and  its  protection  against  foreign  control, 
as  of  great  importance  to  the  United  States. 

Sec.  16.  Recognizing  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition  as  a 
national  undertaking  of  vast  importance,  in  which  the  general 
government  has  invited  the  cooperation  of  all  the  powers  of  the 
world,  and  appreciating  the  acceptance  by  many  of  such  powers 
of  the  invitation  extended,  and  the  broadest  liberal  efforts  being 
made  by  them  to  contribute  to  the  grandeur  of  the  undertaking, 
we  are  of  the  opinion  that  Congress  should  make  such  necessary 
financial  provision  as  shall  be  requisite  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
national  honor  and  public  faith. 

Sec.  17.  Popular  education  being  the  only  safe  basis  of  popular 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  503 

suffrage,  we  recommend  to  the  several  States  most  liberal  appro- 
priations for  the  public  schools.  Free  common  schools  are  the 
nursery  of  good  government,  and  they  have  always  received  the 
fostering  care  of  the  Democratic  party,  which  favors  every  means 
of  increasing  intelligence.  Freedom  of  education,  being  an  essen- 
tial of  civil  and  religious  liberty  as  well  as  a  necessity  for  the 
development  of  intelligence,  must  not  be  interfered  with  under 
any  pretext  whatever.  We  are  opposed  to  state  interference  with 
parental  rights  and  rights  of  conscience  in  the  education  of  chil- 
dren, as  an  infringement  of  the  fundamental  Democratic  doctrine 
that  the  largest  individual  liberty  consistent  with  the  rights  of 
others  insures  the  highest  type  of  American  citizenship  and  the 
best  government. 

Sec.  18.  We  approve  the  action  of  the  present  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives in  passing  bills  for  the  admission  into  the  Union  as 
States  of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  and  we 
favor  the  early  admission  of  all  the  Territories  having  necessary 
population  and  resources  to  admit  them  to  Statehood ;  and,  while 
they  remain  Territories,  we  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to 
administer  the  government  of  any  Territory,  together  with  the 
Districts  of  Columbia  and  Alaska,  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of 
the  Territory  or  District  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  performed. 
The  Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule,  and  the  control  of 
their  own  affairs  by  the  people  of  the  vicinage. 

Sec.  19.  We  favor  legislation  by  Congress  and  state  legislatures 
to  protect  the  lives  and  limbs  of  railway  employees,  and  those  of 
other  hazardous  transportation  companies,  and  denounce  the  inac- 
tivity of  the  Republican  party,  and  particularly  the  Republican 
Senate,  for  causing  the  defeat  of  measures  beneficial  and  protec- 
tive to  this  class  of  wage-workers. 

Sec.  20.  We  are  in  favor  of  the  enactment  by  the  States  of  laws 
for  abolishing  the  notorious  sweating  system,  for  abolishing  con- 
tract convict  labor,  and  for  prohibiting  the  employment  in  facto- 
ries of  children  under  fifteen  years  of  age. 

Sec.  21.  We  are  opposed  to  all  sumptuary  laws  as  an  interfer- 
ence with  the  individual  rights  of  the  citizen. 

Sec.  22.  Upon  this  statement  of  principles  and  policies,  the 
Democratic  party  asks  the  intelligent  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  It  asks  a  change  of  administration  and  a  change  of  party 
in  order  that  there  may  be  a  change  of  system  and  a  change  of 
methods,  thus  assuring  the  maintenance  unimpaired  of  institu- 
tions under  which  the  republic  has  grown  great  and  powerful.    • 

The  platform  as  originally  reported  contained,  instead  of 
the  first  paragraph  of  Section  3  above,  the  following :  — 


504  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  reiterate  the  oft-repeated  doctrines  of  the  Democratic  party 
that  the  necessity  of  the  government  is  the  only  justification  for 
taxation,  and  whenever  a  tax  is  unnecessary  it  is  unjustifiable; 
that  when  custom-house  taxation  is  levied  upon  articles  of  any 
kind  produced  in  this  country,  the  difference  between  the  cost  of 
labor  here  and  labor  abroad,  when  such  a  difference  exists,  fully 
measures  any  possible  benefits  to  labor;  and  the  enormous  addi- 
tional impositions  of  the  existing  tariff  fall  with  crushing  force 
upon  our  farmers  and  workingmen,  and,  for  the  mere  advantage 
of  the  few  whom  it  enriches,  exact  from  labor  a  grossly  unjust 
share  of  the  expenses  of  the  government ;  and  we  demand  such  a 
revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will  remove  their  iniquitous  inequali- 
ties, lighten  their  oppressions,  and  put  them  on  a  constitutional 
and  equitable  basis.  But  in  making  reduction  in  taxes,  it  is  not 
oroposed  to  injure  any  domestic  industries,  but  rather  to  promote 
their  healthy  growth.  From  the  foundation  of  this  government, 
taxes  collected  at  the  custom-house  have  been  the  chief  source 
of  federal  revenue.  Such  they  must  continue  to  be.  Moreover, 
many  industries  have  come  to  rely  upon  legislation  for  successful 
continuance,  so  that  any  change  of  law  must  be  at  every  step  re- 
gardful of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved.  The  process  of 
reform  must  be  subject  in  the  execution  to  this  plain  dictate  of 
justice. 

There  had  been  a  prolonged  struggle,  at  a  meeting  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions,  over  the  tariff  "  plank."  The  para- 
graph just  recited  was,  it  will  be  perceived,  an  echo  of  the 
tariff  plank  of  1884,  with  an  implied  promise  to  the  "  pro- 
tected industries  "  that  there  should  be  no  sweeping  reduction 
of  duties  to  destroy  their  business.  It  was  so  far  less  aggres- 
sive than  the  attitude  of  the  party  during  the  preceding  six 
years  warranted  as  to  seem  like  a  complete  change  of  front  on 
the  tariff  question.  The  radical  tariff  reformers,  defeated  in 
committee,  carried  the  contest  into  the  convention,  and  on  a 
motion  from  the  floor  the  paragraph  was  struck  out,  and  the 
paragraph  printed  in  the  platform  was  substituted,  by  a  vote 
of  yeas  564,  nays  342.  An  excited  debate  preceded  the  vote. 
An  impassioned  appeal  to  the  members  to  avow  openly  their 
real  opinions  was  received  with  applause,  and  carried  the  day. 

After  the  adoption  of  the  platform,  at  a  late  hour  in  the 
evening,  the  convention  proceeded  at  once  to  the  work  of 
nominating  a  candidate  for  President.  Grover  Cleveland  was 
nominated  on  the  first  vote.  The  result  of  the  polling  was  as 
follows :  — 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  505 

Whole  number  of  votes ^  909^ 

Necessary  for  a  choice  (two  thirds) 607 

Grover  Cleveland,  New  York 617£ 

David  B.  Hill,  New  York 114 

Horace  Boies,  Iowa 103 

Arthur  P.  Gorman,  Maryland 36£ 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  Illinois *     .  16| 

John  G.  Carlisle,  Kentucky 14 

William  R.  Morrison,  Illinois 3 

James  E.  Campbell,   Ohio 2 

William  C.  Whitney,  New  York 1 

William  E.  Russell,  Massachusetts 1 

Robert  E.  Pattison,  Pennsylvania 1 

The  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  was  post- 
poned until  the  following  day,  when  the  polling  resulted  as 
follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes     ...» 909 

Necessary  for  a  choice  (two  thirds) 606 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  Illinois 402 

Isaac  P.  Gray,  Indiana 343 

Allen  B.  Morse,  Michigan 86 

John  L.  Mitchell,  Wisconsin 45 

Henry  Watterson,  Kentucky 26 

Bourke  Cockran,  New  York 5 

Lambert  Tree,  Illinois 1 

Horace  Boies,  Iowa 1 

A  motion  was  then  made  and  adopted  that  Adlai  E.  Steven- 
son, of  Illinois,  be  the  candidate  for  Vice-President. 

The  National  Prohibition  party  held  its  convention  at  Cin- 
cinnati, beginning  on  June  29.  John  P.  St.  John,  of  Kansas, 
was  the  temporary  chairman,  and  Eli  Ritter,  of  Indiana,  the 
permanent  president.  The  convention  was  in  session  only  two 
days.  The  platform  as  originally  reported  by  the  committee 
on  resolutions  was  as  follows:  — 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  ac- 
knowledging Almighty  God  as  the  source  of  all  true  government, 
and  his  law  as  the  standard  to  which  all  human  enactments  must 
conform  to  secure  the  blessings  of  peace  and  prosperity,  presents 
the  following  declaration  of  principles  :  — 

1.  The  liquor  traffic  is  a  foe  to  civilization,  the  arch  enemy  of 
popular  government,  and  a  public  nuisance.  It  is  the  citadel  of 
the  forces  that  corrupt  politics,  promote  poverty  and  crime,  de- 
grade the  nation's  home  life,  thwart  the  will  of  the  people,  and 


506  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

deliver  our  country  into  the  hands  of  rapacious  class  interests. 
All  laws  that,  under  the  guise  of  regulation,  legalize  and  protect 
this  traffic,  or  make  the  government  share  in  its  ill-gotten  gains, 
are  "  vicious  in  principle  and  powerless  as  a  remedy." 

We  declare  anew  for  the  entire  suppression  of  the  manufac- 
ture, sale,  importation,  exportation,  and  transportation  of  alcoholic 
liquors  as  a  beverage,  by  federal  and  state  legislation;  and  the 
full  powers  of  the  government  should  be  exerted  to  secure  this 
result.  Any  party  that  fails  to  recognize  the  dominant  nature  of 
this  issue  in  American  politics  is  undeserving  of  the  support  of 
the  people. 

2.  No  citizen  should  be  denied  the  right  to  vote  on  account  of 
sex,  and  equal  labor  should  receive  equal  wages,  without  regard  to 
sex. 

3.  The  money  of  the  country  should  be  gold,  silver,  and  paper, 
and  be  issued  by  the  general  government  only,  and  in  sufficient 
quantities  to  meet  the  demands  of  business  and  give  full  opportu- 
nity for  the  employment  of  labor.  To  this  end  an  increase  in  the 
volume  of  money  is  demanded,  and  no  individual  or  corporation 
should  be  allowed  to  make  any  profit  through  its  issue.  It  should 
be  made  a  legal  tender  for  the  payment  of  all  debts,  public  and 
private.  Its  volume  should  be  fixed  at  a  definite  sum  per  capita, 
and  made  to  increase  with  our  increase  in  population. 

4.  We  favor  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold. 

5.  Tariffs  should  be  levied  only  as  a  defence  against  foreign 
governments  which  put  tariffs  upon  or  bar  our  products  from  their 
markets,  revenue  being  incidental.  The  residue  of  means  neces- 
sary to  an  economical  administration  of  the  government  should 
be  raised  by  levying  a  burden  on  what  the  people  possess  instead 
of  upon  what  we  consume. 

6.  Railroad,  telegraph,  and  other  public  corporations  should  be 
controlled  by  the  government  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  and  no 
higher  charges  allowed  than  necessary  to  give  fair  interest  on  the 
capital  actually  invested. 

7.  Foreign  immigration  has  become  a  burden  upon  industry, 
one  of  the  factors  in  depressing  wages  and  causing  discontent ; 
therefore  our  immigration  laws  should  be  revised  and  strictly 
enforced.  The  time  of  residence  for  naturalization  should  be 
extended,  and  no  naturalized  person  should  be  allowed  to  vote 
until  one  year  after  he  becomes  a  citizen. 

8.  Non-resident  aliens  should  not  be  allowed  to  acquire  land  in 
this  country,  and  we  favor  the  limitation  of  individual  and  corpo- 
rate ownership  of  land.  All  unearned  grants  of  lands  to  railroad 
companies  or  other  corporations  should  be  reclaimed. 

9.  Years  of  inaction  and  treachery  on  the  part  of  the  Republican 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  507 

and  Democratic  parties  have  resulted  in  the  present  reign  of  mob 
law,  and  we  demand  that  every  citizen  be  protected  in  the  right  of 
trial  by  constitutional  tribunals. 

10.  All  men  should  be  protected  by  law  in  their  right  to  one 
day's  rest  in  seven. 

11.  Arbitration  is  the  wisest  and  most  economical  and  humane 
method  of  settling  national  differences. 

12.  Speculations  in  margins,  the  cornering  of  grain,  money,  and 
products,  and  the  formation  of  pools,  trusts,  and  combinations  for 
the  arbitrary  advancement  of  prices,  should  be  suppressed. 

13.  We  pledge  that  the  Prohibition  party  if  elected  to  power 
will  ever  grant  just  pensions  to  disabled  veterans  of  the  Union 
army  and  navy,  their  widows  and  orphans. 

14.  We  stand  unequivocally  for  the  American  public  school, 
and  opposed  to  any  appropriation  of  public  moneys  for  sectarian 
schools.  We  declare  that  only  by  united  support  of  such  common 
schools,  taught  in  the  English  language,  can  we  hope  to  become 
and  remain  an  homogeneous  and  harmonious  people. 

15.  We  arraign  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  as 
false  to  the  standards  reared  by  their  founders ;  as  faithless  to  the 
principles  of  the  illustrious  leaders  of  the  past  to  whom  they  do 
homage  with  the  lips ;  as  recreant  to  the  "  higher  law,"  which  is 
as  inflexible  in  political  affairs  as  in  personal  life ;  and  as  no  longer 
embodying  the  aspirations  of  the  American  people,  or  inviting  the 
confidence  of  enlightened,  progressive  patriotism.  Their  protests 
against  the  admission  of  "  moral  issues  "  into  politics  is  a  confes- 
sion of  their  own  moral  degeneracy.  The  declaration  of  an  emi- 
nent authority,  that  municipal  misrule  is  "the  one  conspicuous 
failure  of  American  politics,"  follows  as  a  natural  consequence  of 
such  degeneracy,  and  is  true  alike  of  cities  under  Republican  and 
Democratic  control.  Each  accuses  the  other  of  extravagance  in 
Congressional  appropriations,  and  both  are  alike  guilty ;  each  pro- 
tests when  out  of  power  against  the  infraction  of  the  civil  service 
laws,  and  each  when  in  power  violates  those  laws  in  letter  and 
spirit ;  each  professes  fealty  to  the  interests  of  the  toiling  masses, 
but  both  covertly  truckle  to  the  money  power  in  their  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs.  Even  the  tariff  issue,  as  represented  in  the 
Democratic  Mills  bill  and  the  Republican  McKinley  bill,  is  no 
longer  treated  by  them  as  an  issue  upon  great  and  divergent  prin- 
ciples of  government,  but  is  a  mere  catering  to  different  sectional 
and  class  interests.  The  attempt  in  many  States  to  wrest  the 
Australian  ballot  system  from  its  true  purpose,  and  to  so  de- 
form it  as  to  render  it  extremely  difficult  for  new  parties  to  exer- 
cise the  rights  of  suffrage,  is  an  outrage  upon  popular  government. 
The  competition  of  both  the  parties  for  the  vote  of  the  slums,  and 


508  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

their  assiduous  courting  of  the  liquor  power  and  subserviency  to 
the  money  power,  have  resulted  in  placing  those  powers  in  the 
position  of  practical  arbiters  of  the  destinies  of  the  nation.  We 
renew  our  protest  against  these  perilous  tendencies,  and  invite  all 
citizens  to  join  us  in  the  upbuilding  of  a  party  that,  as  shown  in 
five  national  campaigns,  prefers  temporary  defeat  to  an  abandon- 
ment of  the  claims  of  justice,  sobriety,  personal  rights,  and  the 
protection  of  American  homes. 

A  minority  of  the  committee  presented  substitutes  for  the 
financial  and  the  tariff  planks  of  the  platform,  and  also  offered 
an  additional  resolution,  which  was  ultimately  adopted.  The 
platform  as  printed  above  was  adopted,  except  the  fourth  reso- 
lution, relating  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  which  was  de- 
feated by  a  vote  of  596  to  335.  The  additional  resolution 
referred  to  was  as  follows :  — 

Recognizing  and  declaring  that  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic 
has  become  the  dominant  issue  in  national  politics,  we  invite  to  full 
party  fellowship  all  those  who  on  this  one  dominant  issue  are  with 
us  agreed,  in  the  full  belief  that  this  party  can  and  will  remove 
sectional  differences,  promote  nationality,  and  insure  the  best  wel- 
fare of  our  entire  land. 

John  Bidwell,  of  California,  was  nominated  for  President. 
The  first  and  only  vote  was  as  follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 911 

Necessary  for  a  choice 456 

John  Bidwell,  California 590 

Gideon  T.  Stewart,  Ohio 179 

W.  Jennings  Demorest,  New  York 139 

John  Bascom 3 

J.  B.  Cranfill,  of  Texas,  was  nominated  for  Vice-President 
by  the  following  vote  :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 811 

Necessary  for  a  choice   ...........    406 

J.  B.  Cranfill,  Texas 417 

Joshua  Levering,  Maryland 351 

W.  W.  Satterly,  Minnesota 26 

Thomas  R.  Carskodon,  West  Virginia 19 

The  first  national  convention  of  the  "  People's  party  "  was 
held  at  Omaha,  on  July  2.  C.  H.  Ellington,  of  Georgia,  was 
the  temporary  chairman,  and  H.  L.  Loucks,  of  South  Dakota, 
the  permanent  president.  The  platform,  reported  and  adopted 
on  July  4,  was  as  follows :  — 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  509 

Assembled  upon  the  116th  anniversary  of'  the  Declaration  of 
Ir  dependence,  the  People's  party  of  America,  in  their  first  na- 
tional convention,  invoking  upon  their  action  the  blessing  of  Al- 
mighty God,  puts  forth,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  people 
of  this  country,  the  following  preamble  and  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples :  — 

The  conditions  which  surround  us  best  justify  our  cooperation  : 
we  meet  in  the  midst  of  a  nation  brought  to  the  verge  of  moral, 
political,  and  material  ruin.  Corruption  dominates  the  ballot-box, 
the  legislature,  the  Congress,  and  touches  even  the  ermine  of  the 
bench.  The  people  are  demoralized;  most  of  the  States  have 
been  compelled  to  isolate  the  voters  at  the  polling-places  to  pre- 
vent universal  intimidation  or  bribery.  The  newspapers  are 
largely  subsidized  or  muzzled;  public  opinion  silenced;  business 
prostrated;  our  homes  covered  with  mortgages;  labor  impover- 
ished; and  the  land  concentrating  in  the  hands  of  the  capitalists. 
The  urban  workmen  are  denied  the  right  of  organization  for  self- 
protection  ;  imported  pauperized  labor  beats  down  their  wages ;  a 
hireling  standing  army,  unrecognized  by  our  laws,  is  established 
to  shoot  them  down,  and  they  are  rapidly  degenerating  into  Euro- 
pean conditions.  The  fruits  of  the  toil  of  millions  are  boldly 
stolen  to  build  up  colossal  fortunes  for  a  few,  unprecedented  in 
the  history  of  mankind ;  and  the  possessors  of  these,  in  turn,  de- 
spise the  republic  and  endanger  liberty.  From  the  same  prolific 
womb  of  governmental  injustice  we  breed  the  two  great  classes  of 
tramps  and  millionaires. 

The  national  power  to  create  money  is  appropriated  to  enrich 
bondholders  ;  a  vast  public  debt,  payable  in  legal  tender  currency, 
has  been  funded  into  gold-bearing  bonds,  thereby  adding  millions 
to  the  burdens  of  the  people.  Silver,  which  has  been  accepted  as 
coin  since  the  dawn  of  history,  has  been  demonetized  to  add  to 
the  purchasing  power  of  gold  by  decreasing  the  value  of  all  forms 
of  property  as  well  as  human  labor  ;  and  the  supply  of  currency  is 
purposely  abridged  to  fatten  usurers,  bankrupt  enterprise,  and 
enslave  industry.  A  vast  conspiracy  against  mankind  has  been 
organized  on  two  continents,  and  it  is  rapidly  taking  possession  of 
the  world.  If  not  met  and  overthrown  at  once,  it  forebodes  terri- 
ble social  convulsions,  the  destruction  of  civilization,  or  the  estab- 
lishment of  an  absolute  despotism. 

We  have  witnessed  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  the 
struggles  of  the  two  great  political  parties  for  power  and  plunder, 
while  grievous  wrongs  have  been  inflicted  upon  the  suffering 
people.  We  charge  that  the  controlling  influences  dominating 
both  these  parties  have  permitted  the  existing  dreadful  condition 
to  develop  without  serious  effort  to  prevent  or  restrain  them. 


610  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Neither  do  they  now  promise  us  any  substantial  reform.  They 
have  agreed  together  to  ignore  in  the  campaign  every  issue  but 
one.  They  propose  to  drown  the  outcries  of  a  plundered  people 
with  the  uproar  of  a  sham  battle  over  the  tariff,  so  that  capitalists, 
corporations,  national  banks,  rings,  trusts,  watered  stock,  the  de- 
monetization of  silver,  and  the  oppressions  of  the  usurers  may  all 
be  lost  sight  of.  They  propose  to  sacrifice  our  homes,  lives,  and 
children  on  the  altar  of  mammon;  to  destroy  the  multitude  in 
order  to  secure  corruption  funds  from  the  millionaires. 

Assembled  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  the  nation, 
and  filled  with  the  spirit  of  the  grand  general  chief  who  established 
our  independence,  we  seek  to  restore  the  government  of  the  Re- 
public to  the  hands  of  "the  plain  people,"  with  whose  class  it 
originated.  We  assert  our  purposes  to  be  identical  with  the  pur- 
poses of  the  National  Constitution,  "  to  form  a  more  perfect  union 
and  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  the 
common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the 
blessings  of  liberty  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity."  We  declare 
that  this  republic  can  only  endure  as  a  free  government  while 
built  upon  the  love  of  the  whole  people  for  each  other  and  for  the 
nation  ;  that  it  cannot  be  pinned  together  by  bayonets ;  that  the 
civil  war  is  over,  and  that  every  passion  and  resentment  which 
grew  out  of  it  must  die  with  it ;  and  that  we  must  be  in  fact,  as  we 
are  in  name,  one  united  brotherhood  of  freemen. 

Our  country  finds  itself  confronted  by  conditions  for  which 
there  is  no  precedent  in  the  history  of  the  world :  our  annual  agri- 
cultural productions  amount  to  billions  of  dollars  in  value,  which 
must,  within  a  few  weeks  or  months,  be  exchanged  for  billions  of 
dollars  of  commodities  consumed  in  their  production ;  the  existing 
currency  supply  is  wholly  inadequate  to  make  this  exchange ;  the 
results  are  falling  prices,  the  formation  of  combines  and  rings, 
the  impoverishment  of  the  producing  class.  We  pledge  ourselves, 
if  given  power,  we  will  labor  to  correct  these  evils  by  wise  and 
reasonable  legislation,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  our  plat- 
form. We  believe  that  the  powers  of  government  —  in  other 
words,  of  the  people  —  should  be  expanded  (as  in  the  case  of  the 
postal  service)  as  rapidly  and  as  far  as  the  good  sense  of  an  intel- 
ligent people  and  the  teachings  of  experience  shall  justify,  to  the 
end  that  oppression,  injustice,  and  poverty  shall  eventually  cease 
in  the  land. 

While  our  sympathies  as  a  party  of  reform  are  naturally  upon 
the  side  of  every  proposition  which  will  tend  to  make  men  intelli- 
gent, virtuous,  and  temperate,  we  nevertheless  regard  these  ques- 
tions —  important  as  they  are  —  as  secondary  to  the  great  issues 
now  pressing  for  solution,  and  upon  which  not  only  our  individual 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  511 

prosperity  but  the  very  existence  of  free  institutions  depends ;  and 
we  ask  all  men  to  first  help  us  to  determine  whether  we  are  to 
have  a  republic  to  administer  before  we  differ  as  to  the  conditions 
upon  which  it  is  to  be  administered ;  believing  that  the  forces  of 
reform  this  day  organized  will  never  cease  to  move  forward  until 
every  wrong  is  remedied,  and  equal  rights  and  equal  privileges 
securely  established  for  all  the  men  and  women  of  this  country. 

We  declare,  therefore,  — 

First.  That  the  union  of  the  labor  forces  of  the  United  States 
•  this  day  consummated  shall  be  permanent  and  perpetual;  may  its 
spirit  enter  all  hearts  for  the  salvation  of  the  republic  and  the 
uplifting  of  mankind ! 

Second.  Wealth  belongs  to  him  who  creates  it,  and  every  dollar 
taken  from  industry  without  an  equivalent  is  robbery.  "  If  any 
will  not  work,  neither  shall  he  eat."  The  interests  of  rural  and 
civic  labor  are  the  same ;  their  enemies  are  identical. 

Third.  We  believe  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  railroad 
corporations  will  either  own  the  people  or  the  people  must  own 
the  railroads ;  and,  should  the  government  enter  upon  the  work  of 
owning  and  managing  all  railroads,  we  should  favor  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution  by  which  all  persons  engaged  in  the  gov- 
ernment service  shall  be  placed  under  a  civil  service  regulation  of 
the  most  rigid  character,  so  as  to  prevent  the  increase  of  the  power 
of  the  national  administration  by  the  use  of  such  additional  gov- 
ernment employees. 

We  demand,  — 

First,  A  national  currency,  safe,  sound,  and  flexible,  issued  by 
the  general  government  only,  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts, 
public  and  private,  and  that,  without  the  use  of  banking  corpora- 
tions, a  just,  equitable,  and  efficient  means  of  distribution  direct  to 
the  people,  at  a  tax  not  to  exceed  two  per  cent,  per  annum,  to  be 
provided  as  set  forth  in  the  sub-treasury  plan  of  the  Farmers' 
Alliance,  or  a  better  system ;  also,  by  payments  in  discharge  of  its 
obligations  for  public  improvements. 

(a)  We  demand  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one. 

(b)  We  demand  that  the  amount  of  circulating  medium  be 
speedily  increased  to  not  less  than  fifty  dollars  per  capita. 

(c)  We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax. 

(d)  We  believe  that  the  money  of  the  country  should  be  kept 
as  much  as  possible  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  hence  we  de- 
mand that  all  state  and  national  revenues  shall  be  limited  to  the 
necessary  expenses  of  the  government  economically  and  honestly 
administered. 

(e)  We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by  the 


512  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  earnings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 

Second,  Transportation.  Transportation  being  a  means  of  ex- 
change  and  a  public  necessity,  the  government  should  own  and 
operate  the  railroads  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 

(a)  The  telegraph  and  telephone,  like  the  post-office  system, 
being  a  necessity  for  the  transmission  of  news,  should  be  owned 
and  operated  by  the  government  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 

Third,  Land.  The  land,  including  all  the  natural  sources  of 
wealth,  is  the  heritage  of  the  people,  and  should  not  be  monopo- 
lized for  speculative  purposes,  and  alien  ownership  of  land  should 
be  prohibited.  All  land  now  held  by  railroads  and  other  corpora- 
tions in  excess  of  their  actual  needs,  and  all  lands  now  owned  by 
aliens,  should  be  reclaimed  by  the  government  and  held  for  actual 
settlers  only. 

Subsequently  the  committee  on  resolutions  made  a  supple- 
mentary report,  submitting  a  series  of  resolutions  which  it  was 
explained  are  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  party  platform, 
but  as  expressive  of  the  opinion  of  the  party,  as  follows :  — 

Whereas,  Other  questions  have  been  presented  for  our  considera- 
tion, we  hereby  submit  the  following,  not  as  a  part  of  the  platform 
of  the  People's  party,  but  as  resolutions  expressive  of  the  senti- 
ment of  this  convention. 

1.  Resolved,  That  we  demand  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count  in 
all  elections,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  secure  it  to  every  legal  voter 
without  federal  intervention,  through  the  adoption  by  the  States 
of  the  unperverted  Australian  or  secret  ballot  system. 

2.  Resolved,  That  the  revenue  derived  from  a  graduated  income 
tax  should  be  applied  to  the  reduction  of  the  burden  of  taxation 
now  resting  upon  the  domestic  industries  of  this  country. 

3.  Resolved,  That  we  pledge  our  support  to  fair  and  liberal  pen- 
sions to  ex-Union  soldiers  and  sailors. 

4.  Resolved,  That  we  condemn  the  fallacy  of  protecting  Ameri- 
can labor  under  the  present  system,  which  opens  our  ports  to  the 
pauper  and  criminal  classes  of  the  world,  and  crowds  out  our  wage- 
earners;  and  we  denounce  the  present  ineffective  laws  against  con- 
tract labor,  and  demand  the  further  restriction  of  undesirable 
immigration. 

5.  Resolved,  That  we  cordially  sympathize  with  the  efforts  of 
organized  workingmen  to  shorten  the  hours  of  labor,  and  demand 
a  rigid  enforcement  of  the  existing  eight-hour  law  on  government 
work,  and  ask  that  a  penalty  clause  be  added  to  the  said  law. 

6.  Resolved,  That  we  regard  the  maintenance  of  a  large  stand- 
ing army  of  mercenaries,  known  as  the  Pinkerton  system,  as  a 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  513 

menace  to  our  liberties,  and  we  demand  its  abolition;  and  we 
condemn  the  recent  invasion  of  the  Territory  of  Wyoming  by  the 
hired  assassins  of  plutocracy,  assisted  by  federal  officials. 

7.  Resolved,  That  we  commend  to  the  favorable  consideration 
of  the  people  and  the  reform  press  the  legislative  system  known 
as  the  initiative  and  referendum. 

8.  Resolved)  That  we  favor  a  constitutional  provision  limiting 
the  office  of  President  and  Vice-President  to  one  term,  and  pro- 
viding for  the  election  of  senators  of  the  United  States  by  a  direct 
vote  of  the  people. 

9.  Resolved,  That  we  oppose  any  subsidy  or  national  aid  to  any 
private  corporation  for  any  purpose. 

General  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  was  nominated  for  Pre- 
sident.    The  vote  stood  :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 1263 

Necessary  for  a  choice 632 

James  B.  Weaver,  Iowa  ..........  995 

James  H.  Kyle,  South  Dakota 265 

Mann  Page,  Virginia 1 

Leland  Stanford,  California 1 

Norton 1 

For  Vice-President,  James  G.  Field,  of  Virginia,  was  nomi- 
nated.    The  vote  was  as  follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 1287 

Necessary  for  a  choice 644 

James  G.  Field,  Virginia 733 

Ben.  S.  Terrell,  Texas 554 

The  representation  in  this  convention  was  irregular,  as  may 
be  seen  from  the  fact  that  Texas  cast  60  votes,  New  York  59, 
Pennsylvania  21,  Massachusetts  28,  Illinois  83,  and  North 
Dakota  25. 

A  Socialist  Labor  convention  was  held  at  New  York  on 
August  28,  by  which  Simon  Wing,  of  Massachusetts,  was 
nominated  for  President,  and  Charles  H.  Matchett,  of  New 
York,  for  Vice-President.  The  following  platform  was 
adopted  :  — 

Social  Demands:  1.  Reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  propor- 
tion to  the  progress  of  production. 

2.  The  United  States  shall  obtain  possession  of  the  railroads, 
canals,  telegraphs,  telephones,  and  all  other  means  of  public  trans- 
portation and  communication. 

3.  The  municipalities  to  obtain  possession  of  the  local  railroads, 


514  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

ferries,  water-works,  gas-works,  electric  plants,  and  all  industries 
requiring  municipal  franchises. 

4.  The  public  lands  to  be  declared  inalienable.  Revocation  of 
all  land  grants  to  corporations  or  individuals,  the  conditions  of 
which  have  not  been  complied  with. 

5.  Legal  incorporation  by  the  States  of  local  trade  unions  which 
have  no  national  organization. 

6.  The  United  States  to  have  the  exclusive  right  to  issue  money. 

7.  Congressional  legislation  providing  for  the  scientific  manage- 
ment of  forests  and  waterways,  and  prohibiting  the  waste  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country. 

8.  Inventions  to  be  free  to  all ;  the  inventors  to  be  remunerated 
by  the  nation. 

9.  Progressive  income  tax  and  tax  on  inheritances ;  the  smaller 
incomes  to  be  exempt. 

10.  School  education  of  all  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age 
to  be  compulsory,  gratuitous,  and  accessible  to  all  by  public  assist- 
ance in  meals,  clothing,  books,  etc.,  where  necessary. 

11.  Repeal  of  all  pauper,  tramp,  conspiracy,  and  sumptuary  laws. 
Unabridged  right  of  combination. 

12.  Official  statistics  concerning  the  condition  of  labor.  Prohi- 
bition of  the  employment  of  children  of  school  age,  and  of  the  em- 
ployment of  female  labor  in  occupations  detrimental  to  health  or 
morality.     Abolition  of  the  convict  labor  contract  system. 

13.  All  wages  to  be  paid  in  lawful  money  of  the  United  States. 
Equalization  of  women's  wages  with  those  of  men  where  equal 
service  is  performed. 

14.  Laws  for  the  protection  of  life  and  limb  in  all  occupations, 
and  an  efficient  employers'  liability  law. 

Political  Demands :  1.  The  people  to  have  the  right  to  propose 
laws  and  to  vote  upon  all  measures  of  importance,  according  to 
the  referendum  principle. 

2.  Abolition  of  the  Presidency,  Vice-Presidency,  and  Senate  of 
the  United  States.  An  Executive  Board  to  be  established,  whose 
members  are  to  be  elected,  and  may  at  any  time  be  recalled,  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  as  the  only  legislative  body.  The 
States  and  municipalities  to  adopt  corresponding  amendments  to 
their  constitutions  and  statutes. 

3.  Municipal  self-government. 

4.  Direct  vote  and  secret  ballots  in  all  elections.  Universal  and 
equal  right  of  suffrage,  without  regard  to  color,  creed,  or  sex. 
Election  days  to  be  legal  holidays.  The  principle  of  minority 
representation  to  be  introduced. 

5.  All  public  officers  to  be  subject  to  recall  by  their  respective 
constituencies. 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION  515 

6.  Uniform  civil  and  criminal  law  throughout  the  United  States. 
Administration  of  justice  to  be  free  of  charge.  Abolition  of  capital 
punishment. 

The  canvass  developed  few  features  of  special  interest.  The 
result  seemed  to  be  in  doubt,  and  both  parties  were  hopeful. 
The  opposition  which  had  existed,  prior  to  the  conventions,  to 
the  President  and  the  ex-President,  the  candidates  of  their  re- 
spective parties,  disappeared  for  the  most  part.  The  Republi- 
cans had  been  placed  in  a  minority  by  the  disaster  of  1890 ; 
but  their  leaders,  their  orators,  their  journalists,  and  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  party  made  no  doubt  that  the  defection  was 
temporary.  The  ticket  did  not  arouse  great  enthusiasm  ;  but 
the  Republicans  built  great  hopes  upon  the  situation  of  the 
Democrats  in  New  York.  There  seemed  to  be  an  irreparable 
breach  in  that  State.  An  eloquent  advocate  of  the  nomination 
of  Governor  Hill  had  said,  in  a  speech  before  the  Democratic 
convention  at  Chicago,  that  Mr.  Cleveland  could  not  carry 
New  York.  Tammany  Hall  protested  its  loyalty  to  the  ticket ; 
but  the  "  anti-snapper  "  wing  of  the  party  feared,  and  the  Re- 
publicans hoped,  that  the  protestations  were  insincere.  An 
element  of  humor  was  imparted  to  the  canvass  in  New  York 
by  an  ostentatiously  disingenuous  attempt  on  the  part  of  those 
Democrats  who  did  not  subscribe  to  the  free-trade  plank  in 
the  platform  to  make  it  appear  that  "  negro  domination  V  would 
ensue  upon  the  success  of  the  Republicans.  The  New  York 
"  Sun,"  which  disliked  Mr.  Cleveland  almost  beyond  its  by  no 
means  deficient  power  of  expression,  made  "  No  Force  Bill !  " 
its  campaign  cry,  to  excuse  its  support  of  the  Democratic  can- 
didate. 

The  growth  of  the  Populist  party  in  the  West  and  in  some 
parts  of  the  South  led  to  coalitions  which  render  an  exact  divi- 
sion of  the  votes  among  the  several  parties  quite  impossible. 
In  five  States  —  Colorado,  Idaho,  Kansas,  North  Dakota,  and 
Wyoming  —  the  Democrats  nominated  no  electors,  but  voted 
for  the  Populist  candidates.  It  was  deemed  possible  that 
neither  party  might  secure  a  majority  of  electors.  In  that 
case  the  election  of  President  would  devolve  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives  already  chosen,  in  which  the  Democrats  con- 
trolled a  large  majority  of  the  state  delegations.  Consequently, 
for  their  purposes,  a  defeat  of  the  Republicans,  by  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Populists  in  a  few  of  the  States,  was  as  serviceable 
as  the  election  of  a  full  majority  of  Democratic  electors.     In 


5ie  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  ^RESIDENCY 

Nevada  the  Democrats  nominated  an  electoral  ticket,  but  almost 
the  whole  voting  strength  of  the  party  was  given  to  the  Popu- 
lists. In  Oregon  one  of  the  four  Populist  electors  was  placed 
on  the  Democratic  ticket.  In  Minnesota  there  was  a  fusion  of 
Democrats  and  Populists  on  four  candidates  for  electors.  The 
members  of  each  party  voted  for  their  own  candidates  for  the 
other  rive  electors.  In  the  South  the  alliances  of  the  Populists 
were  with  Republicans.  The  fusion  in  Alabama  was  incom- 
plete, but  in  Louisiana  the  electoral  ticket  was  divided  between 
the  two  parties,  —  four  electors  for  each  party.  This  fusion 
explains  why  the  popular  vote  in  Louisiana  for  Harrison  and 
for  Weaver,  in  the  following  table,  is  substantially  the  same. 
The  vote  for  the  fusion  electors  was  26,563.  An  independent 
electoral  ticket,  by  the  so-called  "  Lily  White  "  faction  of  the 
Republican  party  of  Texas,  received  3,969  votes. 

Still  another  complication  was  introduced  at  this  election 
by  the  action  of  the  Democratic  legislature  of  Michigan  chosen 
in  the  "  landslide  "  year,  1890.  An  act  was  passed  by  that 
legislature  reestablishing  the  system  of  choosing  electors  by 
districts.  Maryland,  the  last  State  to  cling  to  this  method, 
had  abandoned  it  in  1836.  It  was  a  device,  in  the  case  of 
Michigan,  to  enable  a  party  which  was  conscious  of  being  in 
a  minority  to  secure  a  few  electors.  The  constitutionality  of 
the  measure  was  attacked ;  but  it  was  clearly  within  the  power 
of  the  legislature  to  pass  the  act,  and  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Michigan  so  decided. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  a  great  surprise  to  men  of  all 
parties.  Not  only  was  the  South  "  solid  "  once  more  for  the 
Democratic  candidates,  not  only  did  all  the  usually  doubtful 
States  support  Mr.  Cleveland  by  large  majorities,  but  Illinois, 
Wisconsin,  and  California  were  drawn  into  the  Democratic 
ranks.  Even  Ohio,  which  had  not  given  an  electoral  vote  tc 
a  Democrat  since  there  had  been  a  Republican  party,  was  so 
closely  divided  that  one  Cleveland  elector  slipped  in.  The 
fusion  against  the  Republicans  was  successful  in  Colorado, 
Idaho,  Kansas,  and  Nevada.  It  was  partially  successful  in 
North  Dakota  and  Oregon.  The  popular  vote  for  the  several 
candidates  is  given  in  the  following  table,  as  nearly  as  it  can  be 
stated,  but  the  "  official  returns  "  vary  so  greatly  as  to  render 
absolute  accuracy  impossible.  The  appended  figures  are  made 
up  by  a  careful  comparison  of  several  set's  of  "  official  "  returns, 
and  a  choice  of  those  that  seem  most  trustworthy*     It  should 


CLEVELAND'S  SECOND  ELECTION 


517 


Popular  Vote. 

Electoral 
Vote. 

States. 

1" 
s . 

w  * 

s  i 

la 

1 

■ 

lit 

11 

"CIS 

I 

s  2 

1 

■ 

13 

S 

|l 

2 
'3 

1 

a 

1 

d 
1 
1 

o 

a 

s 

£ 

a 

i 

el 

a> 

5 

J 

1 

o 
-* 

OQ 

u 

» 

¥ 

Alabama  .... 

138,138 

9,197 

85,181 

239 

_ 

11 

_ 

Arkansas .    . 

87,834 

46,884 

11,831 

113 

- 

8 

- 

- 

California 

117,908 

117,618 

25,226 

8,056 

- 

8 

1 

- 

Colorado  .    . 

- 

38,620 

53,584 

1,638 

- 

- 

- 

4 

Connecticut . 

82,395 

77,025 

806 

4,025 

329 

6 

- 

— 

Delaware 

18,581 

18,083 

13 

5(>5 

- 

3 

- 

- 

Florida     .    . 

30,143 

- 

4,843 

475 

- 

4 

- 

•* 

Georgia    .     . 

129,361 

48,305 

42,937 

988 

- 

13 

- 

" 

Idaho  .    .    . 

- 

8,599 

10,520 

288 

- 

- 

- 

3 

Illinois      .     . 

426,281 

399,288 

22.207 

25,870 

- 

24 

- 

— 

Indiana    .     . 

262,740 

255,615 

22,208 

13,050 

- 

15 

- 

— 

Iowa    .    .     . 

196,367 

219,795 

20,595 

6,402 

- 

- 

13 

- 

Kansas     .    . 

- 

157,237 

163,111 

4,539 

- 

- 

- 

10 

Kentucky      . 

175,461 

135,441 

23,500 

6,442 

- 

13 

- 

- 

Louisiana 

87,922 

13,281 

13,282 

- 

- 

8 

- 

- 

Maine  .     .     . 

48,044 

62,931 

2,381 

3,062 

336 

- 

6 

— 

Maryland 

113,866 

92,736 

796 

5,877 

27 

8 

— 

— 

Massachusetts 

176,813 

202,814 

3,210 

1,539 

649 

- 

15 

— 

Michigan .    . 

202,296 

222,708 

19,892 

14,069 

- 

5 

9 

- 

Minnesota     . 

100,920 

122,823 

29,313 

12,182 

- 

- 

9 

- 

Mississippi    . 

40,237 

1,406 

10,256 

910 

- 

9 

- 

- 

Missouri  .     . 

268,398 

226,918 

41,213 

4,331 

- 

17 

- 

- 

Montana  .    . 

17,581 

18,851 

7,334 

549 

- 

- 

3 

— 

Nebraska 

24,943 

87,227 

83,134 

4,902 

- 

- 

8 

- 

Nevada     .     . 

714 

2,811 

7,264 

89 

- 

- 

- 

3 

New  Hampshire 

. 

42,081 

45,658 

292 

1,297 

- 

- 

4 

- 

New  Jersey  . 

171,042 

156,068 

969 

8,131 

1,337 

10 

- 

- 

New  York     . 

654,868 

609,350 

16,429 

38,190 

17,956 

36 

- 

— 

North  Carolina 

132,951 

100,342 

44,736 

2,636 

- 

11 

- 

- 

North  Dakota 

- 

17,519 

17,700 

899 

- 

1 

1 

1 

Ohio     .     .     . 

404,115 

405,187 

14,850 

26,012 

- 

1 

22 

— 

Oregon     .    . 

14,243 

35,002 

26,965 

2,281 

- 

- 

3 

1 

Pennsylvania 

452,264 

516,011 

.8,714 

25,123 

898 

— 

32 

— 

Rhode  Island 

24,335 

26,972 

228 

1,654 

- 

- 

4 

— 

South  Carolina 

54,692 

13,345 

2,407 

- 

- 

9 

- 

— 

South  Dakota 

9,081 

34,888 

26,544 

_ 

- 

- 

4 

- 

Tennessee     . 

138,874 

100,331 

23,447 

4,851 

- 

12 

- 

- 

Texas  .     .     . 

239,148 

81,444 

99  688 

2.165 

- 

15 

- 

- 

Vermont  .     . 

16,325 

37,992 

43 

M15 

- 

- 

4 

— 

Virginia   .    . 

163,977 

113,262 

12,275 

2,738 

- 

12 

- 

- 

Washington  . 

29,802 

36,460 

19,165 

2,542 

- 

- 

4 

- 

West  Virginia 

84,467 

80,293 

4,166 

2,145 

- 

6 

- 

- 

Wisconsin     . 

177,335 

170,791 

9,909 

13,132 

- 

12 

- 

- 

Wyoming      .    .    . 

~ 

8,454 

7,722 

530 

" 

" 

3 
145 

" 

Total 

5,656,543 

5,175,582 

1,040,886 

255,841 

21,532 

277 

22 

be  borne  in  mind  that  the  Populist  vote  is  overstated,  and  the 
Democratic  vote  understated,  by  reason  of  the  alliances  just 
mentioned. 


518  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Forty-four  States  participated  in  the  election,  six  new  States 
having  been  admitted  since  the  previous  election,  —  North  and 
South  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  Washington,  and  Wyoming. 
In  all  the  States,  electors  were  chosen  by  popular  vote ;  in  all, 
6ave  Michigan,  on  a  general  ticket.  The  popular  and  electoral 
votes  are  included  in  the  same  table. 

The  count  of  the  electoral  vote  took  place  on  February  8, 
1893.  The  proceedings  of  1889  were  followed  exactly.  No 
incident  occurred  to  enliven  the  occasion  more  important  than 
a  round  of  Democratic  applause  when  the  vote  of  Illinois  was 
announced. 


XXXI 

THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN 

The  four  years  which  cover  the  second  term  of  Grover 
Cleveland  may  be  characterized  as  the  most  momentous  period, 
in  a  time  of  peace,  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and  as  the 
most  interesting,  from  a  political  point  of  view,  in  either  war 
or  peace.  The  prominence  assumed  by  our  foreign  relations 
would  alone  have  distinguished  it  from  preceding  adminis- 
trations ;  and  yet  the  diplomatic  questions  that  confronted 
us,  although  important,  far-reaching,  and  exciting,  became 
almost  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  domestic  problems 
and  conditions  with  which  public  men  had  to  deal.  An 
attempt  which,  since  it  was  but  partially  successful,  was  not 
successful  at  all,  to  introduce  a  new  principle  in  the  levy  of 
import  duties ;  a  steady  and  large  deficit  in  the  revenue,  not 
corrected  by  additional  taxation ;  a  currency  hopelessly  dis- 
ordered, while  no  party  was  strong  enough  either  to  restore  it 
to  soundness  or  to  introduce  a  new  element  of  confusion ;  com- 
mercial disaster  and  private  distress,  manifesting  itself  in 
demonstrations  that  always  excited  apprehension,  and  in  some 
cases  lapsed  into  lawlessness  which  the  local  authorities  could 
not  or  would  not  suppress,  —  such,  in  brief,  were  the  evil  con- 
ditions that  prevailed  during  that  eventful  period.  It  was  a 
time  full  of  surprises,  the  last  and  greatest  of  which  was  the 
sudden  rise,  to  an  issue  of  overwhelming  importance  and  in- 
terest, of  a  question  that  had  troubled  the  peace  of  American 
politicians  for  twenty  years,  but  had  previously  been  dallied 
with  and  avoided,  never  met  squarely  and  with  courage. 

At  the  very  beginning  of  the  administration  the  President 
signified  his  disagreement  with  his  predecessor  on  a  question 
of  foreign  policy  by  withdrawing  from  consideration  by  the 
Senate  the  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Hawaii.  The  position 
ultimately  taken  by  the  new  administration  was  that  the  revo- 
lution in  the  island  kingdom  had  been  accomplished  by  an 
improper  use  of  the   armed  forces  of  the  United   States,  and 


520  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

that  the  wrong  should  be  righted  by  a  restoration  of  the  queen 
to  her  throne.  Upon  the  question  of  fact  on  which  the  policy- 
was  based  there  was  an  exceedingly  warm  controversy;  yet 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that,  whatever  opinion  men  held  as 
to  the  conduct  of  our  minister  at  Honolulu,  the  restoration  of 
a  monarchy  by  the  armed  intervention,  or  under  the  protecting 
authority,  of  the  United  States  was  repugnant  to  the  general 
sentiment  of  the  people. 

The  vigorous  interference  of  the  government  in  the  difficulty 
between  Great  Britain  and  Venezula  was  the  most  dramatic 
passage  in  our  recent  diplomatic  history.  When  it  seemed 
certain  that  England  would  put  an  end  to  the  dispute,  that  had 
l>een  running  more  than  half  a  century,  as  to  the  true  bound- 
ary between  Venezuela  and  her  possession  of  British  Guiana, 
by  seizing  the  territory  in  question,  the  President  brought  the 
subject  to  the  attention  of  Congress  in  a  message  that  contained 
the  broadest  assertion  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  ever  made  in  a 
state  paper.  The  United  States  had  been  endeavoring  for 
years  to  bring  about  a  settlement  of  the  quarrel  by  arbitration. 
The  suggestion  of  the  President  was,  in  effect,  that  if  the 
contending  parties  could  not  come  to  terms,  this  government 
should  undertake  a  judicial  investigation  of  the  matter,  and  sus- 
tain whatever  rights  it  might  find  Venezuela  to  possess.  The 
message  was  received  in  some  quarters  as  presaging  war  with 
Great  Britain  ;  and  its  first  effect  was  to  inflict  almost  absolute 
paralysis  upon  business.  In  the  end,  after  much  negotiation, 
just  before  the  close  of  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration,  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  agreed  upon  an  arbitration  of 
the  boundary  question  on  nearly  the  terms  originally  proposed 
by  this  country,  —  the  most  signal  victory  of  American  diplo- 
macy in  modern  times.  Had  not  domestic  questions  quite 
overshadowed  all  matters  of  foreign  policy,  and  left  the  ad- 
ministration without  a  party  to  support  it,  this  grand  success, 
giving  the  Monroe  doctrine  both  a  wider  scope  and  a  stronger 
legal  standing  than  ever  before,  must  have  played  a  great  part 
in  the  election  of  1896. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  outbreak  of  a  fresh  insurrection  in 
Cuba  increased  greatly  the  perplexities  of  the  administration. 
The  outspoken  sympathy  with  the  insurgents,  more  or  less  sin- 
cere, of  journals  and  politicians,  expressed  itself,  among  other 
ways,  in  heated  denunciation  of  the  President  for  his  strict 
observance  of  a  friendly  attitude  toward  Spain,  and  for  the 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  521 

steps  which  he  took  to  prevent  filibustering  and  other  viola- 
tions of  the  neutrality  laws.  In  a  position  of  extreme  difficulty 
he  succeeded  in  avoiding  complications  that  might  lead  to  war, 
but  he  did  not  and  could  not  succeed  in  pleasing  Spain,  or  the 
Cubans,  or  their  sympathizers  in  this  country. 

Another  incident  of  the  diplomatic  history  of  this  adminis- 
tration must  be  alluded  to,  although  it  ultimately  came  to  no- 
thing, and  had  no  marked  bearing  upon  party  politics  or  upon 
the  presidential  election.  Mr.  Olney,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
negotiated  a  treaty  of  general  arbitration  with  Sir  Julian 
Pauncefote,  the  British  minister  at  Washington,  under  which 
all  questions  arising  between  the  two  governments  were  to  be 
submitted  to  international  tribunals.  The  treaty  was  most 
warmly  attacked  by  many  persons  as  placing  the  interests  of 
the  country  in  jeopardy ;  and  on  the  other  hand  it  was  urged, 
both  wisely  and  unwisely,  by  men  who  thought  they  saw  in  it 
the  germ  of  a  principle  that  was  to  put  an  end  to  war.  The 
treaty  was  not  acted  upon  by  the  Senate  before  the  close  of 
Mr.  Cleveland's  administration  ;  and,  although  his  successor  in 
office  recommended  it  most  earnestly,  it  was  rejected. 

The  most  cursory  review  of  this  remarkable  administration 
would  be  incomplete  without  a  reference  to  these  stirring 
events  in  our  foreign  relations.  Nevertheless  not  one  of  them 
had  the  least  influence  in  shaping  the  canvass  of  1896,  or  in 
determining  its  result.  Two  acts  of  Congress,  passed  in  the 
year  1890,  were  the  special  object  of  attack  by  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  election  of  1892.  The  result  of  that  election  was 
to  give  full  power  to  the  Democrats  in  the  legislative  as  well 
as  the  executive  department  of  the  government,  and  the  Presi- 
dent soon  began  the  promised  campaign  for  the  repeal  of  those 
obnoxious  acts.  The  so-called  "  Sherman  Silver-Purchase 
Act "  was  a  measure  of  concession  by  Republicans  to  the  sen- 
timent that  "  something  ought  to  be  done  for  silver."  Both 
parties,  Republican  and  Democratic  alike,  were  paralyzed  by 
the  advocates  of  silver  free-coinage.  A  majority  of  Democrats 
favored,  and  a  majority  of  Republicans  opposed,  the  policy. 
But  it  was  difficult,  and,  as  the  event  proved,  impossible,  to 
persuade  the  opponents  of  the  measure  to  act  in  harmony. 
Some  of  them  were  even  alarmed  lest,  should  they  agree  upon 
nothing  to  increase  the  use  of  silver  money,  the  advocates  of 
free  coinage  would  carry  their  point.  Out  of  this  situation 
arose  the  compromise  contained  in  the   act   of   1890.      The 


522  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Silver  Republicans  accepted  it  as  the  least  that  would  satisfy 
them  ;  the  anti-Silver  members  persuaded  themselves  that  it 
was  safe  ;  and  it  was  carried  through  as  a  party  measure.  As 
for  the  Democrats,  not  one  of  them  supported  it,  —  the  Free 
Silver  wing  treating  it  with  scorn,  as  a  delusion  ;  the  "  Sound 
Money  "  wing,  as  it  came  afterward  to  be  known,  regarding  it 
as  a  long  step  toward  free  coinage,  if  not  a  surrender  to  the 
Silver  Republicans. 

The  working  of  the  act  satisfied  neither  the  Silver  party  nor 
their  opponents.  The  Democrats  denounced  it  in  terms,  in 
their  national  platform,  as  a  "  cowardly  makeshift,"  and  were 
pledged  to  its  repeal.  When,  however,  in  the  spring  and  early 
summer  of  1893,  the  consequences  of  the  execution  of  the  act 
began  to  make  themselves  felt,  a  line  of  division  different  from 
the  party  line  was  established.  All  those  who  were  opposed 
to  free  coinage,  Republicans  as  well  as  Democrats,  were  anx- 
iously and  earnestly  in  favor  of  repeal.  The  advocates  of  free 
coinage,  on  the  other  hand,  while  maintaining  consistently  that 
it  was  far  short  of  the  measure  which  they  desired,  protested 
against  repeal  unless  something  quite  as  favorable  to  silver  were 
simultaneously  enacted  in  its  stead.  Something  like  a  panic 
seized  the  banking  and  mercantile  communities  of  the  money 
centres,  and  the  alarm  lest  the  country  should  fall  to  a  silver 
standard  was  widespread.  In  these  circumstances  the  Presi- 
dent, who  was  well  known  to  be  opposed  to  further  legislation 
in  favor  of  silver,  and  strongly  against  free  coinage,  called 
Congress  together  in  extraordinary  session  for  the  purpose  of 
repealing  the  silver-purchase  clauses  of  the  act  of  1890.  The 
situation  was  a  peculiar  one.  It  may  perhaps  be  most  briefly 
explained  by  a  statement  of  what  occurred.  The  act  of  repeal 
was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  August  28, 
1893,  three  weeks  after  the  session  began.  It  did  not  pass 
the  Senate  until  October  30.  It  was  successful  in  the  lower 
House  because  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Crisp,  a  silver  advocate  both 
before  and  afterward,  gave  it  his  support  and  the  weight  of  all 
the  influence  a  Speaker  could  exert.  In  the  Senate  the  bill 
was  managed  by  Mr.  Voorhees,  also  a  free-coinage  man. 

The  fact  that,  in  spite  of  the  passage  of  this  bill,  there  was 
a  majority  in  each  House  of  Congress  in  favor  of  free  coin- 
age, was  proved  abundantly  at  the  subsequent  regular  sessions  ; 
but  owing  to  the  difficulty  of  carrying  any  measure  through 
both  Houses  in  the  face  of  a  determined  minority,  nothing 


THE  FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN  523 

was  accomplished.  A  bill  was,  nevertheless,  passed  to  "  coin 
the  seigniorage."  This  act  encountered  a  veto  by  the  President, 
May  27,  1894,  and  tl>e  two-thirds  majority,  necessary  to  pass 
the  bill  notwithstanding  his  objections,  could  not  be  obtained. 
The  bill  proposed  to  coin  so  much  of  the  silver  purchased  under 
the  act  of  1890  as  represented  the  difference  between  the  price 
paid  for  the  silver  and  its  coining  value,  and  to  use  the  coin 
for  the  current  expenses  of  the  government ;  and  afterward  to 
coin  the  rest  of  the  silver  owned  by  the  Treasury  for  the  pur- 
pose of  redeeming  the  treasury  notes  issued  against  the  silver 
purchased.  This  measure,  to  which  Mr.  Abram  S.  Hewitt 
applied  the  catching  phrase  "  coining  a  vacuum,"  was  the  only 
one  touching  the  silver  question  which  reached  the  President 
after  the  repealing  act  already  mentioned.  But  the  temper  of 
Congress  was  well  shown  by  its  absolute  refusal  to  sanction  an 
issue  of  bonds  payable,  principal  and  interest,  in  gold.  The 
matter  was  brought  to  the  attention  of  Congress  by  the  Presi- 
dent at  a  time  when  a  large  issue  of  bonds  was  pending  ;  and  a 
proposition  by  a  bankers'  syndicate  to  take  the  bonds  on  much 
more  favorable  terms,  provided  the  promise  were  made  to  pay 
in  gold  what  was  to  be  lent  in  gold,  was  submitted  at  the  same 
time ;  but  Congress  refused  to  allow  the  promise  to  be  made. 
A  resolution  authorizing  an  issue  of  gold  bonds  was  rejected 
by  a  large  majority. 

The  significance  of  all  these  events,  in  their  bearing  upon 
the  election  of  a  President  in  1896,  lies  in  the  fact  of  a  con- 
stantly increasing  difference  between  Mr.  Cleveland  and  the 
majority  of  his  party  as  represented  in  Congress.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  the  administration,  there  were  enough  Silver  Demo- 
crats, who  joined  with  the  Gold  Democrats,  to  give  a  majority 
of  the  party  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  favor  of  the 
repeal  act  of  1893.  In  the  Senate  the  Democrats  who  opposed 
the  President  were  exactly  as  many  as  those  who  supported 
him.  Included  among  his  supporters  were  seven  senators  who 
were  far  more  disposed  to  vote  for  free  coinage  than  for  the 
repealing  act.  The  President's  influence  was  sufficient  to  se- 
cure their  vote  for  the  bill.  But  this  was  the  last  occasion 
on  which  they  conceded  anything  to  him  or  yielded  their 
opinion  in  the  slightest  degree. 

As  soon  as  the  Silver-Purchase  Repeal  Act  had  been  passed, 
the  President  bent  all  his  energies  to  the  fulfilment  of  the 
second  pledge  of  his  party,  —  the  repeal  of  the  McKinley  Tariff 


524  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Act,  and  the  passage  of  a  customs  revenue  law  "  to  reduce  tax- 
ation." The  protective  system  had  been  denounced  in  1892 
from  every  Democratic  stump,  and  Mr.  Cleveland  had  been 
elected  with  a  distinct  understanding  that  his  victory  would 
signify  a  purpose  to  go  as  far  as  prudence  would  warrant  in 
the  direction  of  free  trade,  or  a  "  tariff  for  revenue  only." 
Accordingly,  at  the  beginning  of  the  regular  session  of  Con- 
gress in  December,  1893,  the  President  summoned  his  party 
to  the  performance  of  this  duty.  The  apparent  unanimity  of 
the  Democrats  on  this  question,  moreover,  seemed  to  promise 
an  opportunity  to  heal  the  breach  caused  by  the  contest  over 
silver.  The  result  made  manifest  a  party  division  no  less  de- 
plorable from  a  political  point  of  view  than  that  which  had 
been  revealed  at  the  extraordinary  session,  and  one  which 
filled  with  humiliation  those  who  wished  honestly  and  faith- 
fully to  redeem  the  party  pledge.  A  tariff  bill  framed  as 
nearly  in  conformity  to  the  principle  which  the  voters  of  the 
country  were  supposed  to  have  approved,  as  could  be  expected 
of  any  party,  was  brought  into  the  House  by  Mr.  Wilson, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  and  was 
promptly  passed  by  that  branch  of  Congress.  When  it 
reached  the  Senate  a  singular  state  of  affairs  appeared.  A 
coterie  of  Democratic  senators  made  an  informal  alliance  with 
the  Republicans  for  the  purpose  of  saving  the  protective  du- 
ties upon  certain  classes  of  goods  in  which  the  people  of  their 
respective  States  were  interested.  Neither  threats  nor  per- 
suasion, and  no  consideration  of  party  loyalty,  availed  to  break 
this  alliance.  The  Democratic  leaders  were  forced  to  accept 
the  amendments  dictated  by  the  wayward  members  of  their 
own  party,  including  some  that  were  insisted  upon  by  the 
Republicans  as  the  price  of  their  assistance.  In  these  circum- 
stances, the  bill  as  it  was  passed  by  the  Senate  was  one  which 
consistent  upholders  of  the  Democratic  principle  declared  they 
could. never  accept.  Nevertheless,  it  was  soon  made  evident 
to  them  that  no  changes  would  be  permitted,  —  that  the  choice 
lay  between  taking  the  bill  as  the  Senate  had  passed  it,  or 
taking  nothing,  and  thus  leaving  the  McKinley  act  in  force. 
With  unconcealed  reluctance  they  took  the  Senate  bill.  The 
only  consolation  they  permitted  themselves  was  the  fact  that 
the  bill  made  wool  free  of  duty ;  and  the  wool  duty  was  re- 
garded as  the  keystone  of  the  protection  arch.  The  President 
would  neither  approve  the  bill  nor  become  responsible  for  the 


THE  FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN  525 

failure  of  tariff  legislation  by  vetoing  it.      He  allowed  the  bill 
to  become  law  by  lapse  of  time,  without  his  signature. 

During  the  ensuing  two  years  the  financial  and  business 
situation  became  steadily  worse.  Each  reacted  upon  the 
other.  The  lower  duties  imposed  by  the  new  tariff  act  were 
not  followed  by  such  an  increase  of  importations  as  to  make 
good  the  loss  of  revenue.  Foreign  distrust  in  the  stability  of 
our  affairs  led  to  a  withdrawal  of  foreign  investments,  and 
this  caused  a  heavy  exportation  of  gold,  which  was  drawn 
from  the  Treasury.  The  gold  borrowed  on  government  loans 
to  make  good  the  reserve  maintained  to  insure  the  redeema- 
bility  of  the  paper  money  was  quickly  lost ;  for  the  greenbacks 
paid  out  in  excess  of  revenue  were  again  presented  for  re- 
demption, to  procure  more  gold  for  export.  The  President, 
in  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject,  likened  the 
process  to  the  operation  of  an  "  endless  chain."  The  constant 
imperilling  of  the  gold  reserve  caused  frequent  panics  and 
a  paralysis  of  business.  The  labor  situation  became  serious. 
Great  strikes  took  place,  attended  with  extreme  violence. 
One  in  particular  on  certain  great  lines  of  railway  centring  in 
Chicago  led  to  a  direct  intervention  of  the  national  authority 
and  the  employment  of  the  army  to  protect  the  running  of 
trains,  on  the  theory  that  it  was  necessary  to  continue  the 
operation  of  the  postal  service.  The  use  of  the  government 
troops  was  not  solicited  by  the  governor  of  Illinois,  who  pub- 
licly protested  that  the  intervention  of  the  national  author- 
ity, by  command  of  the  President,  prior  to  a  request  therefor 
by  the  governor,  was  an  unconstitutional  invasion  of  State 
rights. 

The  generally  deplorable  condition  of  affairs,  which,  as  is 
usually  the  case,  was  popularly  attributed  to  the  inefficiency 
and  failure  of  the  party  in  power,  caused  a  violent  reaction 
from  the  great  Democratic  victory  of  1892.  The  Congress 
elections  of  1894  gave  the  Republicans  a  majority  of  more 
than  two  to  one  in  the  House.  Hardly  a  dozen  Democratic 
members  were  returned  from  all  the  Northern  States.  The 
situation  of  the  Democratic  party  did  not  improve,  and  at  the 
beginning  of  1896  was  as  hopeless  as  it  had  been  at  any  time 
during  the  second  administration  of  Mr.  Cleveland.  It  was 
at  this  time  a  common  remark  by  Republicans,  which  their 
opponents  ventured  only  mildly  to  contradict,  that  they  "  could 
nominate  a  rag  baby  and  elect  it  President "  that  year. 


526  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Yet  events  so  shaped  themselves  as  to  render  the  contest 
one  of  the  sharpest,  most  memorable,  and  for  a  brief  season 
the  most  doubtful,  of  all  that  have  taken  place  since  the  elec- 
tion of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860.  That  which  brought  about  the 
change  was  the  intrusion  of  the  silver  question  into  the  canvass 
as  the  dominant  issue,  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  and  efforts 
of  those  who,  in  each  of  the  old  historic  parties,  had  previously 
exercised  a  controlling  influence  in  its  councils.  It  is  easy  to 
understand  why  they  took  this  attitude  of  opposition.  As 
apostles  of  the  gospel  of  success,  they  dreaded  the  division  which 
a  plain  and  unmistakable  pronouncement  on  the  subject  of  silver 
would  cause.  The  Populist  party  alone  was  united  on  that 
issue.  The  growing  strength  of  that  organization  had  filled 
all  the  old  politicians  with  alarm.  In  some  of  the  Western 
States  it  had  even  become  formidable  to  the  extent  of  outnum- 
bering both  the  old  parties  combined.  It  was  evident  that,  if 
the  silver  question  were  to  become  the  foremost  issue  in  the 
canvass,  the  old  policy  of  a  "  straddling  "  platform  would  not 
do ;  since  in  that  case  all  those  who  were  resolved  to  have  free 
coinage  at  all  hazards  would  flock  to  the  Populist  standard. 
Out  of  this  situation  developed  a  sensational  contest  for  the 
control  of  the  Democratic  organization.  The  Eastern  section 
of  the  party  was  dominated  by  the  advocates  of  the  gold  stand- 
ard ;  the  Free  Coinage  wing  was  overwhelmingly  strong  in  the 
West  and  South  ;  and  the  great  battle-ground  was  the  central 
Western  States.  The  national  administration  employed  all  its 
influence  to  secure  the  election  to  the  national  convention  of 
delegates  who  would  oppose  the  demands  of  the  Silver  men. 
Kentucky  was  the  scene  of  the  fiercest  conflict ;  and  when  the 
primary  elections  resulted  in  a  brilliant  victory  for  free  silver, 
it  was  evident  that  the  contest  was  ended,  and  that  the  only 
hope  of  the  opponents  of  free  coinage  was  that  the  victors 
might  be  persuaded  not  to  carry  their  advantage  to  extremes, 
—  a  hope  which  was  destined  to  be  disappointed.  The  ear- 
nestness with  which  the  struggle  was  carried  on  may  be  judged 
from  the  fact  that  the  Democratic  conventions  of  no  less  than 
thirty  States  resolved  in  distinct  and  emphatic  language  in 
favor  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one. 
Fourteen  state  conventions  opposed  free  coinage,  and  ten  of 
them  declared  in  set  terms  for  the  gold  standard.  One  conven- 
tion only,  that  of  Florida,  expressed  no  opinion  on  the  silver 
question.     The  sectional  division  on  this  issue  is  indicated  by 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  527 

the  fact  that  the  fourteen  anti-Silver  States  were  the  New  Eng- 
land States,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
and  Maryland,  with  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Minnesota. 

Meantime  another  contest  had  been  attracting  deep  interest 
throughout  the  country,  —  a  contest,  not  of  principle,  but  be- 
tween rival  candidates  for  the  Republican  nomination.  Major 
William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  Thomas  B.  Reed,  of  Maine,  had  long  been 
avowed  candidates  for  the  nomination.  Months  before  the 
convention  was  to  be  held,  the  agents  and  partisans  of  each 
were  at  work  laying  plans,  conducting  correspondence,  and 
dispatching  emissaries  to  all  parts  of  the  country  —  particu- 
larly into  the  Southern  States  —  in  order  to  secure  the  elec- 
tion of  delegates.  By  far  the  better  organized,  more  aggres- 
sive and  systematic  campaign  was  carried  on  in  behalf  of  Major 
McKinley,  under  the  direction  of  his  friend  Marcus  A. 
Hanna,  whose  name  became  familiar  as  household  words  in  the 
mouths  of  all  the  stump  speakers  before  the  presidential  canvass 
ended.  Mr.  McKinley  was  proclaimed  "  the  advance  agent 
of  prosperity  ; "  and,  in  the  renewed  popularity  of  the  protec- 
tive system,  no  cry  was  more  effective  than  the  demand  for 
"Bill  McKinley  and  the  McKinley  Bill."  Mr.  Reed's  im- 
mense and  universally  admitted  services  to  his  party,  his  tal- 
ents, his  iron  will,  and  his  almost  undisputed  leadership,  gave 
him  a  host  of  supporters.  New  York  brought  forward  her 
governor,  the  former  Vice-President,  Levi  P.  Morton.  Iowa 
presented  as  a  worthy  candidate  her  senator,  William  B.  Alli- 
son; and  Pennsylvania  named  Senator  Matthew  S.  Quay. 
The  efforts  in  behalf  of  the  minor  candidates  availed  little  save 
in  their  respective  States ;  the  hopes  of  their  supporters  hardly 
went  further  than  this :  that  they  might  make  such  a  display 
of  strength  as  to  suggest  that,  if  neither  Mr.  McKinley  nor 
Mr.  Reed  could  carry  the  convention,  one  of  them  would  be 
available  as  a  "dark  horse."  But  it  became  evident  long 
before  the  convention,  although  the  partisans  of  the  other  can- 
didates would  not  admit  it,  that  a  strong  majority  of  the  dele- 
gates favored  the  nomination  of  Mr.  McKinley.  During  the 
whole  of  this  preliminary  skirmishing  in  the  Republican  party, 
the  silver  question  was  thrust  into  the  background  as  much  as 
possible.  Twenty-two  state  conventions,  it  is  true,  declared 
against  free  coinage  ;  but  many  even  of  these  gave  greater 
prominence  and  vigor  to  their  expressions  on  the  tariff  than  to 


528  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

their  views  on  the  money  standard.  Here  also  the  gospel  oi 
success  prevailed.  The  States  of  the  extreme  West,  the  "  min- 
ing States,"  were  practically  unanimous  in  favor  of  silver.  If 
the  Democrats  could  count  as  usual  on  a  "  solid  South,"  if  they 
could  hold  the  doubtful  States  of  the  Northwest,  and  if  they 
could  win  over  the  new  States  of  the  far  Northwest  by  taking 
ground  in  favor  of  free  coinage  while  the  Republicans  opposed 
it,  the  canvass  was  already  decided  against  the  Republicans. 
It  was  announced  by  the  Republican  leaders  in  Colorado, 
Idaho,  and  other  States  that  their  electoral  votes  were  irretriev- 
ably lost  to  the  party  if  the  national  convention  did  not  show 
itself  more  "  friendly  to  silver  "  than  the  Minneapolis  conven- 
tion of  1892.  This  consideration  caused  many  of  the  managers 
to  do  their  utmost  to  retain  the  tariff  as  the  leading  issue,  and 
to  contemplate  a  "  straddle  "  on  the  silver  question.  Their 
plans  and  purposes  were  overturned  by  influences  too  strong 
for  them  to  resist. 

Affairs  were  in  this  interesting  situation  when  the  time 
arrived  for  holding  the  national  conventions.  The  results  of 
these  great  assemblies  were  surprising  to  those  even  who  had 
gauged  accurately  the  intensity  of  the  public  feeling  on  the 
silver  question.  Never  before  were  conventions  so  inharmoni- 
ous, and  never  were  there  so  many  "  splits  "  and  "  bolts  "  in 
parties.  The  first  convention  to  be  held  was  that  of  the  Pro- 
hibition party,  which  met  at  Pittsburg  on  May  27,  1896.  Mr. 
A.  A.  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  Mr.  Oliver  W.  Stewart,  of  Illinois,  the  permanent  presi- 
dent of  the  convention. 

The  assembly  was  divided  from  the  first  into  two  factions,  — 
the  "  narrow  gaugers  "  and  the  "  broad  gaugers."  The  real 
contest  was  over  the  silver  question.  The  "  broad  gaugers  " 
favored  a  platform  made  up  of  resolutions  on  many  topics, 
upon  which  they  held  views  closely  approaching  .those  of  the 
Populists.  The  "  narrow  gaugers,"  opposing  particularly  the 
adoption  of  a  free  coinage  "  plank,"  contended  for  a  platform 
which  should  make  the  prohibition  of  the  manufacture  and 
sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  the  only  issue  upon  which  the 
party  should  appeal  to  the  people.  So  sharp  was  the  contest 
between  the  two  factions  that  a  disruption  was  foreseen  before 
the  convention  was  called  to  order.  Leading  men  on  each  side 
had  announced  that  if  their  faction  were  defeated,  they  would 
not  support  either  platform   or  candidates.     There   was  war 


THE   FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN  529 

between  them  in  the  choice  of  presiding  officers  ;  and  the  two 
presidential  candidates  ultimately  named  had  been  agreed  upon 
in  rival  caucuses  before  the  first  session  of  the  convention. 

The  platform  was  reported  on  the  second  day  of  the  session. 
A  majority  of  the  committee  consisted  of  "  narrow  gaugers," 
and  all  the  resolutions,  six  in  number,  were  aimed  at  the 
liquor  traffic.  A  minority  of  the  committee  presented  fifteen 
additional  resolutions,  the  first  of  which  demanded  the  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one. 
The  convention,  in  order  that  it  might  consider  the  question  as 
a  whole,  first  voted,  yeas  492,  nays  310,  to  append  the  minority 
resolutions  to  those  reported  by  the  majority,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  consider  the  resolutions  seriatim.  The  first  six 
were  adopted  with  unanimity.  The  next,1  opposing  all  bank 
currency,  and  advocating  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  was  warmly 
debated,  and  was  rejected  by  a  vote  of  yeas  387,  nays  427. 
A  motion  was  then  made,  and  carried  almost  unanimously,  to 
substitute  for  the  resolutions  already  adopted  the  following, 
which  became  the  platform  of  the  convention  :  — 

We,  the  members  of  the  Prohibition  party,  in  National  Conven- 
tion assembled,  renewing  our  declaration  of  allegiance  to  Almighty 
God  as  the  rightful  Ruler  of  the  universe,  lay  down  the  following 
as  our  declaration  of  political  purpose :  — 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  de- 
clares its  firm  conviction  that  the  manufacture,  exportation,  im- 
portation, and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages  has  produced  such  social, 
commercial,  industrial,  and  political  wrongs,  and  is  now  so  threafc- 
ening  the  perpetuity  of  all  our  social  and  political  institutions,  that 
the  suppression  of  the  same,  by  a  national  party  organized  therefor, 
is  the  greatest  object  to  be  accomplished  by  the  voters  of  our  coun- 
try, and  is  of  such  importance  that  it  of  right  ought  to  control  the 
political  actions  of  all  our  patriotic  citizens  until  such  suppression 
is  accomplished. 

The  urgency  of  this  course  demands  the  union,  without  further 
delay,  of  all  citizens  who  desire  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic , 
therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  favor  the  legal  prohibition  by  state  and  na- 
tional legislation  of  the  manufacture,  importation,  and  sale  of 
alcoholic  beverages.  That  we  declare  our  purpose  to  organize  and 
unite  all  the  friends  of  prohibition  into  one  party,  and  in  order  to 
accomplish  this  end  we  deem  it  of  right  to  leave  every  Prohibition- 
ist the  freedom  of  his  own  convictions  upon  all  other  political 
1  See  the  third  resolution  of  the  National  party,  p.  531. 


530  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

questions,  and  trust  our  representatives  to  take  such  action  upon 
other  political  questions  as  the  changes  occasioned  by  prohibition 
and  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people  shall  demand. 

The  following  additional  resolution  was  moved  from  the 
floor  and  unanimously  adopted  ;  but  in  order  to  save  the  con- 
sistency of  the  "  narrow  gaugers,"  it  was  voted  that  the  resolu- 
tion should  not  be  a  part  of  the  platform :  — 

Resolved,  That  the  right  of  suffrage  ought  not  to  be  abridged  on 
account  of  sex. 

Immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the  substitute  platform 
and  the  defeat  of  the  "  broad  gaugers,"  a  delegate  requested  all 
members  of  the  convention  who  "  wanted  to  work  for  human- 
ity "  to  withdraw.  Thereupon  the  "  broad  gaugers  "  retired 
from  the  hall.  Those  who  remained  proceeded  to  make  nomi- 
nations. Joshua  Levering,  of  Maryland,  was  chosen  as  the 
candidate  for  President  of  the  United  States  by  acclamation. 
A  vote  was  taken  for  a  candidate  for  Vice-President,  and  Hale 
Johnson,  of  Illinois,  was  chosen.  He  received  309  votes,  to 
132  for  T.  C.  Hughes,  of  Arizona. 

The  seceders  from  the  Prohibition  convention  met  in  Pitts- 
burg on  the  evening  of  May  28,  chose  Mr.  A.  L.  Moore,  of 
Michigan,  chairman,  and  proceeded  to  organize  the  "  National " 
party.  The  following  platform  was  adopted.  The  six  resolu- 
tions of  the  Prohibition  platform  were  condensed  into  one  ;  the 
declaration  in  favor  of  woman  suffrage  was  appended ;  and  the 
other  eleven  "  planks "  were  taken  from  the  report  of  the 
minority  of  the  platform  committee  of  the  Prohibition  con- 
vention :  — 

The  National  party,  recognizing  God  as  the  author  of  all  just 
power  in  government,  presents  the  following  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples, which  it  pledges  itself  to  enact  into  effective  legislation 
when  given  the  power  to  do  so :  — 

1.  The  suppression  of  the  manufacture  and  sale,  importation, 
exportation,  and  transportation  of  intoxicating  liquors  for  bever- 
age purposes.  We  utterly  reject  all  plans  for  regulating  or  com- 
promising with  this  traffic,  whether  such  plans  be  called  local 
option,  taxation,  license,  or  public  control.  The  sale  of  liquors 
for  medicinal  and  other  legitimate  uses  should  be  conducted  by 
the  State,  without  profit,  and  with  such  regulations  as  will  pre- 
vent fraud  or  evasion. 

2.  No  citizen  should  be  denied  the  right  to  vote  on  account  of 
sex. 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  531 

3.  All  money  should  be  issued  by  the  general  government  only, 
and  without  the  intervention  of  any  private  citizen,  corporation, 
or  banking  institution.  It  should  be  based  upon  the  wealth,  sta- 
bility, and  integrity  of  the  nation.  It  should  be  a  full  legal  ten- 
der for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and  should  be  of  sufficient 
volume  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  legitimate  business  interests 
of  the  country.  For  the  purpose  of  honestly  liquidating  our  out- 
standing coin  obligations,  we  favor  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  both  silver  and  gold,  at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  consulting 
any  other  nation. 

4.  Land  is  the  common  heritage  of  the  people  and  should  be 
preserved  from  monopoly  and  speculation.  All  unearned  grants 
of  land  subject  to  forfeiture  should  be  reclaimed  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  no  portion  of  the  public  domain  should  hereafter  be 
granted  except  to  actual  settlers,  continuous  use  being  essential 
to  tenure. 

5.  Railroads,  telegraphs,  and  other  natural  monopolies  should 
be  owned  and  operated  by  the  government,  giving  to  the  people 
the  benefit  of  service  at  actual  cost. 

6.  The  national  Constitution  should  be  so  amended  as  to  allow 
the  national  revenues  to  be  raised  by  equitable  adjustment  of 
taxation  on  the  properties  and  incomes  of  the  people,  and  import 
duties  should  be  levied  as  a  means  of  securing  equitable  commer- 
cial relations  with  other  nations. 

7.  The  contract  convict  labor  system,  through  which  speculators 
are  enriched  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  should  be  abolished. 

8.  All  citizens  should  be  protected  by  law  in  their  right  to  one 
day  of  rest  in  seven,  without  oppressing  any  who  conscientiously 
observe  any  other  than  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

9.  The  American  public  schools,  taught  in  the  English  lan- 
guage, should  be  maintained,  and  no  public  funds  should  be  ap- 
propriated for  sectarian  institutions. 

10.  The  President,  Vice-President,  and  United  States  senators 
should  be  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

11.  Ex-soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  United  States  army  and  navy, 
their  widows  and  minor  children,  should  receive  liberal  pensions, 
graded  on  disability  and  term  of  service,  not  merely  as  a  debt  of 
gratitude,  but  for  service  rendered  in  the  preservation  of  the 
Union. 

12.  Our  immigration  laws  should  be  so  revised  as  to  exclude 
paupers  and  criminals.  None  but  citizens  of  the  United  States 
should  be  allowed  to  vote  in  any  State,  and  naturalized  citizens 
should  not  vote  until  one  year  after  naturalization  papers  have 
been  issued. 

13.  The  initiative  and  referendum,  and  proportional  represen- 
tation, should  be  adopted. 


532  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

The  Rev.  Charles  E.  Bentley,  of  Nebraska,  was  nominated 
by  acclamation  for  President  of  the  United  States ;  and  James 
H.  Southgate,  of  North  Carolina,  for  Vice-President.  Repre- 
sentatives of  twenty -seven  States  took  part  in  the  convention. 
A  roll-call  showed  the  presence  of  299  seceding  delegates 
accredited  to  the  Prohibition  convention.  All  the  proceed- 
ings of  this  assembly  were  completed  at  a  single  sitting,  which 
lasted  until  the  dawn  of  May  29. 

The  Republican  convention  met  at  St.  Louis  on  June  16. 
The  nomination  of  Major  McKinley  was  a  foregone  conclu- 
sion ;  but  the  formation  of  the  platform  excited  the  most  in- 
tense interest  among  the  delegates  and  throughout  the  country. 
The  complete  victory  of  the  Free  Silver  wing  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  the  choice  of  delegates  to  the  convention  soon 
to  assemble,  and  the  determination  expressed  by  its  leaders  to 
declare  for  free  coinage  in  the  most  radical  terms,  placed  be- 
fore the  Republican  politicians  for  solution  a  puzzling  problem. 
Should  they  try  to  evade  the  issue  about  to  be  set  forth  by 
their  enemies,  and  endeavor  to  make  the  canvass  on  the  tariff 
issue  ?  Or  should  they  boldly  anticipate  the  new  issue  and 
declare  against  free  coinage  and  in  favor  of  the  gold  standard  ? 
A  small  but  compact  and  persistent  group  of  delegates  from 
the  extreme  West  urged  a  third  course,  namely,  a  declaration 
in  favor  of  free  coinage  ;  but  that  was  manifestly  out  of  the 
question,  since  a  vast  majority  of  the  leaders  and  of  those 
whom  they  represented  was  unalterably  opposed  to  that  policy. 

The  advocates  of  a  timorous  policy  were  defeated  in  the  first 
preliminary  skirmish.  Two  facts  which  were  set  forth  most 
clearly  convinced  a  great  majority  of  the  convention  that  there 
was  nothing  to  be  gained  and  much  to  be  lost  by  a  "  straddle," 
—  the  first,  that  such  a  course  would  not  pacify  the  Free  Silver 
delegates  or  keep  them  in  the  convention  ;  and  the  second,  that 
the  advocates  of  the  policy  of  saying  plainly  what  almost  all 
the  delegates  except  those  from  the  "  Silver  States  "  thought, 
would  carry  the  contest  into  the  convention  if  they  were  de- 
feated in  the  committee.  In  these  circumstances  most  of  the 
opposition  to  the  insertion  of  the  word  "  gold  "  in  the  platform 
ceased.  Even  the  phraseology  of  the  resolution,  which  was 
afterward  changed  but  slightly,  was  agreed  upon  and  published. 

Nevertheless,  after  the  convention  met  and  organized,  by 
the  choice  of  Mr.  Charles  W.  Fairbanks,  of  Indiana,  as  tem- 
porary chairman,  and  Mr.  John  M.  Thurston,  of  Nebraska,  as 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  533 

permanent  president,  the  contest  was  renewed  in  the  committee 
on  resolutions.  It  was  not  until  the  third  day  of  the  session, 
June  18,  that  the  platform  was  reported,  as  follows ':  — 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their  repre- 
sentatives in  national  convention,  appealing  for  the  popular  and 
historical  justification  of  their  claims  to  the  matchless  achieve- 
ments of  the  thirty  years  of  Republican  rule,  earnestly  and  confi- 
dently address  themselves  to  the  awakened  intelligence,  experience, 
and  conscience  of  their  countrymen  in  the  following  declaration 
of  facts  and  principles  :  — 

For  the  first  time  since  the  Civil  War  the  American  people  have 
witnessed  the  calamitous  consequences  of  full  and  unrestricted 
Democratic  control  of  the  government.  It  has  been  a  record  of 
unparalleled  incapacity,  dishonor,  and  disaster.  In  administrative 
management  it  has  ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensable  revenue, 
entailed  an  unceasing  deficit,  eked  out  ordinary  current  expenses 
with  borrowed  money,  piled  up  the  public  debt  by  $262,000,000  in 
time  of  peace,  forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade,  kept  a  perpetual 
menace  hanging  over  the  redemption  fund,  pawned  American 
credit  to  alien  syndicates,  and  reversed  all  the  measures  and  results 
of  successful  Republican  rule. 

In  the  broad  effect  of  its  policy  it  has  precipitated  panic,  blighted 
industry  and  trade  with  prolonged  depression,  closed  factories,  re- 
duced work  and  wages,  halted  enterprise,  and  crippled  American 
production  while  stimulating  foreign  production  for  the  American 
market.  Every  consideration  of  public  safety  and  individual 
interest  demands  that  the  government  shall  be  rescued  from  the 
hands  of  those  who  have  shown  themselves  incapable  of  conduct- 
ing it  without  disaster  at  home  and  dishonor  abroad,  and  shall 
be  restored  to  the  party  which  for  thirty  years  administered  it 
with  unequalled  success  and  prosperity,  and  in  this  connection  we 
heartily  indorse  the  wisdom,  the  patriotism,  and  the  success  of  the 
administration  of  President  Harrison. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the  policy  of  pro- 
tection as  the  bulwark  of  American  industrial  independence  and 
the  foundation  of  American  development  and  prosperity.  This 
true  American  policy  taxes  foreign  products  and  encourages  home 
industry ;  it  puts  the  burden  of  revenue  on  foreign  goods ;  it  se- 
cures the  American  market  for  the  American  producer  ;  it  upholds 
the  American  standard  of  wages  for  the  American  workingman ; 
it  puts  the  factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm,  and  makes  the  Ameri- 
can farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign  demand  and  price  ;  it  diffuses 
general  thrift,  and  founds  the  strength  of  all  on  the  strength  of 
each.    In  its  reasonable  application  it  is  just,  fair,  and  impartial, 


534  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

equally  opposed  to  foreign  control  and  domestic  monopoly,  to  sec* 
tional  discrimination  and  individual  favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff  as  sectional,  inju- 
rious to  the  public  credit,  and  destructive  to  business  enterprise. 
We  demand  such  an  equitable  tariff  on  foreign  imports  which 
come  into  competition  with  American  products  as  will  not  only 
furnish  adequate  revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment, but  will  protect  American  labor  from  degradation  to  the 
wage  level  of  other  lands.  We  are  not  pledged  to  any  particular 
schedules.  The  question  of  rates  is  a  practical  question,  to  ba 
governed  by  the  conditions  of  the  time  and  of  production ;  the 
ruling  and  uncompromising  principle  is  the  protection  and  devel- 
opment of  American  labor  and  industry.  The  country  demands 
a  right  settlement,  and  then  it  wants  rest. 

We  believe  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  arrangements  negotiated 
by  the  last  Republican  administration  was  a  national  calamity, 
and  we  demand  their  renewal  and  extension  on  such  terms  as 
will  equalize  our  trade  with  other  nations,  remove  the  restrictions 
which  now  obstruct  the  sale  of  American  products  in  the  ports  of 
other  countries,  and  secure  enlarged  markets  for  the  products  of 
our  farms,  forests,  and  factories. 

Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures  of  Republican 
policy  and  go  hand  in  hand.  Democratic  rule  has  recklessly 
struck  down  both,  and  both  must  be  reestablished.  Protection 
for  what  we  produce;  free  admission  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
which  we  do  not  produce ;  reciprocity  agreements  of  mutual  in- 
terests which  gain  open  markets  for  us  in  return  for  our  open 
market  to  others.  Protection  builds  up  domestic  industry  and 
trade,  and  secures  our  own  market  for  ourselves;  reciprocity 
builds  up  foreign  trade  and  finds  an  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  for  not  keeping  faith 
with  the  sugar-producers  of  this  country.  The  Republican  party 
favors  such  protection  as  will  lead  to  the  production  on  American 
soil  of  all  the  sugar  which  the  American  people  use,  and  for  which 
they  pay  other  countries  more  than  $100,000,000  annually. 

To  all  our  products  —  to  those  of  the  mine  and  the  fields,  as 
well  as  those  of  the  shop  and  factory ;  to  hemp,  to  wool,  the  pro- 
duct of  the  great  industry  of  sheep  husbandry,  as  wTell  as  to  the 
finished  woollens  of  the  mills  —  we  promise  the  most  ample  pro- 
tection. 

We  favor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of  discriminating 
duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  merchant  marine  and  the  pro- 
tection of  our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade,  so  that 
American  ships  —  the  product  of  American  labor,  employed  in 
American  shipyards,  sailing  under  the  stars  and   stripes,  and 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  -      535 

manned,  officered,  and  owned  by  Americans  —  may  regain  the 
carrying  of  our  foreign  commerce. 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It 
caused  the  enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  in  1879  ;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good 
as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to  de- 
base our  currency  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  country.  We  are, 
therefore,  opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  inter- 
national agreement  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the 
world,  which  we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such 
agreement  can  be  obtained  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be 
preserved.  All  our  silver  and  paper  currency  must  be  maintained 
at  parity  with  gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  main- 
tain inviolably  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  and  all  our 
money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  at  the  present  standard,  the  stand- 
ard of  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  armies  deserve  and  should  receive 
fair  treatment  and  generous  recognition.  Whenever  practicable 
they  should  be  given  the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employment, 
and  they  are  entitled  to  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  are  best 
calculated  to  secure  the  fulfilment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them 
in  the  dark  days  of  the  country's  peril.  We  denounce  the  practice 
in  the  Pension  Bureau,  so  recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on  by 
the  present  administration,  of  reducing  pensions  and  arbitrarily 
dropping  names  from  the  rolls,  as  deserving  the  severest  condem- 
nation of  the  American  people. 

Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm,  vigorous,  and 
dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in  the  Western  hemisphere  care- 
fully watched  and  guarded.  The  Hawaiian  islands  should  be 
controlled  by  the  United  States,  and  no  foreign  power  should  be 
permitted  to  interfere  with  them  ;  the  Nicaragua  Canal  should 
be  built,  owned  and  operated  by  the  United  States ;  and  by  the 
purchase  of  the  Danish  islands  we  should  secure  a  proper  and 
much-needed  naval  station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the  deep  sympathy 
and  just  indignation  of  the  American  people,  and  we  believe  that 
the  United  States  should  exercise  all  the  influence  it  can  properly 
exert  to  bring  these  atrocities  to  an  end.  In  Turkey,  American 
residents  have  been  exposed  to  the  gravest  dangers  and  American 
property  destroyed.  There  and  everywhere  American  citizens  and 
American  property  must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards 
and  at  any  cost. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  and  we  re- 
affirm the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  doctrine  effect 


536     -         A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  responding  to  the  appeal  of  any  American  State  for  friendly 
intervention  in  case  of  European  encroachment.  We  have  not 
interfered  and  shall  not  interefere  with  the  existing  possessions 
of  any  European  power  in  this  hemisphere,  but  those  possessions 
must  not  on  any  pretext  be  extended.  We  hopefully  look  forward 
to  the  eventual  withdrawal  of  the  European  powers  from  this 
hemisphere,  and  to  the  ultimate'  union  of  all  English-speaking 
parts  of  the  continent  by  the  free  consent  of  its  inhabitants. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independence,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  have  regarded  with  sympathy  the  struggles 
of  other  American  people  to  free  themselves  from  European  domi- 
nation. We  watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the  heroic  bat- 
tle of  the  Cuban  patriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  our 
best  hopes  go  out  for  the  full  success  of  their  determined  contest 
for  liberty. 

The  government  of  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba,  and 
being  unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resident  American 
citizens,  or  to  comply  with  its  treaty  obligations,  we  believe  that 
the  government  of  the  United  States  should  actively  use  its  influ- 
ence and  good  offices  to  restore  peace  and  give  independence  to 
the  island. 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  republic  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  rightful  influence  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  demand  a 
naval  power  commensurate  with  its  position  and  responsibility. 
We  therefore  favor  the  continued  enlargement  of  the  navy  and  a 
complete  system  of  harbor  and  seacoast  defences. 

For  the  protection  of  the  quality  of  our  American  citizenship 
and  of  the  wages  of  our  workingmen  against  the  fatal  competition 
of  low-priced  labor,  we  demand  that  the  immigration  laws  be 
thoroughly  enforced,  and  so  extended  as  to  exclude  from  entrance 
to  the  United  States  those  who  can  neither  read  nor  write. 

The  civil-service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute  book  by  the 
Republican  party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew 
our  repeated  declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly 
enforced  and  extended  wherever  practicable. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot,  and  that  such 
ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as  cast. 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  uncivilized 
and  barbarous  practice,  well  known  as  lynching,  or  killing  of 
human  beings  suspected  or  charged  with  crime,  without  process 
of  law. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  national  Board  of  Arbitration  to 
settle  and  adjust  differences  which  may  arise  between  employers 
and  employees  engaged  in  interstate  commerce. 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  537 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the  free-homestead  policy 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  urge  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a 
satisfactory  free-homestead  measure  such  as  has  already  passed 
the  House,  and  is  now  pending  in  the  Senate. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at  the 
earliest  practicable  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of 
the  people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All  the 
Federal  officers  appointed  for  the  Territories  should  be  selected 
from  bond  fide  residents  thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-government 
should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alaska  should  have  representation  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  the  end  that  needful  legisla- 
tion may  be  intelligently  enacted. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wrise  and  legitimate  efforts  to  lessen 
and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
women.  Protection  of  American  industries  includes  equal  oppor- 
tunities, equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  protection  to  the  home. 
We  favor  the  admission  of  women  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness, 
and  welcome  their  cooperation  in  rescuing  the  country  from  Dem- 
ocratic and  Populist  mismanagement  and  misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Republican  party. 
By  these  principles  we  will  abide  and  these  policies  we  will  put 
into  execution.  We  ask  for  them  the  considerate  judgment  of  the 
American  people.  Confident  alike  in  the  history  of  our  great 
party  and  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our  platform  and 
our  candidates  in  the  full  assurance  that  the  election  will  bring 
victory  to  the  Republican  party  and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States. 

Immediately  after  the  reading  of  the  platform  Senator 
Henry  M.  Teller,  of  Colorado,  the  leader  of  the  Silver  forces, 
took  the  floor,  and  in  behalf  of  a  minority  of  the  Committee 
on  Resolutions  offered  the  following  as  a  substitute  for  the 
declaration  in  the  platform  on  the  subject  of  currency  and 
coinage :  — 

The  Republican  party  favors  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as 
equal  standard  money,  and  pledges  its  power  to  secure  the  free, 
unrestricted,  and  independent  coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  our 
mints  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  parts  of  silver  to  one  of  gold. 

Mr.  Teller  pleaded  for  his  substitute  in  an  earnest  speech, 
which  virtually  recognized  the  impending  defeat  of  the  motion, 
au.d  left  no  doubt  that  an  adverse  vote  would  be  followed  by  the 
withdrawal  of  himself  and  his  associates  from  the  convention. 


538  A  HISTORY  OF   THE  PRESIDENCY 

At  the  close  of  his  speech  a  motion  to  lay  the  substitute  on 
the  table,  which  was  equivalent  to  rejecting  it,  was  carried  by 
818£  ayes  to  105|-  noes.  Sixty-seven  of  the  negative  votes 
were  given  by  delegates  from  States  west  of  the  Missouri 
River;  33.}  by  delegates  from  Southern  States;  and  five  by  dele- 
gates from  the  Middle  West.  A  separate  vote  was  then  taken 
on  the  adoption  of  the  financial  plank  reported  by  the  majority. 
The  result  was :  ayes  812^,  noes  110^.  The  rest  of  the  plat- 
form was  adopted  by  acclamation  and  with  unanimity.  Mr. 
Frank  Cannon,  United  States  Senator  from  Utah,  then  read  a 
carefully  prepared  protest  signed  by  many  members  of  the  Sil- 
ver wing  of  the  party,  after  which  thirty-four  members  of  the 
convention,  including  four  United  States  senators  and  two 
representatives  in  Congress,  with  Mr.  Teller  at  their  head,  sol- 
emnly withdrew  from  the  convention. 

William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  was  nominated  as  the  candidate 
for  President  on  the  first  vote,  which  resulted  as  follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 906 

Necessary  for  a  choice 453£ 

William  McKinley,  Ohio 661£ 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  Maine 84£ 

Matthew  S.  Quay,  Pennsylvania 61£ 

Levi  P.  Morton,  New  York 58 

William  B.  Allison,  Iowa 35£ 

J.  Donald  Cameron,  Pennsylvania 1 

Blank 4 

Garret  A.  Hobart,  of  New  Jersey,  was  nominated  as  the 
candidate  for  Vice-President  by  the  following  vote:  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 895 

Necessary  for  a  choice 448 

Garret  A.  Hobart,  New  Jersey 535^ 

Henry  Clay  Evans,  Tennessee 277£ 

Morgan  G.  Bulkeley,  Connecticut 39 

James  A.  Walker,  Virginia 24 

Charles  W.  Lippitt,  Rhode  Island 8 

Thomas  B.  Reed,  Maine 3 

Chauncey  M.  Depew,  New  York 3 

John  M.  Thurston,  Nebraska 2 

Frederick  D.  Grant,  New  York 2 

Levi  P.  Morton,  New  York 1 

The  Socialist  Labor  party  held  a  convention  in  New  Yoric 
city,  beginning  on  the  4th  of  July  and  continuing  for  six  days. 


THE  FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN  539 

Inasmuch  as  the  Democratic  convention  was  close  at  hand,  the 
newspapers  paid  but  slight  attention  to  its  proceedings.  No 
exact  statement  can  be  made  as  to  the  number  of  members,  or 
the  States  from  which  they  came.  The  following  platform 
was  adopted  :  — 

The  Socialist  Labor  party  of  the  United  States,  in  convention 
assembled,  reasserts  the  inalienable  right  of  all  men  to  life,  lib- 
erty, and  the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

With  the  founders  of  the  American  republic,  we  hold  that  the 
purpose  of  government  is  to  secure  every  citizen  in  the  enjoyment 
of  this  right ;  but  in  the  light  of  our  social  conditions,  we  hold, 
furthermore,  that  no  such  right  can  be  exercised  under  a  system 
of  economic  inequality,  essentially  destructive  of  life,  of  liberty, 
and  of  happiness. 

With  the  founders  of  this  republic,  we  hold  that  the  true  theory 
of  politics  is  that  the  machinery  of  government  must  be  owned 
and  controlled  by  the  whole  people ;  but  in  the  light  of  our  indus- 
trial development  we  hold,  furthermore,  that  the  true  theory  of 
economics  is  that  the  machinery  of  production  must  likewise 
belong  to  the  people  in  common. 

To  the  obvious  fact,  that  our  despotic  system  of  economics  is  the 
direct  opposite  of  our  democratic  system  of  politics,  can  plainly  be 
traced  the  existence  of  a  privileged  class,  the  corruption  of  gov- 
ernment by  that  class,  the  alienation  of  public  property,  public 
franchises,  and  public  functions  to  that  class,  and  the  abject  de- 
pendence of  the  mightiest  nations  upon  that  class. 

Again,  through  the  perversion  of  democracy  to  the  ends  of  plu- 
tocracy, labor  is  robbed  of  the  wealth  which  it  alone  produces,  is 
denied  the  means  of  self -employment,  and,  by  compulsory  idleness 
in  wage  slavery,  is  even  deprived  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  Human 
power  and  natural  forces  are  thus  wasted  that  the  plutocracy  may 
rule.  Ignorance  and  misery,  with  all  their  concomitant  evils,  are 
perpetuated,  that  the  people  may  be  kept  in  bondage.  Science 
and  invention  are  diverted  from  their  humane  purpose  to  the 
enslavement  of  women  and  children. 

Against  such  a  system  the  Socialist  Labor  party  once  more 
enters  its  protest.  Once  more  it  reiterates  its  fundamental  decla- 
ration, that  private  property  in  the  natural  sources  of  production 
and  in  the  instruments  of  labor  is  the  obvious  cause  of  all  eco- 
nomic servitude  and  political  dependence. 

The  time  is  fast  coming  when,  in  the  natural  course  of  social 
evolution,  this  system,  through  the  destructive  action  of  its  fail- 
ures and  crises  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  constructive  tendencies 
of  its  trusts  and  other  capitalistic  combinations  on  the  other  hand, 
shall  nave  worked  out  its  own  downfall. 


540  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  therefore  call  upon  the  wage-workers  of  the  United  States, 
and  upon  all  other  honest  citizens,  to  organize  under  the  banner 
of  the  Socialist  Labor  party  into  a  class-conscious  body,  aware  of 
its  rights  and  determined  to  conquer  them  by  taking  possession 
of  the  public  powers;  so  that,  held  together  by  an  indomitable 
spirit  of  solidarity  under  the  most  trying  conditions  of  the  present 
class  struggle,  we  may  put  a  summary  end  to  that  barbarous 
struggle  by  the  abolition  of  classes,  the  restoration  of  the  land, 
and  of  all  the  means  of  production,  transportation,  and  distribu- 
tion to  the  people  as  a  collective  body,  and  the  substitution  of 
the  cooperative  commonwealth  for  the  present  state  of  planless 
production,  industrial  war,  and  social  disorder  ;  a  commonwealth 
in  which  every  worker  shall  have  the  free  exercise  and  full  benefit 
of  his  faculties,  multiplied  by  all  the  modern  factors  of  civilization. 

With  a  view  to  immediate  improvement  in  the  condition  of 
labor  we  present  the  following  demands :  — 

1.  Reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  proportion  to  the  progress 
of  production. 

2.  The  United  States  to  obtain  possession  of  the  mines,  rail- 
roads, canals,  telegraphs,  telephones,  and  all  other  means  of  public 
transportation  and  communication ;  the  employees  to  operate  the 
same  cooperatively  under  control  of  the  federal  government  and 
to  elect  their  own  superior  officers,  but  no  employee  shall  be  dis- 
charged for  political  reasons. 

3.  The  municipalities  to  obtain  possession  of  the  local  railroads, 
ferries,  water-works,  gas-works,  electric  plants,  and  all  industries 
requiring  municipal  franchises ;  the  employees  to  operate  the  same 
cooperatively  under  control  of  the  municipal  administration  and 
to  elect  their  own  superior  officers,  but  no  employee  shall  be  dis- 
charged for  political  reasons. 

4.  The  public  lands  to  be  declared  inalienable.  Revocation  of 
all  land  grants  to  corporations  or  individuals,  the  conditions  of 
which  have  not  been  complied  with. 

5.  The  United  States  to  have  the  exclusive  right  to  issue  money. 

6.  Congressional  legislation  providing  for  the  scientific  manage- 
ment of  forests  and  waterways,  and  prohibiting  the  waste  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country. 

7.  Inventions  to  be  free  to  all ;  the  inventors  to  be  remunerated 
by  the  nation. 

8.  Progressive  income  tax  and  tax  on  inheritances  ;  the  smaller 
incomes  to  be  exempt. 

9.  School  education  of  all  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age 
to  be  compulsory,  gratuitous,  and  accessible  to  all  by  public  assist- 
ance in  meals,  clothing,  books,  etc.,  where  necessary. 

10.  Repeal  of  all  pauper,  tramp,  conspiracy,  and  sumptuary 
laws.     Unabridged  right  of  combination. 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  541 

11.  Prohibition  of  the  employment  of  children  of  school  age, 
and  the  employment  of  female  labor  in  occupations  detrimental 
to  health  or  morality.  Abolition  of  the  convict  labor  contract 
system. 

12.  Employment  of  the  unemployed  by  the  public  authorities 
(county,  city,  state,  and  nation). 

13.  All  wages  to  be  paid  in  lawful  money  of  the  United  States. 
Equalization  of  women's  wages  with  those  of  men  where  equal 
service  is  performed. 

J     14.  Laws  for  the  protection  of  life  and  limb  in  all  occupations, 
and  an  efficient  employers'  liability  law. 

15.  The  people  to  have  the  right  to  propose  laws  and  to  vote 
upon  all  measures  of  importance,  according  to  the  referendum 
principle. 

16.  Abolition  of  the  veto  power  of  the  executive  (national, 
state,  and  municipal)  wherever  it  exists. 

17.  Abolition  of  the  United  States  Senate  and  all  upper  legisla- 
tive chambers. 

18.  Municipal  self-government. 

19.  Direct  vote  and  secret  ballots  in  all  elections.  Universal 
and  equal  right  of  suffrage  without  regard  to  color,  creed,  or  sex. 
Election  days  to  be  legal  holidays.  The  principle  of  proportional 
representation  to  be  introduced. 

20.  All  public  officers  to  be  subject  to  recall  by  their  respective 
constituencies. 

21.  Uniform  civil  and  criminal  law  throughout  the  United  States. 
Administration  of  justice  to  be  free  of  charge.  Abolition  of  capi- 
tal punishment. 

On  the  sixth  day  of  the  session,  July  9,  the  convention 
made  its  nominations.  It  is  reported  that  there  was  a  serious 
—  in  the  sense  of  sober,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  as  well  as  in 
the  sense  of  active  —  contest  for  the  nomination  for  Pre- 
sident ;  not  that  either  of  the  candidates  expected  to  be 
elected,  but  because  the  victory  of  the  party  not  later  than 
the  year  1925  was  confidently  expected,  and  it  was  to  be  an 
honor  to  be  the  standard-bearer  of  the  party  in  1896.  Mr. 
Charles  H.  Matchett,  of  New  York,  was  nominated,  receiving 
43  votes  to  23  for  Matthew  Maguire,  of  New  Jersey,  and  4  for 
William  Watkins,  of  Ohio.  Matthew  Maguire,  of  New  Jersey, 
was  nominated  by  acclamation  for  Vice-President. 

The  result  of  the  Republican  convention  intensified  public 
interest  in  the  Democratic  national  convention,  which  met  at 
Chicago  on  July  7.  The  explicit  declaration  at  St.  Louis  in 
favor  of  the  gold  standard  strengthened  the  position  of  the 


/ 


542  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

Silver  wing  of  the  Democratic  party,  which,  having  a  sufficient 
majority  of  the  delegates,  intended  in  any  event  to  use  its 
power  to  the  utmost.  Meanwhile  the  control  of  the  national 
committee  was  in  the  hands  of  the  anti-Silver  wing,  and  most 
of  the  "  old-liners  "  of  the  North  and  West  were  on  the  same- 
side.  A  strenuous  effort  was  determined  on  to  prevent,  if 
possible,  the  adoption  of  a  free-coinage  resolution.  All  the 
arts  known  to  politicians  weie  resorted  to  ;  as  the  event  proved, 
without  avail.  The  national  committee  proposed  as  temporary 
chairman  Senator  David  Bf  Hill,  of  New  York.  His  election 
was  challenged  on  the  f/oor  of  the  convention,  and  after  a 
heated  debate  Senator  John  W.  Daniel,  of  Virginia,  the  can- 
didate of  the  Free  Silver  men,  was  chosen  in  his  stead  by  a 
vote  of  556  to  349.  JL)n  this,  as  on  most  other  votes  in  the 
convention,  the  unit  rale  was  observed ;  that  is,  the  majority 
of  a  state  delegation/cast  the  whole  vote  of  the  State  for  or 
against  a  motion,  or /or  a  particular  candidate.  On  the  second 
day  of  the  session  /he  Silver  forces  were  augmented  by  three 
changes  in  the  membership  proposed  in  the  report  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Credentials :  (1)  the  representation  of  each  Terri- 
tory was  increas/d  from  two  members  to  six ;  (2)  the  Gold 
Standard  delegation  from  Nebraska  was  unseated  and  a  dele- 
gation favorable  to  Silver,  headed  by  Mr.  William  J.  Bryan, 
was  admitted ;  and  (3)  four  Silver  delegates  were  substituted 
for  four  Gold  delegates  from  Michigan,  which  gave  the  Silver 
party  the  qontrol  of  the  twenty-eight  votes  of  that  State. 
After  these  changes'  had  been  made,  Senator  Stephen  M. 
White,  of /California,  was  made  permanent  president  of  the. 
convention. 

On  the  third  day  of  the  session  the  platform  was  reported 
as  folloyfe :  — 

We,  |he  Democrats  of  the  United  States  in  national  convention 
assembled,  do  reaffirm  our  allegiance  to  those  great  essential 
principles  of  justice  and  liberty,  upon  which  our  institutions  are 
founded,  and  which  the  Democratic  party  has  advocated  from 
Jefferson's  time  to  our  own,  —  freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the 
press,  freedom  of  conscience,  the  preservation  of  personal  rights, 
the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law,  and  the  faithful  obser- 
vance of  constitutional  limitations. 

I  During  all  these  years  the  Democratic  party  has  resisted  the 
tendency  of  selfish  interests  to  the  centralization  of  governmental 
puwer,   and    steadfastly  maintained  the    integrity  of    the  dual 


THE   FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN  543 

scheme  of  government  established  by  the  founders  of  this  repub- 
lic of  republics.  Under  its  guidance  and  teachings,  the  great 
principle  of  local  self-government  has  found  its  best  expression 
in  the  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  in  its  assertion 
of  the  necessity  of  confining  the  general  government  to  the  exer- 
cise of  the  powers  granted  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  to  every  cit- 
izen the  rights  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  The  Democratic 
party  has  always  been  the  exponent  of  political  liberty  and  re- 
ligious freedom,  and  it  renews  its  obligations  and  reaffirms  its 
devotion  to  these  fundamental  principles  of  the  Constitution. 

Recognizing  that  the  money  question  is  paramount  to  all  others 
at  this  time,  we  invite  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  federal  Con- 
stitution names  silver  and  gold  together  as  the  money  metals  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  the  first  coinage  law  passed  by  Congress 
under  the  Constitution  made  the  silver  dollar  the  money  unit,  and 
admitted  gold  to  free  coinage  at  a  ratio  based  upon  the  silver  dol- 
lar unit. 

We  declare  that  the  act  of  1873  demonetizing  silver  without 
the  knowledge  or  approval  of  the  American  people  has  resulted  in 
the  appreciation  of  gold  and  a  corresponding  fall  in  the  prices  of 
commodities  produced  by  the  people ;  a  heavy  increase  in  the  bur- 
den of  taxation  and  of  all  debts,  public  and  private ;  the  enrich- 
ment of  the  money-lending  class  at  home  and  abroad ;  the  prostra- 
tion of  industry  and  impoverishment  of  the  people. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  monometallism,  which  has  locked 
fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrial  people  in  the  paralysis  of  hard 
times.  Gold  monometallism  is  a  British  policy,  and  its  adoption 
has  brought  other  nations  into  financial  servitude  to  London.  It 
is  not  only  un-American,  but  an ti- American,  and  it  can  be  fas- 
tened on  the  United  States  only  by  the  stifling  of  that  spirit  and 
love  of  liberty  which  proclaimed  our  political  independence  in 
."776  and  won  it  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one  without  waiting 
for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation.  We  demand  that  the 
standard  silver  dollar  shall  be  a  full  legal  tender,  equally  with 
gold,  for  all  debts,  public  and  private,  and  we  favor  such  legisla- 
tion as  will  prevent  for  the  future  the  demonetization  of  any  kind 
of  legal  tender  money  by  private  contract. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  surrendering  to 
the  holders  of  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  the  option 
reserved  by  law  to  the  government  of  redeeming  such  obligations 
in  either  silver  coin  or  gold  coin. 


644  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  are  opposed  to  the  issuing  of  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the 
United  States  in  time  of  peace,  and  condemn  the  trafficking  with 
banking  syndicates,  which,  in  exchange  for  bonds  and  at  enor- 
mous profit  to  themselves,  supply  the  federal  treasury  with  gold 
to  maintain  the  policy  of  gold  monometallism. 

Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  coin  and  issue  money,  and 
President  Jackson  declared  that  this  power  could  not  be  delegated 
to  corporations  or  individuals.  We  therefore  denounce  the  issu- 
ance of  notes  intended  to  circulate  as  money  by  national  banks  as 
in  derogation  of  the  Constitution,  and  we  demand  that  all  paper 
which  is  made  a  legal  tender  for  public  and  private  debts,  or  which 
is  receivable  for  duties  to  the  United  States,  shall  be  issued  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States  and  shall  be  redeemable  in  coin. 

We  hold  that  tariff  duties  should  be  levied  for  purposes  of  reve- 
nue, such  duties  to  be  so  adjusted  as  to  operate  equally  through- 
out the  country,  and  not  discriminate  between  class  or  section,  and 
that  taxation  should  be  limited  by  the  needs  of  the  government 
honestly  and  economically  administered. 

We  denounce  as  disturbing  to  business  the  Republican  threat 
to  restore  the  McKinley  law,  which  has  twice  been  condemned  by 
the  people  in  national  elections,  and  which,  enacted  under  the 
false  plea  of  protection  to  home  industry,  proved  a  prolific  breeder 
of  trusts  and  monopolies,  enriched  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the 
many,  restricted  trade,  and  deprived  the  producers  of  the  great 
American  staples  of  access  to  their  natural  markets. 

Until  the  money  question  is  settled  we  are  opposed  to  any  agi- 
tation for  further  changes  in  our  tariff  laws,  except  such  as  are 
necessary  to  meet  the  deficit  in  revenue  caused  by  the  adverse 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  income  tax.  But  for  this 
decision  by  the  Supreme  Court,  there  would  be  no  deficit  in  the 
revenue  under  the  law  passed  by  a  Democratic  Congress  in  strict 
pursuance  of  the  uniform  decisions  of  that  court  for  nearly  one 
hundred  years,  that  court  having  in  that  decision  sustained  con- 
stitutional objections  to  its  enactment  which  had  previously  been 
overruled  by  the  ablest  judges  who  have  ever  sat  on  that  bench. 
We  declare  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  use  all  the  constitu- 
tional power  which  remains  after  that  decision,  or  which  may 
come  from  its  reversal  by  the  court  as  it  may  hereafter  be  con- 
stituted, so  that  the  burdens  of  taxation  may  be  equally  and  im- 
partially laid,  to  the  end  that  wealth  may  bear  its  due  proportion 
of  the  expenses  of  the  government. 

We  hold  that  the  most  efficient  way  of  protecting  American 
labor  is  to  prevent  the  importation  of  foreign  pauper  labor  to 
compete  with  it  in  the  home  market,  and  that  the  value  of  the 
home  market  to  our  American  farmers  and  artisans  is  greatly 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  545 

reduced  by  a  vicious  monetary  system  which  depresses  the  prices 
of  their  products  below  the  cost  of  production,  and  thus  deprives 
them  of  the  means  of  purchasing  the  products  of  our  home  manu- 
factories ;  and,  as  labor  creates  the  wealth  of  the  country,  we 
demand  the  passage  of  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  to  protect 
it  in  all  its  rights. 

We  are  in  favor  of  the  arbitration  of  differences  between  em- 
ployers engaged  in  interstate  commerce  and  their  employees,  and 
recommend  such  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  carry  out  this  prin- 
ciple. 

The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  few,  the  consolidation  of  our 
leading  railroad  systems,  and  the  formation  of  trusts  and  pools 
require  a  stricter  control  by  the  federal  government  of  those  arter- 
ies of  commerce.  We  demand  the  enlargement  of  the  powers 
of  the  interstate  commerce  commission,  and  such  restrictions  and 
guarantees  in  the  control  of  railroads  as  will  protect  the  people 
from  robbery  and  oppression. 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from 
the  people  by  oppressive  taxation  and  the  lavish  appropriations 
of  recent  Republican  Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high, 
while  the  labor  that  pays  them  is  unemployed  and  the  products 
of  the  people's  toil  are  depressed  in  price  till  they  no  longer  re- 
pay the  cost  of  production.  We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity 
and  economy  which  befits  a  democratic  government  and  a  reduc- 
tion in  the  number  of  useless  offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain 
the  substance  of  the  people. 

We  denounce  arbitrary  interference  by  federal  authorities  in 
local  affairs  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  a  crime  against  free  institutions,  and  we  especially  object  to 
government  by  injunction  as  a  new  and  highly  dangerous  form  of 
oppression  by  which  federal  judges,  in  contempt  of  the  laws  of 
the  States  and  rights  of  citizens,  become  at  once  legislators,  judges, 
and  executioners ;  and  we  approve  the  bill  passed  at  the  last  ses- 
sion of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  now  pending  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  relative  to  contempts  in  federal  courts  and 
providing  for  trials  by  jury  in  certain  cases  of  contempt. 

No  discrimination  should  be  indulged  in  by  the  government  of 
the  United  States  in  favor  of  any  of  its  debtors.  We  approve  of 
the  refusal  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress  to  pass  the  Pacific  Railroad 
funding  bill,  and  denounce  the  effort  of  the  present  Republican 
Congress  to  enact  a  similar  measure. 

Recognizing  the  just  claims  of  deserving  Union  soldiers,  we 
heartily  indorse  the  rule  of  the  present  Commissioner  of  Pensions, 
that  no  name  shall  be  arbitrarily  dropped  from  the  pension  roll; 
and  the  fact  of  enlistment  and  service  should  be  deemed  conclusive 
evidence  against  disease  and  disability  before  enlistment. 


546  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico, 
Arizona,  and  Oklahoma  into  the  Union  as  States,  and  we  favor 
the  early  admission  of  all  the  Territories  having  the  necessary 
population  and  resources  to  entitle  them  to  statehood,  and,  while 
they  remain  Territories,  we  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to 
administer  the  government  of  any  Territory,  together  with  the 
District  of  Columbia  and  Alaska,  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of 
the  Territory  or  District  in  which  the  duties  are  to  be  performed. 
The  Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule,  and  that  all  public 
lands  of  the  United  States  should  be  appropriated  to  the  establish- 
ment of  free  homes  for  American  citizens. 

We  recommend  that  the  Territory  of  Alaska  be  granted  a  dele- 
gate in  Congress,  and  that  the  general  land  and  timber  laws  of 
the  United  States  be  extended  to  said  Territory. 

The  Monroe  doctrine,  as  originally  declared  and  as  interpreted 
by  succeeding  Presidents,  is  a  permanent  part  of  the  foreign  pol- 
icy of  the  United  States,  and  must  at  all  times  be  maintained. 

We  extend  our  sympathy  to  the  people  of  Cuba  in  their  heroic 
struggle  for  liberty  and  independence. 

We  are  opposed  to  life  tenure  in  the  public  service,  except  as 
provided  in  the  Constitution.  We  favor  appointments  based  upon 
merit,  fixed  terms  of  office,  and  such  an  administration  of  the 
civil  service  laws  as  will  afford  equal  opportunities  to  all  citizens 
of  ascertained  fitness. 

We  declare  it  to  be  the  unwritten  law  of  this  republic,  estab- 
lished by  custom  and  usage  of  a  hundred  years,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  examples  of  the  greatest  and  wisest  of  those  who  founded 
and  have  maintained  our  government,  that  no  man  should  be 
eligible  for  a  third  term  of  the  presidential  office. 

The  federal  government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  republic,  so  as  to 
secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to  tide- 
water. When  any  waterway  of  the  republic  is  of  sufficient  impor- 
tance to  demand  aid  of  the  government,  such  aid  should  be  ex- 
tended upon  a  definite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent 
improvement  is  secured. 

Confiding  in  the  justice  of  our  cause  and  the  necessity  of  its 
success  at  the  polls,  we  submit  the  foregoing  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples and  purposes  to  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  We  invite  the  support  of  all  citizens  who  approve  them, 
and  who  desire  to  have  them  made  effective,  through  legislation, 
for  the  relief  of  the  people  and  the  restoration  of  the  country's 
prosperity. 

A  minority  of  the  Committee  on  Resolutions,  consisting  of 
the  members  from  sixteen  States,  submitted  a  dissenting  report, 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  547 

expressing  their  inability  to  give  their  assent  to  "  many  declara- 
tions "  of  the  platform.  "  Some  are  ill-considered  and  ambig- 
uously phrased,  while  others  are  extreme  and  revolutionary  of 
the  well-recognized  principles  of  the  party."  They  offered  two 
amendments,  the  first  a  substitute  for  the  financial  plank,  as 
follows :  — 

We  declare  our  belief  that  the  experiment  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  alone  of  free  silver  coinage  and  a  change  in  the 
existing  standard  of  value,  independently  of  the  action  of  other 
great  nations,  would  not  only  imperil  our  finances,  but  would 
retard,  or  entirely  prevent,  the  establishment  of  international 
bimetallism,  to  which  the  efforts  of  the  government  should  be 
steadily  directed. 

It  would  place  this  country  at  once  upon  a  silver  basis,  impair 
contracts,  disturb  business,  diminish  the  purchasing  power  of  the 
wages  of  labor,  and  inflict  irreparable  evils  upon  our  nation's  com- 
merce and  industry. 

Until  international  cooperation  among  leading  nations  for  the 
coinage  of  silver  can  be  secured,  we  favor  the  rigid  maintenance 
of  the  existing  gold  standard  as  essential  to  the  preservation  of 
our  national  credit,  the  redemption  Of  our  public  pledges,  and  the 
keeping  inviolate  of  our  country's  honor. 

We  insist  that  all  our  paper  currency  shall  be  kept  at  a  parity 
with  gold.  The  Democratic  party  is  the  party  of  hard  money, 
and  is  opposed  to  legal  tender  paper  money  as  a  part  of  our  per- 
manent financial  system,  and  we  therefore  favor  the  gradual  re- 
tirement and  cancellation  of  all  United  States  notes  and  treasury 
notes,  under  such  legislative  provisions  as  will  prevent  undue  con- 
traction. 

We  demand  that  the  national  credit  shall  be  resolutely  main- 
tained at  all  times  and  under  all  circumstances. 

The  other  resolution  was  offered  as  an  addition  to  the  plat- 
form :  — 

We  commend  the  honesty,  economy,  courage,  and  fidelity  of  the 
present  Democratic  administration. 

A  most  earnest  debate  ensued  upon  the  Free  Silver  policy, 
the  most  dramatic  and  interesting  event  of  which  was  an  im- 
passioned speech  by  Mr.  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska. 
This  gentleman  excited  the  Silver  men  to  the  highest  pitch 
of  enthusiasm  by  his  oratory,  and  at  once  leaped  into  promi- 
nence as  a  presidential  candidate.  Indeed,  it  was  believed 
that,  if  a  vote  had  been  taken  on  that  day,  he  would  have  been 
nominated  almost  by  acclamation.     The  financial  plank  offered 


548  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

by  the  minority  was  rejected  by  ayes  303,  noes  626  ;  and  the 
resolution  commendatory  of  President  Cleveland's  administra- 
tion was  defeated  by  ayes  357,  noes  564.  In  all  the  votes 
thus  far  reported,  the  minority  consisted  of  the  members  from 
New  England,  —  except  a  few  from  Maine  and  Massachusetts, 
—  the  coast  States  as  far  south  as  Maryland,  and  the  delegates 
from  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  and  South  Dakota.  Senator  Hill 
had  offered,  in  addition  to  the  amendments  proposed  by  the 
minority  of  the  committee,  two  other  amendments.  The  first 
proposed  to  insert  at  the  end  of  the  clause  opposing  "  the 
demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal  tender  money  by  private 
contract  "  the  following  proviso :  — 

But  it  should  be  carefully  provided  by  law  at  the  same  time 
that  any  change  in  the  monetary  standard  should  not  apply  to 
existing  contracts. 

The  other  amendment  was  to  add  at  the  end  of  the  finan- 
cial plank  the  following  pledge  :  — 

Our  advocacy  of  the  independent  free  coinage  of  silver  being 
based  on  the  belief  that  such  coinage  will  effect  and  maintain 
a  parity  between  gold  and  silver  at  the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  we 
declare  as  a  pledge  of  our  sincerity  that,  if  such  free  coinage  shall 
fail  to  effect  such  parity  within  one  year  from  its  enactment  by 
law,  such  coinage  shall  thereupon  be  suspended. 

Both  of  these  amendments  were  rejected  without  a  division, 
and  the  platform  as  a  whole,  unamended,  was  then  adopted  by 
yeas  628,  nays  301. 

The  overwhelming  victory  of  the  Silver  wing  of  the  party 
made  it  certain  that  the  defeated  minority  would  be  unable  to 
prevent  a  nomination  under  the  two-thirds  rule  always  gov- 
erning Democratic  conventions.  The  delegates  who  had  con- 
tended so  earnestly  against  the  adoption  of  the  free  coinage 
plank  were  for  the  most  part  not  men  to  yield  their  convic- 
tions because  they  had  been  outvoted.  They  did  not  with- 
draw from  the  convention,  but  on  every  convenient  occasion 
they  reiterated  their  determination  not  to  accept  the  platform 
adopted,  and  not  to  take  part  in  the  nomination  of  candidates. 
On  the  first  vote  for  a  candidate  for  President,  178  delegates 
refused  to  be  recorded,  including  the  entire  delegations  of  three 
States.  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  was  nominated  for 
President  on  the  fifth  vote.  The  successive  trials  resulted  as 
follows :  — 


THE   FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN 


549 


Whole  number  of  votes 

Necessary  for  a  choice  (two  thirds)    .     . 
William  J.  Bryan,  Nebraska     .... 

Richard  P.  Bland,  Missouri 

Robert  E.  Pattison,  Pennsylvania      .     . 

Horace  Boies,  Iowa 

Joseph  S.  C.  Blackburn,  Kentucky   .    . 

John  R.  McLean,  Ohio 

Claude  Matthews,  Indiana 

Benjamin  R.  Tillman,  South  Carolina    . 
Sylvester  Pennoyer,  Oregon     .... 

Henry  M.  Teller,  Colorado 

Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  Illinois       .... 
William  E.  Russell,  Massachusetts    .     . 

James  E.  Campbell,  Ohio 

David  B.  Hill,  New  York 

David  Turpie,  Indiana 

Not  voting 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

752 

768 

768 

769 

502 

512 

512 

513 

119 

190 

219 

280 

235 

283 

291 

241 

95 

100 

97 

97 

85 

41 

36 

33 

83 

41 

27 

27 

54 

53 

54 

46 

37 

33 

34 

36 

17 

- 

- 

- 

8 

8 

- 

- 

8 

8 

- 

- 

7 

10 

9 

8 

2 

1 
1 

- 

'  - 

- 

1 

1 

1 

178 

162 

162 

162 

5th. 


512 

500 

106 

95 


The  fifth  vote,  it  will  be  seen,  left  Mr.  Bryan  twelve  votes 
short  of  a  nomination.  After  the  roll-call  was  completed  and 
before  the  result  was  announced,  78  delegates  who  had  sup- 
ported other  candidates  transferred  their  votes  to  Mr.  Bryan 
and  gave  him  the  nomination.  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine,  was 
nominated  for  Vice-President.  Five  trials  were  necessary  to 
effect  this  nomination.     They  resulted  as  follows :  — 


Whole  number  of  votes  .... 
Necessary  for  a  choice  (two  thirds) 

Arthur  Sewall,  Maine 

Joseph  C.  Sibley,  Pennsylvania  . 
John  R.  McLean,  Ohio  .... 
Oeorge  F.  Williams,  Massachusetts 
Richard  P.  Bland,  Missouri .  .  . 
Walter  A.  Clark,  North  Carolina  . 
John  R.  Williams,  Illinois  .  .  . 
William  F.  Harrity,  Pennsylvania 

Horace  Boies,  Iowa 

Joseph  S.  C.  Blackburn,  Kentucky 
John  W.  Daniel,  Virginia  .  .  . 
James  H.  Lewis,  Washington  .  . 
Robert  E.  Pattison,  Pennsylvania 
Henry  M.  Teller,  Colorado  .  .  . 
Stephen  M.  White,  California  .  . 
George  W.  Fithian,  Illinois  .  .  . 
Not  voting 


1st. 


670 
447 
100 
163 
111 
76 


675 
450 

37 
113 
158 

16 


255 


675 
450 
97 
50 
210 
15 


19 


255 


677 
452 
261 


11 


253 


5th. 


453 
568 

32 
9 

22 

11 


251 


It  long  had  been  evident  that  this  canvass  was  to  witness 
an  unexampled  shifting  of  the  line  between  parties.  In  those 
parts  of  the  country  where  the  silver  idea  was  almost  univer- 
sally dominant,  there  had  been  an  instant  bolt  of  Republicans 


550  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

from  the  platform  of  the  St.  Louis  convention.  And  now  a 
revolt  of  Democrats  set  in,  not  only  greater  in  extent  than  any 
other  in  the  history  of  American  politics,  but  distinctly  unlike 
all  others.  Many  of  the  oldest  and  most  consistent  Democra- 
tic journals  proclaimed  in  emphatic  terms  their  determination 
not  to  continue  their  support  of  the  party,  and  not  a  few  of 
them  boldly  advocated  the  election  of  Mr.  McKinley.  The 
dissension  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  country ;  and,  although 
it  was  most  pronounced  in  the  Eastern  section,  it  was  so  wide- 
spread that  even  in  Kentucky,  where  the  victory  of  the  Silver 
wing  had  virtually  enabled  that  faction  to  carry  its  point  in 
the  national  convention,  there  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  can- 
vass not  one  daily  newspaper  that  advocated  the  election  of 
Mr.  Bryan.  At  first,  —  so  strong  and  aggressive  were  the 
opponents  of  platform  and  candidates  within  the  party,  —  it 
was  said  openly  by  the  leaders  that  in  certain  of  the  Eastern 
States  no  electors  would  even  be  nominated  by  the  Democrats. 
The  modification  of  this  situation  belongs  to  a  later  stage  of 
the  canvass. 

The  next  conventions  in  point  of  time  were  those  of  the 
People's  party,  commonly  called  the  Populists,  and  of  the 
Silver  party,  both  of  which  met  at  St.  Louis  on  July  22.  If 
the  Chicago  convention  had  driven  out  of  the  Democratic  party 
thousands  of  its  oldest  members  and  leaders,  it  had  made  easy 
the  cobperation  of  other  thousands  of  Populists;  indeed,  in 
the  view  of  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  party,  the  principles  of 
the  Populists  were  most  effectively  to  be  promoted  by  accept- 
ing the  candidates  nominated  at  Chicago.  Yet  there  was  an 
earnest  faction  of  the  party  which  deprecated  alliance  or  asso- 
ciation with  any  other  organization.  The  picturesque  term 
"  Middle-of-the-road  men "  was  applied  to  and  adopted  by 
them,  as  indicating  the  independent  course  between  the  two 
old  historic  parties  which  they  thought  it  judicious  to  take. 
The  acceptance  of  the  Democratic  ticket  involved  the  support 
of  Mr.  Sewall  as  the  candidate  for  Vice-President,  —  a  nomina- 
tion which  was  especially  obnoxious  to  them.  The  conven- 
tion organized  by  the  choice  of  Senator  Marion  C.  Butler,  of 
North  Carolina,  as  temporary  chairman.  Senator  William  V. 
Allen,  of  Nebraska,  was  the  permanent  president.  A  test  of 
strength  between  the  "  Middle-of-the-road "  Populists  and 
those  who  were  favorable  to  an  alliance  with  the  Democrats 
was  made  upon  an  amendment  offered  to  the  report  of  the 


THE  FREE  SILYER  CAMPAIGN  551 

Committee  on  Rules.  The  Middle-of-the-road  wing  proposed 
that  the  usual  order  of  proceeding  should  be  reversed,  and  that 
a  candidate  for  Vice-President  be  nominated  before  the  can- 
didate for  President.  The  motion  was  carried  by  ayes  785, 
noes  615.  The  platform  was  reported  on  July  24,  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

The  People's  party,  assembled  in  national  convention,  reaffirms 
its  allegiance  to  the  principles  declared  by  the  founders  of  the  re- 
public, and  also  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  just  government 
as  enunciated  in  the  platform  of  the  party  in  1892. 

We  recognize  that  through  the  connivance  of  the  present  and 
preceding  administrations  the  country  has  reached  a  crisis  in  its 
national  life  as  predicted  in  our  declaration  four  years  ago,  and 
that  prompt  and  patriotic  action  is  the  supreme  duty  of  the  hour. 
We  realize  that  while  we  have  political  independence  our  financial 
and  industrial  independence  is  yet  to  be  attained  by  restoring  to 
our  country  the  constitutional  control  and  exercise  of  the  func- 
tions necessary  to  a  people's  government,  which  functions  have 
been  basely  surrendered  by  our  public  servants  to  corporate  mo- 
nopolies. The  influence  of  European  money-changers  has  been 
more  potent  in  shaping  legislation  than  the  voice  of  the  American 
people.  Executive  power  and  patronage  have  been  used  to  cor- 
rupt our  legislatures  and  defeat  the  will  of  the  people,  and  plu- 
tocracy has  been  enthroned  upon  the  ruins  of  democracy.  To 
restore  the  government  intended  by  the  fathers  and  for  the  wel- 
fare and  prosperity  of  this  and  future  generations,  we  demand  the 
establishment  of  an  economic  and  financial  system  which  shall 
make  us  masters  of  our  own  affairs,  and  independent  of  European 
control,  by  the  adoption  of  the  following  declaration  of  princi- 
ples :  — 

FINANCE. 

1.  We  demand  a  national  money,  safe  and  sound,  issued  by  the 
general  government  only,  without  the  intervention  of  banks  of 
issue,  to  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private ;  a 
just,  equitable,  and  efficient  means  of  distribution  direct  to  the 
people  and  through  the  lawful  disbursements  of  the  government. 

2.  We  demand  the  free  and  unrestricted  coinage  of  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  without  waiting 
for  the  consent  of  foreign  nations. 

'  3.  We  demand  that  the  volume  of  circulating  medium  be 
speedily  increased  to  an  amount  sufficient  to  meet  the  demands 
of  business  and  population  and  to  restore  the  just  level  of  prices 
of  labor  and  production. 


552  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

4.  We  denounce  the  sale  of  bonds  and  the  increase  of  the 
interest-bearing  debt  made  by  the  present  administration  as  un- 
necessary and  without  authority  of  law,  and  demand  that  no  more 
bonds  be  issued  except  by  specific  act  of  Congress. 

5.  We  demand  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  demonetiza- 
tion of  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States  by  private  contract. 

6.  We  demand  that  the  government,  in  payment  of  its  obliga- 
tions, shall  use  its  option  as  to  the  kind  of  lawful  money  in  which 
they  are  to  be  paid,  and  we  denounce  the  present  and  preceding 
administrations  for  surrendering  this  option  to  the  holders  of 
government  obligations. 

7.  We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax,  to  the  end  that  aggre- 
gated wealth  shall  bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation ;  and  we 
regard  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  relative  to  the 
income  tax  law  as  a  misinterpretation  of  the  Constitution,  and  an 
invasion  of  the  rightful  powers  of  Congress  over  the  subject  of 
taxation. 

8.  We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by  the 
government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 

TK  ANSPORT  ATION. 

1.  Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and  a  public  ne- 
cessity, government  should  own  and  operate  the  railroads  in  the 
interests  of  the  people  and  on  a  non-partisan  basis,  to  the  end  that 
all  may  be  accorded  the  same  treatment  in  transportation,  and 
that  the  tyranny  and  political  power  now  exercised  by  the  great 
railroad  corporations,  which  result  in  the  impairment,  if  not  the 
destruction,  of  the  political  rights  and  personal  liberties  of  the 
citizen,  may  be  destroyed.  Such  ownership  is  to  be  accomplished 
gradually,  in  a  manner  consistent  with  sound  public  policy. 

2.  The  interest  of  the  United  States  in  the  public  highways, 
built  with  public  moneys,  and  the  proceeds  of  extensive  grants  of 
land  to  the  Pacific  railroads  should  never  be  alienated,  mortgaged, 
or  sold,  but  guarded  and  protected  for  the  general  welfare  as  pro- 
vided by  the  laws  organizing  such  railroads.  The  foreclosure  of 
existing  liens  of  the  United  States  on  these  roads  should  at  once 
follow  default  in  the  payment  thereof  by  the  debtor-companies ; 
and  at  the  foreclosure  sales  of  said  roads  the  government  shall 
purchase  the  same  if  it  become  necessary  to  protect  its  interests 
therein,  or  if  they  can  be  purchased  at  a  reasonable  price ;  and  the 
government  shall  operate  said  railroads  as  public  highways  for 
the  benefit  of  the  whole  people,  and  not  in  the  interest  of  the  few, 
under  suitable  provisions  for  protection  of  life  and  property,  giv- 
ing to  all  transportation  interests  equal  privileges  and  equal  rates 
for  fares  and  freight. 


THE   FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  553 

3.  We  denounce  the  present  infamous  schemes  for  refunding 
these  debts,  and  demand  that  the  laws  now  applicable  thereto  be 
executed  and  administered  according  to  their  true  intent  and 
spirit. 

4.  The  telegraph,  like  the  post-office  system,  being  a  necessity 
for  the  transmission  of  news,  should  be  owned  and  operated  by 
the  government  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 


1.  The  true  policy  demands  that  national  and  state  legislation 
shall  be  such  as  will  ultimately  enable  every  prudent  and  industri- 
ous citizen  to  secure  a  home,  and  therefore  the  lands  should  not 
be  monopolized  for  speculative  purposes.  All  lands  now  held  by 
railroads  and  other  corporations  in  excess  of  their  actual  needs 
should  by  lawful  means  be  reclaimed  by  the  government  and  held 
for  actual  settlers  only,  and  subject  to  the  right  of  every  human 
being  to  acquire  a  home  upon  the  soil,  and  private  land  monopoly, 
as  well  as  alien  ownership,  should  be  prohibited. 

2.  We  condemn  the  frauds  by  which  the  land  grants  to  the 
Pacific  railroad  companies  have,  through  the  connivance  of  the 
interior  department,  robbed  multitudes  of  actual  bond  Jide  settlers 
of  their  homes  and  miners  of  their  claims,  and  we  demand  legisla- 
tion by  Congress  which  will  enforce  the  exemption  of  mineral 
land  from  such  grants  after  as  well  as  before  the  patent. 

3.  We  demand  that  bond  Jide  settlers  on  all  public  lands  be 
granted  free  homes  as  provided  in  the  national  homestead  law, 
and  that  no  exception  be  made  in  the  case  of  Indian  reservations 
when  opened  for  settlement,  and  that  all  lands  not  now  patented 
come  under  this  demand. 

DIRECT  LEGISLATION. 

We  favor  a  system  of  direct  legislation  through  the  initiative 
and  referendum  under  proper  constitutional  safeguards. 

GENERAL   PROPOSITIONS. 

1.  We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President,  and 
United  States  senators  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

2.  We  tender  to  the  patriotic  people  of  Cuba  our  deepest  sym- 
pathy in  their  heroic  struggle  for  political  freedom  and  independ- 
ence, and  we  believe  the  time  has  come  when  the  United  States, 
the  great  republic  of  the  world,  should  recognize  that  Cuba  is  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  a  free  and  independent  state. 

3.  We  favor  home  rule  in  the  Territories  and  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  the  early  admission  of  Territories  as  States. 

4.  All  public  salaries  should  be  made  to  correspond  to  the  price 
of  labor  and  its  products.  _  JL 


554  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

5.  In  times  of  great  industrial  depression,  idle  labor  should  be 
employed  on  public  works  as  far  as  practicable. 

6.  The  arbitrary  course  of  the  courts  in  assuming  to  imprison 
citizens  for  indirect  contempt,  and  ruling  by  injunction,  should  be 
prevented  by  proper  legislation. 

7.  We  favor  just  pensions  for  our  disabled  Union  soldiers. 

8.  Believing  that  the  elective  franchise  and  an  untrammeled 
ballot  are  essential  to  a  government  of,  for,  and  by  the  people,  the 
People's  party  condemn  the  wholesale  system  of  disfranchisement 
adopted  in  some  of  the  States,  as  unrepublican  and  undemocratic, 
and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  several  state  legislatures  to 
take  such  action  as  will  secure  a  full,  free,  and  fair  ballot  and  an 
honest  count. 

9.  While  the  foregoing  propositions  constitute  the  platform 
upon  which  our  party  stands,  and  for  the  vindication  of  which  its 
organization  will  be  maintained,  we  recognize  that  the  great  and 
pressing  issue  of  the  present  campaign  upon  which  the  present 
presidential  election  will  turn  is  the  financial  question,  and  upon 
this  great  and  specific  issue  between  the  parties  we  cordially  invite 
the  aid  and  cooperation  of  all  organizations  and  citizens  agreeing 
with  us  upon  this  vital  question. 

There  were  three  distinct  minority  reports  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Resolutions,  each  proposing  amendments  to  the 
platform.  All  of  them,  together  with  several  independent 
motions  to  amend,  were  rejected,  and  the  platform  as  printed 
above  was  adopted. 

Thomas  E.  Watson,  of  Georgia,  was  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  on  the  first  vote,  which  resulted,  on  the  roll-call,  as 
follows :  — 

Whole  number  of  votes 1337 

Necessary  for  a  choice 669 

Thomas  E.  Watson,  Georgia 539f 

Arthur  Sewall,  Maine 257$- 

Frank  Burkett,  Mississippi    .........  190f 

Harry  Skinner,  North  Carolina 142| 

A.  L.  Mimms,  Tennessee  . ll8i*V 

Mann  Page,  Virginia 89T^ 

After  the  votes  of  all  the  States  were  announced,  numerous 
changes  took  place,  and  Mr.  Watson  was  declared  nominated. 
No  final  declaration  of  the  actual  numbers  seems  to  have  been 
made. 

William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  was  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent.    The  first  vote  resulted  as  follows :  — 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  555 

Whole  number  of  votes •    .  1375 

Necessary  for  a  choice 698 

William  J.  Bryan,  Nebraska 1042 

S.  F.  Norton,  Illinois 321 

Eugene  V.  Debs,  Indiana 8 

Ignatius  Donnelly,  Minnesota 3 

J.  S.  Coxey,  Ohio 1 

It  should  be  said  with  reference  to  the  membership  of  this 
convention  that  the  representation  was  on  a  different  basis 
from  that  of  the  conventions  of  the  older  parties.  Texas, 
entitled  in  those  conventions  to  30  votes,  had  103  votes  in  the 
Populist  assembly,  while  New  York  had  but  36.  Kansas  had 
92  votes,  Connecticut  but  6.  The  number  of  delegates  was 
determined  by  the  strength  of  the  party  in  state  elections. 

The  convention  of  the  National  Silver  party  was  held  at  St. 
Louis  on  July  22,  simultaneously  with  that  of  the  Populists. 
Frank  G.  Newlands,  of  Nevada,  was  the  temporary  chairman, 
and  William  P.  St.  John,  of  New  York,  the  permanent  presi- 
dent. No  vote  was  taken  during  the  session  of  the  conven- 
tion which  disclosed  the  number  of  persons  taking  part  in  it, 
or  the  States  of  which  they  were  citizens.  The  members, 
indeed,  did  not  appear  as  duly  accredited  delegates,  but  rather 
as  individual  members  of  the  party.  The  platform,  which 
was  reported  on  July  23,  was  as  follows :  — 

The  National  Silver  party  of  America,  in  convention  assembled, 
hereby  adopts  the  following  declaration  of  principles :  — 

First,  the  paramount  issue  at  this  time  in  the  United  States  is 
indisputably  the  money  question.  It  is  between  the  British  gold 
standard,  gold  bonds,  and  bank  currency  on  the  one  side,  and  the 
bimetallic  standard,  no  bonds,  government  currency,  and  an  Amer- 
ican policy  on  the  other. 

On  this  issue  we  declare  ourselves  to  be  in  favor  of  a  distinctive 
American  financial  system.  We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the 
single  gold  standard,  and  demand  the  immediate  return  to  the 
constitutional  standard  of  gold  and  silver,  by  the  restoration  by 
this  government,  independently  of  any  foreign  power,  of  the  unre- 
stricted coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  into  standard  money,  at 
the  ratio  of  sixteen  to  one,  and  upon  terms  of  exact  equality,  as 
they  existed  prior  to  1873 ;  the  silver  coin  to  be  of  full  legal  ten- 
der, equally  with  gold,  for  all  debts  and  dues,  public  and  private ; 
and  we  demand  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  for  the  future  the 
destruction  of  the  legal  tender  quality  of  any  kind  of  money  by 
private  contract. 


556  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

We  hold  that  the  power  to  control  and  regulate  a  paper  currency 
is  inseparable  from  the  power  to  coin  money,  and  hence  that  all 
currency  intended  to  circulate  as  money  should  be  issued,  and  its 
volume  controlled,  by  the  general  government  only,  and  should  be 
a  legal  tender. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  issue  by  the  United  States  of 
interest-bearing  bonds  in  time  of  peace,  and  we  denounce  as  a 
blunder  worse  than  a  crime  the  present  treasury  policy,  concurred 
in  by  a  Republican  House  of  Representatives,  of  plunging  the 
country  into  debt  by  hundreds  of  millions  in  the  vain  attempt  to 
maintain  the  gold  standard  by  borrowing  gold ;  and  we  demand 
the  payment  of  all  coin  obligations  of  the  United  States  as  pro- 
vided by  existing  laws,  in  either  gold  or  silver  coin,  at  the  option 
of  the  government,  and  not  at  the  option  of  the  creditor. 

The  demonetization  of  silver  in  1873  enormously  increased  the 
demand  for  gold,  enhancing  its  purchasing  power  and  lowering 
all  prices  measured  by  that  standard ;  and,  since  that  unjust  and 
indefensible  act,  the  prices  of  American  products  have  fallen,  upon 
an  average,  nearly  fifty  per  cent.,  carrying  down  with  them  pro- 
portionately the  money  value  of  all  other  forms  of  property. 

Such  fall  of  prices  has  destroyed  the  profits  of  legitimate  indus- 
try, injuring  the  producer  for  the  benefit  of  the  non-producer; 
increasing  the  burden  of  the  debtor,  swelling  the  gains  of  the 
creditor,  paralyzing  the  productive  energies  of  the  American  peo- 
ple, relegating  to  idleness  vast  numbers  of  willing  workers,  send- 
ing the  shadows  of  despair  into  the  home  of  the  honest  toiler, 
filling  the  land  with  tramps  and  paupers,  and  building  up  colossal 
fortunes  at  the  money  centres. 

In  the  effort  to  maintain  the  gold  standard  the  country  has, 
within  the  last  two  years,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace  and  plenty, 
been  loaded  down  with  $262,000,000  of  additional  interest-bearing 
debt  under  such  circumstances  as  to  allow  a  syndicate  of  native 
and  foreign  bankers  to  realize  a  net  profit  of  millions  on  a  single 
deal. 

It  stands  confessed  that  the  gold  standard  can  be  only  upheld 
by  so  depleting  our  paper  currency  as  to  force  the  prices  of  our 
products  below  the  European,  and  even  below  the  Asiatic,  level  to 
enable  us  to  sell  in  foreign  markets,  thus  aggravating  the  very 
evils  of  which  our  people  so  bitterly  complain,  degrading  Ameri- 
can labor  and  striking  at  the  foundations  of  our  civilization  itself. 

The  advocates  of  the  gold  standard  persistently  claim  that  the 
yeal  cause  of  our  distress  is  overproduction,  —  that  we  have  pro- 
duced so  much  that  it  made  us  poor,  —  which  implies  that  the 
true  remedy  is  to  close  the  factory,  abandon  the  farm,  and  throw 
a  multitude  of  people  out  of  employment,  —  a  doctrine  that  leaves 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  557 

ns  unnerved  and  disheartened,  and  absolutely  without  hope  for 
the  future. 

We  affirm  it  to  be  unquestioned  that  there  can  be  no  such 
economic  paradox  as  overproduction,  and  at  the  same  time  tens 
of  thousands  of  our  fellow-citizens  remaining  half-clothed  and 
half-fed,  and  piteously  clamoring  for  the  common  necessities  of 
life. 

Over  and  above  all  other  questions  of  policy,  we  are  in  favor  of 
restoring  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  time-honored 
money  of  the  Constitution,  —  gold  and  silver,  not  one  but  both, — 
the  money  of  Washington,  and  Hamilton,  and  Jefferson,  and 
Monroe,  and  Jackson,  and  Lincoln,  to  the  end  that  the  American 
people  may  receive  honest  pay  for  an  honest  product;  that  the 
American  debtor  may  pay  his  just  obligations  in  an  honest  stand- 
ard, and  not  in  a  dishonest  and  unsound  standard,  appreciated 
one  hundred  per  cent,  in  purchasing  power,  and  no  appreciation 
in  debt-paying  power ;  and  to  the  end,  further,  that  silver  standard 
countries  may  be  deprived  of  the  unjust  advantage  they  now 
enjoy,  in  the  difference  in  exchange  between  gold  and  silver,  an 
advantage  which  tariff  legislation  cannot  overcome. 

We  therefore  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  hold  in  abeyance  all  other  questions,  however  important 
and  even  momentous  they  may  appear,  to  sunder,  if  need  be,  all 
former  party  ties  and  affiliations,  and  unite  in  one  supreme  effort 
to  free  themselves  and  their  children  from  the  domination  of  the 
money  power,  —  a  power  more  destructive  than  any  which  has 
ever  been  fastened  upon  the  civilized  men  of  any  race  or  in  any 
age.  And  upon  the  consummation  of  our  desires  and  efforts  we 
invoke  the  aid  of  all  patriotic  American  citizens,  and  the  gracious 
favor  of  Divine  Providence. 

William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  was  nominated  for  Pre- 
sident, and  Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine,  for  Vice-President.  Both 
nominations  were  made  by  acclamation. 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Democratic  con- 
vention a  movement  was  set  on  foot  to  organize  into  a  party 
those  whom  that  convention  had  turned,  politically,  out  of 
doors.  There  were  thousands  of  such  men,  who  would  not  accept 
a  platform  which  their  spokesmen  at  Chicago  had  pronounced 
"  extreme  "  and  "  revolutionary, "  and  who  nevertheless  felt 
that  it  would  be  impossible  to  vote  for  the  Republican  can- 
didates. The  result  of  repeated  conferences  among  the  leaders 
of  this  group  was  a  delegate  convention  which  was  held  at 
Indianapolis  on  September  2.  Forty-one  States  and  three 
Territories  were  represented.     There  were   no  delegates   pre* 


55S  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

sent  from  Idaho,  Nevada,  Utah  and  Wyoming.  The  name 
of  National  Democratic  party  was  adopted  as  a  designation. 
Governor  Rosvvell  P.  Flower,  of  New  York,  was  the  tempo- 
rary chairman,  and  Senator  Donelson  Caffery,  of  Louisiana, 
the  permanent  president,  of  the  convention.  The  platform, 
reported  September  3  and  unanimously  adopted,  was  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

This  convention  has  assembled  to  uphold  the  principles  on 
which  depend  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  American  people,  in 
order  that  Democrats  throughout  the  Union  may  unite  their  pa- 
triotic efforts  to  avert  disaster  from  their  country  and  ruin  from 
their  party. 

The  Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  equal  and  exact  justice  to 
all  men,  of  every  creed  and  condition ;  to  the  largest  freedom  of 
the  individual  consistent  with  good  government;  to  the  preser- 
vation of  the  federal  government  in  its  constitutional  vigor,  and 
to  the  support  of  the  States  in  all  their  just  rights  ;  to  economy  in 
the  public  expenditures ;  to  the  maintenance  of  the  public  faith 
and  sound  money ;  and  it  is  opposed  to  paternalism  and  all  class 
legislation. 

The  declarations  of  the  Chicago  convention  attack  individual 
freedom,  the  right  of  private  contract,  the  independence  of  the 
judiciary,  and  the  authority  of  the  President  to  enforce  Federal 
laws.  They  advocate  a  reckless  attempt  to  increase  the  price  of 
silver  by  legislation,  to  the  debasement  of  our  monetary  standard, 
and  threaten  unlimited  issues  of  paper  money  by  the  government. 
They  abandon  for  Republican  allies  the  Democratic  cause  of  tariff 
reform,  to  court  the  favor  of  protectionists  to  their  fiscal  heresy. 

In  view  of  these  and  other  grave  departures  from  Democratic 
principles,  we  cannot  support  the  candidates  of  that  convention 
nor  be  bound  by  its  acts. 

The  Democratic  party  has  survived  defeats,  but  could  not  sur- 
vive a  victory  won  in  behalf  of  the  doctrine  and  policy  proclaimed 
in  its  name  at  Chicago. 

The  conditions,  however,  which  make  possible  such  utterances 
from  a  national  convention  are  the  direct  result  of  class  legisla- 
tion by  the  Republican  party.  It  still  proclaims,  as  it  has  for 
years,  the  power  and  duty  of  government  to  raise  and  maintain 
prices  by  law,  and  it  proposes  no  remedy  for  existing  evils,  except 
oppressive  and  unjust  taxation. 

The  national  Democracy  here  convened  therefore  renews  its 
declaration  of  faith  in  Democratic  principles,  especially  as  appli- 
cable to  the  conditions  of  the  times.  Taxation  —  tariff,  excise,  or 
direct  —  is  rightfully  imposed  only  for  public  purposes,  and  not 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  559 

for  private  gain.  Its  amount  is  justly  measured  by  public  expends 
tures,  which  should  be  limited  by  scrupulous  economy.  The  sum 
derived  by  the  Treasury  from  tariff  and  excise  levies  is  affected  by 
the  state  of  trade  and  volume  of  consumption.  The  amount  re- 
quired by  the  Treasury  is  determined  by  the  appropriations  made 
by  Congress.  The  demand  of  the  Republican  party  for  an  increase 
in  tariff  taxation  has  its  pretext  in  the  deficiency  of  revenue, 
which  has  its  causes  in  the  stagnation  of  trade  and  reduced  con- 
sumption, due  entirely  to  the  loss  of  confidence  that  has  followed 
ithe  Populist  threat  of  free  coinage  and  depreciation  of  our  money, 
and  the  Republican  practice  of  extravagant  appropriations  beyond 
the  needs  of  good  government. 

We  arraign  and  condemn  the  Populist  conventions  of  Chicago 
and  St.  Louis  for  their  cooperation  with  the  Republican  party  in 
creating  these  conditions,  which  are  pleaded  in  justification  of  a 
heavy  increase  of  the  burdens  of  the  people  by  a  further  resort  to 
protection.  We  therefore  denounce  protection  and  its  ally,  free 
coinage  of  silver,  as  schemes  for  the  personal  profit  of  a  few  at 
the  expense  of  the  masses,  and  oppose  the  two  parties  which  stand 
for  these  schemes  as  hostile  to  the  people  of  the  republic,  whose 
food  and  shelter,  comfort  and  prosperity,  are  attacked  by  higher 
taxes  and  depreciated  money.  In  fine,  we  reaffirm  the  historic 
Democratic  doctrine  of  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

We  demand  that  henceforth  modern  and  liberal  policies  toward 
American  shipping  shall  take  the  place  of  our  imitation  of  the 
restricted  statutes  of  the  eighteenth  century,  which  were  long  ago 
abandoned  by  every  maritime  power  but  the  United  States,  and 
which,  to  the  nation's  humiliation,  have  driven  American  capital 
and  enterprise  to  the  use  of  alien  flags  and  alien  crews,  have  made 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  almost  an  unknown  emblem  in  foreign 
ports,  and  have  virtually  extinguished  the  race  of  American  sea- 
men. We  oppose  the  pretence  that  discriminating  duties  will 
promote  shipping;  that  scheme  is  an  invitation  to  commercial 
warfare  upon  the  United  States,  un-American  in  the  light  of  our 
great  commercial  treaties,  offering  no  gain  whatever  to  American 
shipping,  while  greatly  increasing  oceaij  freights  on  our  agricul- 
tural and  manufactured  products. 

The  experience  of  mankind  has  shown  that,  by  reason  of  their 
natural  qualities,  gold  is  the  necessary  money  of  the  large  affairs 
of  commerce  and  business,  while  silver  is  conveniently  adapted  to 
minor  transactions,  and  the  most  beneficial  use  of  both  together 
can  be  insured  only  by  the  adoption  of  the  former  as  a  stand- 
ard of  monetary  measure,  and  the  maintenance  of  silver  at  a 
parity  with  gold  by  its  limited  coinage  under  suitable  safeguards 
of  law.     Thus  the  largest  possible  enjoyment  of  both  metals  is 


560  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

gained  with  a  value  universally  accepted  throughout  the  world, 
which  constitutes  the  only  practical  bimetallic  currency,  assuring 
the  most  stable  standard,  and  especially  the  best  and  safest  money 
for  all  who  earn  their  livelihood  by  labor  or  the  produce  of  hus- 
bandry. They  cannot  suffer  when  paid  in  the  best  money  known 
to  man,  but  are  the  peculiar  and  most  defenceless  victims  of  a 
debased  and  fluctuating  currency,  which  offers  continual  profits 
to  the  money  changer  at  their  cost. 

Realizing  these  truths,  demonstrated  by  long  and  public  incon- 
venience and  loss,  the  Democratic  party,  in  the  interests  of  the 
masses  and  of  equal  justice  to  all,  practically  established  by  the 
legislation  of  1834  and  1853  the  gold  standard  of  monetary  mea- 
surement, and  likewise  entirely  divorced  the  government  from 
banking  and  currency  issues.  To  this  long -established  Democratic 
policy  we  adhere,  and  insist  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  gold 
standard,  and  of  the  parity  therewith  of  every  dollar  issued  by 
the  government,  and  are  firmly  opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited 
coinage  of  silver  and  to  the  compulsory  purchase  of  silver  bullion. 
But  we  denounce  also  the  further  maintenance  of  the  present  costly 
patchwork  system  of  national  paper  currency  as  a  constant  source 
of  injury  and  peril.  We  assert  the  necessity  of  such  intelligent 
currency  reform  as  will  confine  the  government  to  its  legitimate 
functions,  completely  separated  from  the  banking  business,  and 
afford  to  all  sections  of  our  country  uniform,  safe,  and  elastic  bank 
currency  under  governmental  supervision,  measured  in  volume  by 
the  needs  of  business. 

The  fidelity,  patriotism,  and  courage  with  which  President 
Cleveland  has  fulfilled  his  great  public  trust,  the  high  character 
of  his  administration,  its  wisdom  and  energy  in  the  maintenance 
of  civil  order  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  its  equal  regard 
for  the  rights  of  every  class  and  every  section,  its  firm  and  dig- 
nified conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  and  its  sturdy  persistence  in  up- 
holding the  credit  and  honor  of  the  nation,  are  fully  recognized 
by  the  Democratic  party,  and  will  secure  to  him  a  place  in  history 
beside  the  fathers  of  the  republic. 

We  also  commend  the  administration  for  the  great  progress 
made  in  the  reform  of  the  public  service,  and  we  indorse  its  effort 
to  extend  the  merit  system  still  further.  We  demand  that  no 
backward  step  be  taken,  but  that  the  reform  be  supported  and 
advanced  until  the  un-Democratic  spoils  system  of  appointments 
shall  be  eradicated. 

We  demand  strict  economy  in  the  appropriations  and  in  the 
administration  of  the  government. 

We  favor  arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes. 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  561 

We  favor  a  liberal  policy  of  pensions  to  deserving  soldiers  and 
sailors  of  the  United  States. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  was  wisely  established 
by  the  framers  of  our  Constitution  as  one  of  the  three  coordinate 
branches  of  the  government.  Its  independence  and  authority  to 
interpret  the  law  of  the  land  without  fear  or  favor  must  be  main- 
tained. We  condemn  all  efforts  to  degrade  that  tribunal  or  im- 
pair the  confidence  and  respect  which  it  has  deservedly  held. 

The  Democratic  party  ever  has  maintained,  and  ever  will 
maintain,  the  supremacy  of  law,  the  independence  of  its  judicial 
administration,  the  inviolability  of  contracts,  and  the  obligations 
of  all  good  citizens  to  resist  every  illegal  trust,  combination,  or 
attempt  against  the  just  rights  of  property  and  the  good  order 
of  society,  in  which  are  bound  up  the  peace  and  happiness  of  our 
people. 

Believing  these  principles  to  be  essential  to  the  well-being  of 
the  republic,  we  submit  them  to  the  consideration  of  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

John  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  was  nominated  for  President 
on  the  first  vote.  He  received  769|-  votes  ;  General  Edward 
S.  Bragg,  of  Wisconsin,  118J  votes.  General  Simon  B. 
Buckner,  of  Kentucky,  was  nominated  by  acclamation  for 
Vice-President. 

The  canvass  so  remarkably  begun  continued  to  be  unique 
and  sensational  to  the  end.  The  Republicans  who  seceded 
from  the  convention  at  St.  Louis,  and  most  of  those  who 
agreed  with  them  on  the  silver  question,  made  common  cause 
with  the  Democrats.  The  dissident  Democrats  were  divided 
in  their  course  of  action,  but  were  animated  by  one  and  the 
same  purpose,  namely,  to  defeat  the  regular  candidates  of  their 
own  party  in  the  only  possible  way,  by  helping  the  election  of 
Mr.  McKinley.  Where  a  separate  organization  seemed  to  pro- 
mise to  draw  away  more  votes  from  Mr.  Bryan,  they  rallied 
around  the  "  National  Democratic  "  standard.  Where  direct 
support  of  the  Republican  candidates  seemed  necessary,  they 
were  ready  to  give  that  support.  Many  of  them  participated 
in  the  nomination  of  National  Democratic  candidates  for  office, 
and  even  addressed  audiences  on  the  stump  in  favor  of  them, 
in  order  to  draw  away  votes  from  Mr.  Bryan ;  but  they  them- 
selves voted  for  McKinley.  The  Prohibition  party,  never 
large,  was  divided ;  the  faction  which  had  insisted  at  the 
national  convention,  that  the  question  of  the  sale  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquor  was  the  great  issue  before  the  people,  could  not 


562  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

hold  its  own  members  to  that  position ;  the  other  faction  was 
strongly  attracted,  in  a  body,  toward  the  coalesced  forces  of 
Free  Silver.  Even  the  Populists  were  in  a  state  of  hopeless 
dissension.  It  was  apparent  to  the  merest  tyro  in  politics 
that  a  separate  electoral  ticket  in  any  State  for  Bryan  and 
Watson  was  as  little  in  favor  of  Bryan  as  the  ticket  for 
Palmer  and  Buckner.  In  short,  the  "  Middle-of-the-road " 
programme  was  one  of  practical  though  undeclared  hostility 
to  the  head  of  the  ticket  it  professed  to  support.  This  fact 
was  recognized  by  many  of  the  leaders  of  the  party,  especially 
by  those  who  had  been  intrusted  with  authority  to  speak  in 
the  name  of  the  party.  Mr.  Watson,  the  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  reproached  them  for  taking  a  course  which  he  re- 
garded as  resulting  in  a  sacrifice  of  himself,  of  the  principles 
of  the  Populist  party,  and  of  its  separate  organization.  It 
does  not  seem  unjust  to  them  to  surmise  that  they  were,  in 
fact,  chiefly  desirous  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Bryan,  and  that 
at  any  cost  to  Mr.  Watson  they  would  do  that  which  they 
thought  would  contribute  most  to  the  success  of  the  head  of 
the  ticket. 

At  first  sight  the  action  of  the  Democratic  convention,  in 
taking  a  position  where  a  great  number  of  the  members  of  the 
party  could  not  support  platform  and  candidates  without  a 
tremendous  sacrifice  of  principle,  might  seem  the  height  of 
political  folly.  Examined  more  carefully  and  critically,  the 
reason  of  their  action  and  the  justification  of  it  are  obvious. 
The  leaders  in  the  Silver  movement  had  no  hope  of  success 
in  a  canvass  based  on  the  tariff  issue.  There  was  therefore 
nothing  to  lose  by  shifting  the  field  of  contest.  In  taking  a 
firm  stand  in  favor  of  free  coinage,  these  men  doubtless  had 
two  things  in  view,  as  to  both  of  which  the  event  showed  their 
judgment  to  have  been  sound:  first,  that,  whether  it  were  self- 
consistent  or  not,  the  great  body  of  the  party  would  continue 
to  support  the  ticket;  and,  secondly,  that  an  addition  of  the 
Populist  vote  to  the  Democratic  vote  would  in  many  of  the 
States  convert  a  minority  into  a  majority.  They  were  sure, 
moreover,  that  all  the  so-called  "  Silver  States  "  would  give 
their  electoral  votes  to  the  Silver  candidate;  and  were  con- 
fident that  in  all  the  States  there  were  many  Silver  Repub- 
licans who  would  leave  their  party  rather  than  vote  for  the 
gold  standard.  In  the  early  days  of  the  canvass  these  facts 
impressed  themselves  so  strongly  upon  the  Republicans  that 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  563 

many  of  them  believed  Mr.  Bryan's  chances  of  election  to  be 
alarmingly  good.  The  voters  had  never  stood  up  to  be  counted 
on  the  silver  question.  Democrats  who  had  declared  most 
solemnly  that  they  could  never  be  drawn  into  the  support  of 
Free  Silver  went  back  into  the  party ;  some  who  would  not 
give  their  assent  to  the  platform  nevertheless  announced  their 
purpose  to  vote  for  the  candidates.  The  whole  of  the  extreme 
AVest  and  the  Pacific  coast  seemed  so  devoted  to  the  cause  of 
Free  Silver  that  Republicans  were  inclined  to  concede  all  those 
States  to  Mr.  Bryan. 

The  first  notable  event  of  the  canvass  was  the  appearance 
of  Mr.  Bryan  in  New  York  city,  where  he  made  a  speech. 
The  time  was  midsummer,  the  most  unpropitious  season  that 
could  have  been  chosen,  and  the  extreme  heat  that  prevailed 
made  against  the  candidate.  Before  the  speech  the  Repub- 
licans were  in  a  state  of  alarm  as  to  the  result  in  November; 
after  it  they  hardly  regarded  Mr.  Bryan  as  a  dangerous  ant- 
agonist. A  week  or  two  later,  indications  of  the  impending 
result  began  to  appear.  Alabama  and  Arkansas  elected  state 
officers  in  August.  In  each  of  the  States  the  Democratic  ma- 
jority showed  an  increase  over  that  of  preceding  elections ;  but 
no  special  significance  was  attached  to  the  fact  in  any  quarter, 
save  in  so  far  as  it  gave  reason  for  thinking  that  the  new 
departure  of  the  Democratic  party  would  not  cause  it  a  loss  of 
electoral  votes  in  the  Southern  States.  In  September  Ver- 
mont gave  a  Republican  majority  of  more  than  29,000  over  all 
other  parties  combined  —  by  far  the  largest  majority  ever  given 
in  a  Vermont  state  election.  Next  came  the  election  in  Maine, 
where  the  Republican  candidate  for  governor  received  more 
than  two  thirds  of  the  whole  vote,  and  had  a  majority  of 
42,000  over  the  combined  opposition.  In  these  States  the 
result  alarmed  the  Democrats  as  little  as  the  Southern  elec- 
tions had  disturbed  the  Republicans.  Nevertheless,  after  the 
event  we  can  see  that  it  foreshadowed  the  election  of  Mr. 
McKinley.  It  indicated  the  drift  of  public  sentiment  through- 
out the  North.  The  causes  which  produced  the  great  major- 
ities in  the  two  New  England  States  were  operating  with 
equal  force  in  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  In- 
diana, —  the  four  doubtful  States  of  the  North  in  former 
elections,  —  as  well  as  in  the  large  States  of  the  central 
Northwest.  Yet  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Bryan  looked  for- 
ward with  confidence  to  the  verdict  of  the   people.     They 


564  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

were  assured  that  thousands  of  the  voters  in  every  State  were 
concealing  their  intentions,  and  while  professing  to  be  in  favor 
of  Mr.  McKinley,  and  even  wearing  his  badges,  would  never- 
theless cast  a  quiet  vote  for  Mr.  Bryan  on  election  day.  Their 
confidence  was  fostered  by  the  extraordinary  thronging  of  the 
people  to  hear  Mr.  Bryan,  who  was  travelling  almost  inces- 
santly for  several  months  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and 
addressing  many  audiences  every  day.  Mr.  Bryan's  physical 
endurance  under  the  tremendous  strain  of  his  protracted  and 
busy  campaign,  and  the  eager  desire  of  the  people  to  see  and 
hear  him,  were  two  of  the  most  remarkable  incidents  of  the 
canvass. 

The  days  and  weeks  passed  in  the  most  intense  popular  ex- 
citement. Almost  nothing  was  discussed  but  the  silver  ques- 
tion ;  almost  nothing  excited  interest  save  the  prospects  of  the 
two  candidates.  Mr.  McKinley's  part  in  the  canvass  was  as 
active  as  Mr.  Bryan's,  although  quite  different  in  method.  He 
remained  at  his  home  in  Canton,  Ohio,  where  he  received  and 
addressed  hundreds  of  visiting  parties.  Excursions  to  Canton 
were  organized  not  only  all  over  Ohio,  but  in  other  and  in 
some  far-distant  States.  Parties  consisting  of  a  large  number 
of  persons  went  in  many  cases  hundreds  of  miles  to  call  upon 
Mr.  McKinley,  to  assure  him  of  their  support,  and  to  be  ad- 
dressed by  him.  The  Republican  candidate  was  inclined  at 
first  to  lay  more  stress  upon  the  tariff  policy  of  his  party  than 
upon  the  importance  of  maintaining  the  gold  standard.  But 
the  paramount  interest  in  the  financial  question  did  not  allow 
him  to  continue  on  that  line,  and  when  he  spoke  upon  the 
money  issue  he  spoke  boldly  and  courageously. 

The  Silver  forces  effected  an  almost  complete  fusion.  The 
Populist  managers  disregarded  to  a  great  extent  the  policy 
which  their  national  convention  had  favored,  —  the  "  Middle- 
of-the-road  "  policy.  They  were  deaf  to  the  somewhat  frantic 
expostulations  of  Mr.  Watson,  and  effected  a  close  alliance 
with  the  Democrats.  In  twenty-six  of  the  States  they  made 
a  division  of  the  electors,  but  in  eighteen  of  these  States  they 
allowed  the  Democrats  to  have  a  majority  of  the  candidates 
on  the  ticket ;  in  four  there  was  an  equal  division,  and  in  the 
other  four  the  Populists  had  one  majority  in  each.  In  all  the 
twenty-six  States  there  were  197  Democratic  electors  and  79 
Populist  electors  on  the  fusion  tickets.  Mr.  Watson  was  not  so 
blind  as  not  xo  see  that,  even  if  Mr.  Bryan  were  elected,  there 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN 


565 


would  be  no  choice  of  a  Vice-President  by  the  electors ;  that 
Mr.  Hobart  and  Mr.  Sewall  would  be  the  two  candidates  eli- 
gible, under  the  Constitution,  to  be  voted  for  by  the  Senate ; 
and  that  Mr. .  Sewall  would  probably  be  elected.  The  Pop- 
ulist managers  also  were  fully  aware  of  this  fact,  but  they  did 
not  intend  to  imperil  any  chance  Mr.  Bryan  might  have  by 
presenting  separate  electoral  tickets  in  order  to  please  Mr. 
Watson.  In  a  few  States,  nevertheless,  the  "  Middle-of-the- 
road  "  men  refused  to  be  "  sold  out  "  to  the  Democrats  and  set 
up  independent  tickets.  For  the  most  part,  however,  the  two 
parties  worked  in  harmony.  Indeed,  the  word  "  Popocrat " 
was  invented  to  describe  the  combined  forces  of  the  two 
parties  who,  on  other  issues  beside  that  of  silver,  —  notably 
the  "  government  by  injunction/'  and  the  income  tax,  —  were 
in  full  agreement.  The  following  table  shows  how,  had  the 
coalition  been  successful,  the  electoral  votes  for  Vice-President 
would  have  been  distributed  in  the  twenty-six  States  where 
there  was  a  fusion  :  — 


States. 

ij 
If 

States. 

it 

si 

IS 

Q 

it 

1 

Arkansas    .     . 
California   .     . 
Colorado  *  .     . 
Connecticut     . 

5 
5 
2 
5 

2 
20 
10 
10 
11 

4 
13 

9 

4 
13 

3 
4 
2 
1 
1 
4 
5 
3 
2 
4 
2 
4 
5 
4 

Montana    .     . 
Nebraska  .     . 
New  Jersey    . 
North  Carolina 
Ohio      .     .     . 
Oregon .     .     . 
Pennsylvania . 
Utah     .     .     . 

1 

4 

9 

•5 

18 

2 

28 

1 

2 

4 

9 

2 

2 
4 
1 
6 
5 

2 

4 

2 

Kentucky    .     . 
Louisiana    .     . 
Massachusetts 
Michigan     .     . 
Minnesota  .     . 
Missouri      .     . 

Washington  . 
West  Virginia 
Wisconsin .     . 
Wyoming .     . 

2 
2 
3 

1 

Total.     .     . 

198 

78 

*  The  Populist  electors  in  Colorado  and  Idaho,  and  some  others  in  other  States  voted 
for  Mr.  Sewall  for  Vice-President. 


At  the  close  of  the  canvass  the  people  were  wrought  up  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  excitement.  Never  before  was  the  dis- 
play of  political  emblems  so  profuse.  The  city  streets  were 
decorated  from  end  to  end  with  huge  flags  and  banners  bearing 
the  names  of  the  candidates.    Lithograph  portraits  of  McKinley 


566  A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 

or  of  Bryan  were  exhibited  in  the  front  windows  of  dwellings 
and  shops.  Buttons  showing  the  familiar  features  were  worn 
in  the  lappels  of  their  coats  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  if  not 
by  millions,  of  men  and  boys. 

Almost  fourteen  million  citizens  went  to  the  polls.  The  num- 
ber of  votes  given  in  the  table  on  the  next  page  is  13,936,957, 
—  by  far  the  largest  number  ever  cast  at  a  popular  election  in 
any  country.  Throughout  the  country  the  polling  was  orderly. 
Although  the  indications  of  a  great  Republican  victory  had 
been  apparent  for  weeks,  even  months,  to  the  most  casual 
observer,  many  of  the  supporters  of  Mr.  Bryan  entertained 
hopes,  some  of  them  were  even  confident,  of  success  to  the 
last.  The  earliest  returns  gave  assurance  of  an  overwhelming 
majority  for  Mr.  McKinley,  and  the  prognostication  was  con- 
firmed as  one  State  after  another  was  heard  from.  The  East- 
ern, Middle,  and  Central  Northwestern  States  were  carried  by 
the  Republicans,  without  an  exception,  by  unprecedented 
majorities.  The  South  even  was  not  "  solid "  for  Bryan. 
Only  during  the  reconstruction  period  had  the  Republicans 
ever  obtained  any  electoral  votes  in  the  States  from  Delaware 
to  Texas.  Now  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  West  Virginia  gave 
McKinley  substantial  majorities ;  and  even  Kentucky,  the 
"dark  and  bloody  ground''  of  the  Democratic  conflict  between 
the  Gold  and  the  Silver  forces,  yielded  him  a  narrow  margin. 
No  northern  State  east  of  the  Missouri  River  gave  Bryan  a 
single  electoral  vote,  and  even  on  the  Pacific  slope  the  Repub- 
licans won  California  and  Oregon. 

On  the  other  hand  the  Democrats  wrested  from  the  Repub- 
licans Kansas  and  Nebraska,  together  with  the  whole  group  of 
mining  States,  except  California ;  and  their  majority  in  such 
States  as  Arkansas,  Alabama,  Missouri,  and  Texas,  was  im- 
mense. 

In  presenting  the  accompanying  table  of  the  popular  vote, 
it  is  proper  to  say  that  it  differs  from  any  other  table  pub- 
lished. Errors  more  or  less  numerous  are  discoverable  in  all 
the  tables  published  by  the  political  almanacs  and  by  Apple- 
ton's  Annual  Cyclopaedia.  Where  the  figures  given  in  these 
tables  differ,  an  attempt  has  been  made  to  obtain  from  state 
authorities  the  final  official  figures.  In  a  few  cases  no  re- 
sponse has  been  made  to  requests  for  the  true  returns.  It 
cannot  be  claimed  for  the  returns  which  follow  that  they  are 
absolutely  correct,  but  they  are  believed  to  be  more  nearly  so 


THE  FREE   SILVER  CAMPAIGN 


567 


POPULAR  VOTE. 


States. 

a  6 

8 

* 

(3 

i 

I 

"3    05 

f 
Si 

i 

f 

Is 

M1 

1 

IS 

m§ 

a 

<V3 

Wj3 

w*i 

1° 

3 

1 

n 

rij 

ei 

M 
o 

1 

Alabama  .... 

54,737 

131,226 

24,089 

6,462 

2,147 

'Arkansas .     . 

37,512 

110,103 

- 

- 

839 

893 

- 

California     . 

146,688 

144,766 

21,730 

2,006 

2,573 

1,047 

1,611 

Colorado  .     . 

26,271 

161,269 

2,389 

1 

1,717 

386 

160 

Connecticut . 

110,285 

56,740 

- 

4,336 

1,806 

- 

1,223 

Delaware .    . 

20,452 

16,615 

- 

966 

602 

- 

- 

Florida     .     . 

11,257 

31,958 

1,977 

1,772 

644 

- 

- 

Georgia    .     . 

60,091 

94,672 

440 

2,708 

5,716 

- 

- 

Idaho  .     .     . 

6,324 

23,192 

- 

- 

181 

- 

_ 

Illinois     .     . 

607,130 

464,523 

1,090 

6,390 

9,796 

793 

1,147 

Indiana    .    . 

323,754 

305,573 

- 

2,145 

3,056 

2,267 

324 

Iowa    .    .    . 

289,293 

223,741 

- 

4,516 

3,192 

352 

453 

Kansas     .     . 

159,541 

171,810 

46,194 

1,209 

1,921 

630 

- 

Kentucky     . 

218,171 

217,890 

- 

5,114 

4,781 

- 

- 

Louisiana 

22,037 

77,175 

- 

1,915 

- 

- 

- 

Maine  .     .     . 

80,461 

34,587 

2,387 

1,866 

1,589 

- 

- 

Maryland 

136,978 

104,746 

- 

2,507 

5,922 

136 

588 

Massachusetts 

278,976 

105,711 

15,181 

11,749 

2,998 

- 

2,114 

Michigan .     . 

293,582 

237,268 

- 

6,968 

5,025 

1,995 

297 

Minnesota     . 

193,503 

139,735 

- 

3,222 

4,363 

- 

954 

Mississippi    . 

5,123 

63,793 

7,517 

1,071 

485 

- 

- 

Missouri  .     . 

304,940 

363,652 

- 

2,355 

2,169 

293 

599 

Montana  .    . 

10,494 

42,537 

- 

- 

186 

- 

- 

Nebraska .     . 

103,064 

115,999 

- 

2,797 

1,243 

797 

186 

Nevada     .    . 

1,938 

8,377 

575 

- 

- 

- 

- 

New  Hampshire 

57,444 

21,650 

379 

3,520 

779 

49 

228 

New  Jersey  . 

221,367 

133,675 

- 

6,373 

5,614 

- 

3,985 

New  York     . 

819,838 

551,369 

- 

18,950 

16,052 

- 

17,667 

North  Carolina 

155,222 

174,488 

- 

578 

676 

245 

- 

North  Dakota 

26,335 

20,686 

- 

- 

358 

- 

- 

Ohio     .     .     . 

525,991 

477,497 

2,615 

1,858 

5,068 

2,716 

1,167 

Oregon     .    . 

48,779 

46,662 

- 

977 

919 

- 

- 

Pennsylvania 

728,300 

433,230 

11,176 

10,921 

19,274 

870 

1,683 

Rhode  Island 

37,437 

14,459 

- 

1,166 

1,160 

5 

558 

South  Carolina 

9,313 

58,801 

- 

824 

- 

- 

- 

South  Dakota 

41,042 

41,225 

- 

- 

683 

.  - 

- 

Tennessee     . 

148,773 

166,268 

4,525 

1,951 

3,098 

- 

- 

Texas  .     .    . 

167,520 

370,434 

79,572 

5,046 

1,786 

- 

- 

Utah    .     .    . 

13,491 

64,607 

- 

21 

- 

- 

- 

Vermont  .     . 

50,991 

10,607 

461 

1,329 

728 

- 

- 

Virginia   .     . 

135,388 

154,985 

•  -  . 

2,127 

2,350 

- 

115 

Washington  . 

39,153 

51,646 

- 

1,668 

968 

148 

- 

West  Virginia 

104,414 

92,927 

- 

677 

1,203 

- 

- 

Wisconsin     . 

268,135 

165,523 

- 

4,584 

7,509 

346 

1,314 

Wyoming      .     .     . 

10,072 

10,655 

286 

~ 

136 

~ 

~ 

Total      .    .    . 

7,111,607 

6,509,052 

222,583 

134,645 

131,312 

13,968 

36,373 

*  Bryan  and  Watson's  vote  is  included  in  the  vote  for  W.  J.  Bryan. 

than  any  previous  table.     They  are  made  up  upon  the  princi- 
ple of  giving  the  highest  vote  for  any  name  on  the  electoral 


568 


A  HISTORY  OF  THE  PRESIDENCY 


ELECTORAL  VOTE. 


Statu. 


Alabama  .  . 
Arkansas  .  . 
California  .  . 
Colorado  •  . 
Connecticut  . 
Delaware  .  . 
Florida  ... 
Georgia  .  .  • 
Idaho.  .  .  . 
Illinois  .  .  . 
Indiana  .  .  . 
Iowa  .... 
Kansas  .  .  . 
Kentucky  .  . 
Louisiana  .  . 
Maine  .  .  . 
Maryland  .  . 
Massachusetts . 
Michigan  .  . 
Minnesota  .  . 
Mississippi  .  . 
Missouri  .  .  . 
Montana  .  . 
Nebraska  .  . 
Nevada  .  .  . 
New  Hampshire 
New  Jersey 
New  York  .  . 
North  Carolina 
North  Dakota . 
Ohio  .... 
Oregon  .  .  . 
Pennsylvania  . 
Rhode  Island  . 
South  Carolina 
South  Dakota  . 
Tennessee  .  . 
Texas  .... 
Utah  .... 
Vermont  .  . 
Virginia  .  .  . 
Washington  . 
West  Virginia  . 
Wisconsin  .  . 
Wyoming    .     . 

Total    .    . 


President. 


271 


176 


Vice-President. 


ticket,  and  not  for  the  first  name  on  the  ticket.  The  vote  for 
Bryan  is  the  combined  vote  for  Bryan  and  Sewall,  and  ior 
Bryan  and  Watson.  The  Bryan  and  Watson  vote  is  given 
separately,  but  is  to  be  disregarded  in  making  up  the  total  vote, 


THE  FREE  SILVER  CAMPAIGN  569 

According  to  the  figures  here  presented  the  plurality  for 
Mr.  McKinley  was  602,555,  and  his  majority  over  all  the  can- 
didates combined  was  286,257. 

The  electoral  vote,  which  is  given  in  a  separate  table,  re- 
flects the  closeness  of  the  vote  in  California  and  Kentucky,  in 
each  of  which  States  one  elector  voted  for  Bryan*  and  Sewall. 

The  electoral  count  took  place  on  the  10th  of  February, 
1897.  It  was  conducted  in  accordance  with  the  law,  and  was 
strictly  without  incident.  The  inauguration  of  Mr.  McKinley 
on  the  4th  of  March  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  great  popular 
demonstration  by  the  Republicans,  who  flocked  to  Washington 
in  large  numbers  to  witness  the  ceremony. 

The  immediate  subsidence  of  excitement  after  the  result  of 
the  election  was  ascertained,  and  the  good-humored  acceptance 
of  that  result  by  all  save  a  few  grievously  disappointed  lead- 
ers of  the  defeated  party,  is  not  a  new  experience  in  American 
political  life.  We  have  seen  it  after  other  historic  struggles. 
The  Federalists  thought  that  all  was  lost  when  Jefferson  was 
elected.  Jackson's  triumph  seemed  to  his  opponents  a  victory 
of  evil  over  good.  The  Democrats  lost  faith  in  popular  gov- 
ernment when  Harrison  was  chosen.  To  the  supporters  of 
Mr.  Tilden  the  declaration  that  Mr.  Hayes  was  elected  was 
nothing  short  of  a  great  political  crime.  Yet  after  a  momen- 
tary loss  of  temper  all  these  good  people  recovered  themselves 
and  devoted  their  energies  to  the  public  service  with  zeal  and 
with  undiminished  hope  and  confidence.  So  it  was  in  1896. 
In  some  respects  the  result  was  the  greatest  trial  of  the  tem- 
per of  the  defeated  party  the  country  has  ever  known.  The 
aims  of  the  Democratic  party  were,  —  not  to  use  the  phrase 
offensively,  —  in  a  certain  sense  revolutionary.  They  were 
intended  to  array  the  weak,  the  poor,  the  debtors,  the  em- 
ployed, against  the  men  who  were  designated  as  plutocrats. 
The  failure  of  such  an  attack  is  sometimes  almost  as  dangerous 
to  society  as  its  success.  The  fact  that,  when  the  American 
people  had  spoken  at  the  polls  upon  questions  that  involved 
the  highest  interests  of  society,  the  decision  was  quietly 
accepted  as  conclusive  until  a  new  occasion  should  arise  for 
passing  upon  them  in  the  orderly  American  way,  is  most  cred- 
itable to  them,  and  a  happy  augury  for  the  future. 


INDEX 


Abolitionists,  condemned  by  the 
Democrats,  200,  266 ;  convention  of 
1839,  202;  of  1843,  216;  defeat  Clay, 
224 ;  convention  Of  1847,  232  ;  Of  1852, 
253. 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  nominated 
for  Vice-President,  239;  in  canvass 
Of  1872,  340,  344. 

Adams,  John,  suggested  for  Vice- 
President,  24 ;  elected,  27 ;  his  jour- 
ney to  New  York  and  inauguration, 
30;  reelected  Vice-President,  39; 
named  for  President,  44;  virulent 
attacks  upon  him,  45 ;  elected  Pres- 
ident, 51;  his  inauguration,  53; 
counts  the  votes  and  declares  his 
own  election,  52;  relations  to  the 
Federalist  party,  56;  defeated  in 
1800, 63 ;  elector  for  Monroe,  1820, 118. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  goes  over  to 
the  Republican  party,  93;  on  the 
Missouri  Enabling  Act,  117 ;  receives 
one  vote  for  President  in  1820,  118, 
121 ;  candidate  in  1824,  126,  129, 131 ; 
popular  votes  for,  136;  electoral 
votes,  140 ;  chosen  by  the  House  of 
Represei  tatives,  140;  his  inaugura- 
tion, 141 ;  his  character  and  admin- 
istration, 142;  attacks  Massachu- 
setts Federalists,  146 ;  popular  votes 
for,  in  1828,  148;  defeated,  149;  in 
the  House  of  Representatives,  193. 

Adams,  John  Quincy  (the  younger), 

350. 

Adams,  Samuel,  suggested  for  Vice- 
President,  24 ;  his  course  in  the  can- 
vass of  1796, 48 ;  votes  for,  in  1796,  51. 

Adet,  M.,  French  ambassador,  endea- 
vors to  defeat  John  Adams,  46. 

Alabama,  admitted  to  the  Union,  118. 

Alien  and  sedition  laws,  57, 201. 

Alien  ownership  of  land.  See  Land, 
public. 


Allison,  William  B.,  392,  538. 

American  party.  See  Native  Amen 
ican. 

American  party  of  1888,  conven- 
tion, 480. 

Annexation  of  Texas.    See  Texas. 

Anti-Federalist  party,  32;  see  Re- 
publican party. 

Anti-Masonic  party,  its  origin,  155; 
national  convention  in  1830,  155; 
merged  with  Whig  party,  180. 

Anti-Monopoly  party,  convention  of. 

in  1884,  421. 

Anti-Nebraska  Democrats,  260. 
"  Anti-Snappers"  of  1892, 493. 
Arbitrary  arrests  during  the  Civil 

War,  298, 304. 
Arbitration,  settlement  of  interna- 
tional disputes  by,  256,  365,  441,  462, 

466,  507,  520,  521,  560. 
Arkansas,  admitted  to  the  Union, 

184 ;  vote  of  1872  objected  to,  354. 
Armstrong:,  James,  votes  for  in  1789, 

27. 
Army  vote  in  1864,  307. 
Arthur,  Chester  A.,  nominated  for 

Vice-President,  408;    elected,   417; 

becomes  President,  419 ;  in  canvass 

Of  1884,  427,  432. 

Ashburton  Treaty,  238, 250. 

Baltimore,  the  Harrison  procession 
in,  in  1840, 196. 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  second 
bank  incorporated,  108 ;  war  upon,  by 
Jackson,  155, 157,  178 ;  veto  of  char- 
ter renewal,  162;  the  panic  of  1837, 
191 ;  Van  Buren  continues  war  upon, 
192 ;  condemned  by  Democrats,  200 ; 
Tyler's  opposition  to,  207;  in  plat- 
forms, 200. 

Banks,  national,  in  politics  and  plat 

forms,  333,  365,  367,  409,  544,  551. 


572 


INDEX 


Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  271 ;  electoral 
vote  for,  353. 

Barbour,  James,  114, 119, 145, 194. 

'"Barnburners,"  factiou  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  229 ;  convention  of, 
1848,  238. 

Bayard,  James  A.,  reasons  for  aban- 
doning Burr,  71. 
Bayard,  Thomas  F.,  349, 379, 387, 412, 

414,  415,  440. 

Bell,  John,  nominated  for  President, 
289  •,  popular  and  electoral  votes  for, 
297. 

Bentley,  Charles  E.,  nominated  for 
President,  532;  popular  votes  for 
567. 

Bidwell,  John,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 508. 

Bimetallism.    See  Silver. 

Birney,  James  G.,  nominated  for, 
President,  202;  popular  votes  for, 
203 ;  nominated,  1843,  216 ;  popular 
votes  for,  223;  accused  of  seeking 
alliance  with  Democrats,  224. 

Black,  James,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 340 ;  popular  votes  for,  352. 

Blaine,  James  G.,  330,  362,  368,  373, 
402, 407, 408, 427 ;  nominated  for  Pres- 
ident, 432;  popular  and  electoral 
votes  for,  448;  Paris  interview  on 
the  tariff,  458;  withdraws  from  the 
canvass  for  1888,  459;  attempt  to 
stampede  convention  for,  478;  Sec- 
retary of  State,  489,  492;  resigns, 
493 ;  votes  for,  in  convention  of  1892, 
497. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  Jr.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  326;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  328. 

"  Bloody  shirt,"  waving  the,  357. 

Bonds,  taxation  of  United  States, 
316, 322,536 ;  payment  of,  with  green- 
backs, 316,  322,  333,  336  ;  issue  of,  in 
time  of  peace,  544,  552, 556. 

Booth,  Newton,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  and  declined,  367. 

Botts,  John  M.,  letter  from,  on  Tyler, 
207 ;  in  canvass  of  1860,  289. 

Bradley,  Stephen  B.,  call  for  a  con- 
gressional caucus  in  1808,  90. 

Bramlette,  Thomas  £.,  votes  for,  as 
Vice-President  in«1872,  353. 

Breckinridge,  John  C,  nominated 
for  Vice-President,  265 ;  elected,  276 ; 
nominated  for  President,  285,  287; 


popular  and    electoral  votes    for, 

297. 

Bristow,  Benjamin  H.,  363, 368, 373. 

"  Broad  gauge  "  Prohibitionists, 
528. 

Brooks,  John  A.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  468. 

Brown,  B.  Gratz,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  344,  349;  electoral 
votes  for,  353. 

Brown,  John,  raid  by,  281. 

Bryan,  William  J.,  542,  547;  nomi. 
nated  for  President  by  the  Demo- 
crats, 548;  by  the  People's  party, 
554;  by  the  National  Silver  party, 
557:  his  personal  canvass,  563,564; 
popular  votes  for,  567;  electoral 
votes  for,  568. 

Buchanan,  James,  138, 209 ;  votes  for, 
in  convention  of  1844,  212;  of  1848, 
233;  in  canvass  of  1852,247;  the  Os- 
tend  Manifesto,  261;  in  canvass  of 
1856,  264;  nominated,  265;  elected, 
276;  his  administration,  280. 

Buckner,  Simon  B.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  561. 

Burr,  Aaron,  votes  for,  in  1792,  39 ; 
candidate  with  Jefferson  in  1796, 
44 ;  votes  for,  51 ;  nominated  by  cau- 
cus in  1800,  59;  votes  for,  63;  be- 
comes Vice-President,  73. 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  283,  330;  in 
electoral  count  of  1869,  331 ;  in  can- 
vass of  1880,  411 ;  nominated  for 
President,  423,  427;  popular  votes 
for,  448. 

Butler,  William  0.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  234;  electoral  votes 
for,  243 ;  in  canvass  of  1852, 249. 

Calhoun,  John  C,  98,  117 ;  proposed 
for  President,  126;  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  132 ;  elected,  135 ;  re- 
elected, 149 ;  suggested  for  President 
in  1844,  208;  votes  for,  in  conven- 
tion, 212;  negotiates  treaty  for  an- 
nexation of  Texas,  227 ;  votes  for,  in 
convention  of  1848,  233;  the  com- 
promises of  1850,  245. 

California,  admitted  to  the  Union, 
246,  257;  its  vote  divided  in  1880, 
418  ;  in  1892,  517 ;  in  1896,  566. 

Cambreleng,  Churchill  C,  political 
mission  in  the  South,  144. 

Carlisle,  John  G.,  440. 


INDEX 


573 


"  Carpet-baggers,"  357. 

Cary,  Samuel  F,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  367. 

Cass,  Lewis,  votes  for,  in  convention 
of  1844,  209;  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 233;  popular  and  electoral 
votes  for,  243;  in  canvass  of  1852, 
247. 

Casus  omissus,  119, 271, 450. 

Caucus,  Congressional,  nominations, 
Federalist  and  Republican,  in  1800, 
58, 59;  Jefferson  and.George  Clinton 
nominated  in  1804,  82 ;  opposition  to, 
in  1808,  90 ;  Madison  nominated,  91 ; 
nominations  in  1812,  99;  opposition 
to,  in  1816, 109, 110 ;  abortive  caucus 
in  1820,  117 ;  discussion  of,  and  war 
against,  1822  to  1824, 126, 130 ;  result 
of,  131 ;  faults  of  the  caucus  system, 
168. 

Chambers,  B.  J.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  411. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  270,  290,  294,  321, 

325,  340,  344. 

Cherokee  and  Creek  Indians,  their 

removal,  154, 157. 
Chinese  labor  and  immigration,  in 

politics  and  platforms,  335,  336,  371, 

377,  401,  405,  410,  414,  416,  419,  430, 

438,  444,  462,  469,  474,  502. 

Cipher  despatches,  381. 
Civil  rights  bill  vetoed  by  Mr.  John- 
son, 315. 
Civil  service  reform,  in  politics  and 

platforms,  153,  158,  334,  337,  343,  347, 
370,  406,  419,  430,  437,  457, 466,  469, 477, 
496,501,536,546,560. 

Clay,  Henry,  98, 99 ;  opposes  the  cau- 
cus in  1816, 109 ;  on  electoral  vote  of 
Indiana,  113;  on  electoral  vote  of 
Missouri,  119;  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent in  1824,  126 ;  suggestion  of  a 
coalition  with  Crawford,  132 ;  popu- 
lar votes  for,  136 ;  charged  with  a 
corrupt  bargain,  138 ;  electoral  votes 
for,  in  1824, 140 ;  suggested  for  Vice- 
President,  1828,  145;  nominated  by 
National  Republicans,  157 ;  popular 
votes  for,  163 ;  electoral  votes,  164 ; 
inquiry  by,  into  qualifications  of 
electors,  184;  his  attitude  in  1839, 
193,  194 ;  his  letter  on  Texas,  210 ; 
nominated  by  Whigs  in  1844,  220; 
popular  and  electoral  votes  for,  223 ; 
defeated   by  Abolitionists,  224;  in 


canvass  of  1848,230 ;  defeated  in  con- 
vention, 237;  the  compromises  of 
1850,  245. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  elected  Governor 
of  New  York,  420,  433;  nominated 
for  President,  440.;  elected,  448 ;  and 
civil  service  reform,  457;  events  of 
his  first  administration,  458;  noni' 
nated  for  reelection,  471;  popular 
and  electoral  votes  for,  in  1888, 483; 
in  canvass  of  1892,493 ;  nominated  in 
1892,  504 ;  elected,  517 ;  foreign  rela- 
tions during  his  second  administra- 
tion, 519 ;  alienated  from  his  party, 
523 ;  Democratic  convention  refuses 
to  approve  his  administration,  547, 
548;  commended  by  National  Dem- 
ocrats, 560. 

Clinton,  DeWitt,  78,  79, 92 ;  candidate 
for  President,  100 ;  votes  for,  in  1812, 
104 ;  a  candidate  in  1824, 126 ;  favors 
popular  vote  for  appointing  elec- 
tors, 147. 

Clinton,  George,  candidate  of  the 
Anti-Federalists,  26;  votes  for,  in 
1789,  27;  opposed  to  John  Adams, 
in  1792, 34 ;  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent in  1792,  39 ;  votes  for,  in  1796, 
51 ;  nominated  by  caucus  for  Vice- 
President,  82 ;  elected,  84 ;  nomi- 
nated in  1808,  91 ;  repudiates  the 
caucus,  92;  reelected,  95;  died  in 
office,  99. 

Cochrane,  John,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  300 ;  withdraws,  301. 

Colfax,  Schuyler,  318 ;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,    321;  elected,   328; 

defeated  in  1872, 348. 

Colorado,  act  to  admit  as  a  State, 
vetoed,  315 ;  admitted  to  the  Union, 
380. 

Colquitt,  Alfred  H.,  votes  for,  as 
Vice-President  in  1872, 353. 

Commission,  Electoral.  See  Elec- 
toral Commission. 

Compromises  of  1850,  245;  in  plat- 
forms, 249,  252,  254,  258,  267. 

Conant,  John  A.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  442. 

Conkling,  Koscoe,  361,  368,  373,  402, 
408,  419. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
provisions  respecting  election  of 
President,  see  Electoral  System  and 
President. 


574 


INDEX 


Constitutional  Union  party,  its  for- 
mation, 282 ;  convention  in  1860,  288. 
Convention  system :  the  first  na- 
tional convention,  101;  convention 
suggested  in  Pennsylvania,  1824, 130 ; 
the  system  discussed,  166;  origin  of 
the  system,  170 ;  development  of  the 
idea,  171 ;  reforms  made  and  sug- 
gested, 174, 175,  420,  428. 
Conventions,   party,    Abolition    or 
Liberty  party,  in  1839,  202 ;  in  1843, 
216 ;  in  1847,  232  ;  in  1852,  253. 
American,  in  1888,480. 
Anti-Masonic,  in  1830, 155. 
Anti-Monopoly,  in  1884, 421. 
Barnburners,  in  1848, 238. 
Constitutional  Union,  in  i860, 288. 
Democratic,  in   1832,  160;  in   1835, 
181;  in  1840,  199;  in  1844,  211;  in 
1848,  232 ;  in  1852, 248 ;  in  1856,  264  ; 
in  1860,  282;  of  seceders,  285,  286; 
convention  in  1864,  304;    in  1868, 
321 ;  in  1872,  349 ;  of  "  Straight " 
Democrats,  349;  convention  in  1876, 
374 ;  in  1880,  411 ;  in  1884,  433 ;  in 
1888,  468;  in  1892,  498 ;  in  1896,  541. 
Free-soil,  in  1848, 238;  in  1852, 253. 
Greenback  party,  in  1876,  367;  in 

1880,  409 ;  in  1884,  423. 
Know-Nothing,  in  1856,  261. 
Labor  Reformers,  in  1872, 335. 
Liberal  Republican,  in  1872, 340. 
Liberty  League,  in  1848, 232. 
National  Democratic,  in  1896, 557. 
National  Republican,  in  1831,  157; 

of  young  men,  in  1832, 157. 
National  party,  in  1896,  530. 
National  Silver  party,  in  1896, 555. 
Native  American,  in  1847,  231;  in 

1856,  261. 
People's  Party,  in  1892, 508 ;  in  1896, 

550. 
Prohibitionists,  in  1872, 339 ;  in  1876, 
364  ;  in  1880,  411 ;  in  1884,  441,  442  ; 
in  1888,  465 ;  in  1892,  505 ;  in  1896, 
528. 
Radical  Republican,  in  1864, 299. 
Republican,  in  1856,  269 ;  in  1860,  290 ; 
in  1864,  301 ;   in  1868,  318 ;  in  1872, 
345 ;   in  1876,  308  ;   in  1880,  402  ;  in 
1884,  427  ;  in  1888,  472 ;  in  1892,  494 ; 
in  1896,  532. 
Socialist  Labor,  in  1892, 513 ;  in  1896, 

538. 
Union  and  Harmony,  in  1839, 194. 


Union  Labor,  in  1888, 460. 
United  Labor,  in  1888, 463. 
"Whig,  in  1839,  193 ;  in  1844,  220 ;  in 
1848,  237  ;  in  1852,  250 ;  in  1856,  273. 

Cooper,  Peter,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 367  ;  popular  votes  for,  383. 

Copperheads,  298. 

Corrupt  bargain,  alleged,  of  Henry 
Clay,  138. 

Count  of  electoral  votes.  See  Elec- 
toral votes. 

Cowdrey,  B,ob.ert  H.,  nominated  for 
President,  465;  popular  votes  for, 
483. 

Cranfill,  J.  B.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  508. 

Cravens,  Jordan  E.,  proposes  amend- 
ment to  Constitution,  394. 

Crawford,  William  H.,  98 ;  intrigue 
in  favor  of,  109 ;  favorite  of  the  ad- 
ministration, 126;  candidate  of  the 
caucus,  131;  popular  votes  for,  in 
1824, 136 ;  electoral  votes,  140 ;  votes 
in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
141 ;  suggested  for  Vice-President, 
in  1828,  145;  his  quarrel  with  Mon- 
roe, 145  [note]. 

Credit  Mobilier,  416. 

Creeks.    See  Cherokees. 

Crittenden,  John  J.,  275, 289. 

Cuba,  acquisition  of,  261,  272,  284,  287 ; 
the  rebellion  in,  520,  536,  546,  553. 

Currency,  the,  in  politics  and  plat- 
forms.    See  Greenbacks,  and  Silver. 

Curtis,  James  L.,  nominated  for  Pres- 
ident, 480. 

Cushingr,  Caleb,  282, 285, 286. 

"  Czar,"  Mr.  Speaker  Reed  as,  488. 

Dallas,  George  M.,  162;  nominated 
for  Vice-President,  214 ;  elected,  223 ; 
votes  for.  in  1848,  233. 

Daniel,  William,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  446. 

Davis,  David,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 338;  declines,  339;  in  Liberal 
Republican  convention,  344;  elec- 
toral votes  for,  353 ;  retires  from  Su- 
preme Court,  388. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  on  power  to 
count  electoral  votes,  277. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  284. 

Dayton,  William  L.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  271 ;  electoral  votes 
for,  276 ;  in  canvass  of  i860, 294. 


INDEX 


575 


Dearborn,  Henry  A.  S.,  nominated 

for  Vice-President,  231. 
Debt,  the  public.    See  Public  Debt. 
Delaware,  appointment  of  electors 

by,  in  1824, 134 ;  adopts  popular  vote, 

164. 

Democratic  party  (successor  of  Re- 
publican),  convention  of  1832,  160; 
of  1836,  181 ;  of  1840,  199 ;  condition 
of,  in  1843,  209;  convention  of  1844, 
211 ;  'of  1848,  232 ;  divisions  in  the 
party,  233;  convention  of  1852,  248; 
Of  1856,  264 ;  Of  1860,  282 ;  seceders' 
convention,  285,  286;  convention  of 
1864,  304 ;  of  1868,  321 ;  of  1872,  349  ; 
"  Straight "  Democrats,  349 ;  conven- 
tion Of  1876,  374 ;  Of  1880,  411 ;  Of  1884, 
433 ;  Of  1888,  468 ;  of  1892,  498 ;  divided 
by  the  silver  question,  526;  conven- 
tion Of  1896,  541. 

Dickerson,  Mahlon,  proposes  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
122. 

Direct  vote  for  President.  See  Pres- 
ident. 

Disqualified  electors.    See  Electors. 

District  system  of  choosing-  elec- 
tors, 23,  38,  83,  93, 103,  148,  516. 

Disunion,  considered  or  threatened, 
76, 146,  295,  298. 

Donelson,  Andrew  J.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President  by  American  party, 
264;  by  Whigs,  273. 

"Doughfaces,"  origin  of  the  word, 
116. 

Doufrlas,  Stephen  A.,  247, 258 ;  in  can- 
vass of  1856, 264 ;  leader  of  a  Demo- 
cratic faction,  280 ;  debate  with  Lin- 
coln, 281 ;  in  convention  of  I860,  284 ; 
nominated  for  President,  286 ;  popu- 
lar and  electoral  votes  for,  247 ;  sup- 
ports the  Union  cause,  298. 

Dow,  Neal,  nominated  for  President, 
411 ;  popular  votes  for,  417, 

Dred  Scott  decision,  279. 

Earl,  Thomas,  Abolitionist  candidate 

for  Vice-President,  202. 
Eaton,  Mrs.  General,  151, 160. 
Eaton,   William  W.,   proposes  an 

amendment  to  the  Constitution,  396. 
Edmunds,  George  F.,  329,  387,  398, 

402,  407,  408,  427,  432. 

Eight-hour  day  for  labor.  See  Hours 
of  Labor. 


Elections,  federal  interference  in, 

304,  401,  413,  498. 

Electoral  commission,  text  of  the 
law  creating  it,  382 ;  its  membership, 
387,  391 ;  action  of,  388. 

Electoral  system,  first  proposed,  4- 
adopted,  9 ;  its  working  in  practice, 
9;  law  of  1792,  36;  the  system 
changed,  II,  12,  80;  propositions  to 
amend  or  abolish,  122,  358,  394,  395, 
396,  397. 

Electoral  votes,  time  of  casting,  36, 
453 ;  manner  of  voting,  9,  80 ;  returns 
of,  9,  36,  80,  453 ;  determination  of 
contests,  64,  398,  453. 

count  of,  in  1789,  29 ;  in  1793, 40 ;  in 
1797,  51;  in  1801,  67;  in  1805,  84;  in 
1809,  95; in  1817,  112, 113; in  1821,  120; 
in  1825, 139 ; in  1837,  184 ;  in  1857,  275  ; 
ill  1861,  296 ;  ill  1865,  309 ;  in  1869,  329 ; 
in  1873,  354;  in  1877,  382,  399  ;  ill  1881, 
418 ;  in  1889,  484. 

rejection  of,  discussed  and  exer- 
cised, 64-67,  114,  123,  275,  309, 329,  354, 
388;  twenty-second  joint  rule,  309; 
text  of,  310 ;  pronounced  unconstitu- 
tional,359;  rescinded  by  the  Senate, 
382 ;  law  Of  1887,  453. 

Electors,  methods  of  appointing:  in 
1789,  21 ;  in  1792,  38 ;  in  1796,  47 ;  in 
1800,  59 ;  in  1804,  83 ;  in  1808,  93 ;  ill 
1812, 103  ;  in  1824, 133  ;  ill  1832,  164  ;  in 
1868,  327  ;  in  1872,  351 ;  in  1876,  380  ;  in 
1880,  418 ;  in  1892,  516,  518. 

time  of  appointment,  first  election, 
20;  law  Of  1792,  36;  law  of  1845,  242; 
Wisconsin's  electors,  in  1856,  275; 
Georgia's  electors  in  1880,  418;  law 
Of  1887,  453. 

official  returns  of  appointment,  9, 
36,  80,  453. 

determination  of  contests,  by 
grand  committee,  proposed,  64 ;  la  n 
Of  1887,  453. 

ineligible  persons  appointed,  185  ,• 
see  also  Electoral  votes,  rejection  of. 
attempted  bribery  of,  388. 

Ellmaker,  Amos,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  157;  electoral  votes  for. 
164. 

Ellsworth,  Oliver,  votes  for,  in  1796, 

51. 

Emancipation,  299, 302. 
Embargo,  the,  89,  97. 
England.    See  Great  Britain. 


576 


INDEX 


English,  William  H.f  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  415. 

Equal  Eights  party,  New  York  fac- 
tion, 228. 

Era  of  good  feelings,  115, 117. 

Evans,  Samuel,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  463. 

Everett,  Edward,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  290;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  297. 

Expunging  resolution,  179. 

Farmers'  Alliance,  491. 

"  Federal  thirteen,"  the,  61. 

Federalist  party,  the,  at  first  elec- 
tion, 24 ;  supports  Burr  against  Jef- 
ferson, 69;  its  attitude  during  Jef- 
ferson's administration,  76 ;  coquets 
with  the  Clinton  faction,  92;  sup- 
ports Pinckney  and  King,  in  1808, 
93 ;  its  course  in  the  election  of  1812, 
101 ;  destroyed  hy  the  success  of  its 
own  principles,  106 ;  last  appearance 
in  national  politics,  112;  attacked 
by  J,  Q.  Adams,  146. 

Field,  James  G.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  513. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  238;  elected,  243; 
becomes  President,  246 ;  in  canvass 
of  1852,  247;  nominated  in  1856  by 
Americans,  264 ;  by  Whigs,  273 ;  pop- 
ular and  electoral  votes  for,  276. 

Finley,  Ebenezer  B.,  proposes  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  396. 

First  election  ordered  by  Congress, 

20. 

First  national  convention,  in  1812, 

101. 

Fisk,  Clinton  B.,  nominated  for  Pres- 
ident, 468 ;  popular  votes  for,  483. 

Fitzpatrick,  Benjamin,  266;  nomi- 
nated for  Vice-President  and  de- 
clined, 28(5. 

Five-twenty  bonds.    See  Bonds. 

Florida,  admitted  to  the  Union,  242; 
electors  of,  appointed  by  legislature, 
in  1868,  327;  vote  of  1876  disputed, 
381,  388. 

Floyd,  John,  on  vote  of  Missouri,  in 
1821, 120 ;  votes  for,  as  President,  in 
1832, 164. 

Foote,   Charles  E.,   nominated  for 

Vice-President,  232. 
"  Force  Bill,"  490,  495,  498. 


Fourth  of  March,  beginning  of  Pres. 

idential  term,  29, 38. 
France,  relations  with,  as  affecting 

politics,  33, 41, 46. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  suggested  for 

President,  26. 
"Fraud  of   1876,"  in  politics  and 

platforms,  413,  416,  435. 
"Free  ballot  and  fair  count,"  in 

politics  and  platforms,  413,  432, 437, 

473,  495,  498,  512,  536,  554. 
Free  homesteads.    See  Land,  pub- 
lic. 
Free-masonry,  a  political  issue,  144, 

155. 

Free  ships  and  navigation  laws. 

See  Navigation  laws. 
Free  silver,  in  politics  and  platforms. 

See  Silver. 
Free-soil  party,  convention  of  1848, 

238 ;  Of  1852,  253. 

Free  trade,  in  politics  and  platforms. 
See  Tariff. 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  315,  323. 

Frelinghuysen,  Theodore,  nomina- 
ted for  Vice-President,  220 ;  electoral 
votes  for,  223. 

Fremont,  John  C,  nominated  for 
President,  264,  270;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  276;  nominated 
in  1864, 301 ;  withdraws,  301. 

French  Bevolution,  its  influence  on 
American  politics,  33, 41, 46. 

Freneau,  Philip,  34. 

Fugitive-slave  law,  245,  249,  252,  251, 
284,  287. 

Funding  System,  Hamilton's,  42. 
Fusion,  in  1860,  296;  in  1880,417  ;  in 

1892,  515,  in  1896,  564. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  by  caucus,  131;  with- 
draws, 132. 

Garfield,  James  A.,  387,  402,  407; 
nominated  for  President,  408;  as- 
saults upon,  415;  elected,  417;  as- 
sassination of,  419. 

Genet,  "  Citizen,"  French  ambassa- 
dor, interferes  in  American  politics, 
42. 

Georgia,  vote  of,  in  1868,  327,  329,  331 ; 
votes  for  Greeley,  in  1872,  rejected, 
354 ;  its  vote  in  1880,  418. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  proposes  choice  of 
electors  by  State  Governors,  4 ;  plan 


INDEX 


577 


of  apportioning  electors,  5;  votes 
for  John  Adams,  48 ;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  99 ;  adds  a  word  to 
the  language,  104 ;  elected,  104. 

Gold  standard,  in  politics  and  plat- 
forms.   See  Silver. 

Graham,  William  A.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  251;  defeated,  257; 
in  canvass  of  I860, 289. 

Granger,  Francis,  nominated1  for 
Vice-President,  183 ;  votes  for,  188. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  303, 315, 316;  nom- 
inated  for  President,  320;  elected, 
328 ;  condemned  by  Liberal  Repub- 
licans, 341;  nominated  for  reelec- 
tion, 348;  reelected,  352;  on  third 
term,  360;  vetoes  the  "inflation" 
bill,  366 ;  proposed  in  1880,  402,  407, 
408. 

Great  Britain,  relations  with,  as  af- 
fecting politics,  43,  87,  97,  482. 

Greeley,  Horace,  on  Know-Nothing 
party,  260;  opposes  Mr.  Seward, 
290 ;  opposes  Grant,  334 ;  in  canvass 
of  1872,  340 ;  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 344,  349;  dies,  351;  popular 
votes  for,  352;  electoral  votes  for, 
353;  votes  for,  objected  to  and  re- 
jected, 354. 

Greenback  party,  convention  of  1876, 
367 ;  Of  1880,  409 ;  of  1884,  423. 

Greenbacks,  payment  of  bonds  with, 
316,  322 ;  volume  of  issue  of,  365,  409, 
429. 

Greer,  James  R.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  480. 

Groesbeck,  William  S.,  349 ;  electoral 
vote  for,  in  1872, 353. 

Habeas  corpus,  suspension  of   the 

Writ,  298,  300,  323. 
Hale,  John  P.,  nominated  for  Pre- 
sident, 232;  withdraws,  232;  nomi- 
nated in  1852, 253 ;  popular  votes  for, 
257. 

"  Half-breed,"  a  faction  of  the  Re- 
publican party,  419. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  on  the  elec- 
toral system,  2 ;  proposes  choice  of 
electors  by  the  people,  4,  5 ;  decides 
to  support  John  Adams,  in  1789, 25 ; 
supposed  intrigue  against  Adams, 
26;  antagonism  with  Jefferson,  32; 
his  funding  system,  42 ;  not  a  candi- 
date for  President,  44 ;  bis  course  in 


the  canvass  of  1796,  49 ;  his  influence 
over  the  members  of  Adams's  cabi- 
net, 54 ;  opposes  the  Federalist  sup- 
port of  Burr,  70;  opposes  Federal- 
ist disunion  intrigue,  76 ;  proposes 
amendment  of  the  Constitution,  78. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  295 ;  elected,  297 ;  in 
canvass  of  1864,  303;  presides  over 
the  count  of  1865, 311 ;  in  canvass  of 
1868,  318,  321. 

Hancock,  John,  suggested  for  Vice- 
President,  24  ;  votes  for,  in  1789,27; 
protests  against  law  of  1792, 39. 

Hancock,  Winfield  S.,  321,  325,  363, 
379,  412,  414 ;  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 415;  popular  and  electoral 
votes  for,  417. 

Hard  Cider  campaign,  190. 

"Hards,"  Democratic  faction,  in  New 
York,  264,  282. 

Harper,  Robert  G.,  votes  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1816.  112 ;  in  1820,  121. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  nominated  for 
President,  479;  popular  and  elec- 
toral votes  for,  483 ;  declare  J  elected, 
485;  his  administration,  486,  492; 
nominated  for  reelection,  1892,  497 ; 
popular  and  electoral  votes  for,  517. 

Harrison,  Robert  H.,  votes  for,  in 

1789,  27. 

Harrison, William  H.,  suggested  for 
Vice-President,  1828, 145 ;  nominated 
for  President  in  1836,  183;  popular 
votes  for,  185;  electoral  votes  for, 
188  ,•  Whig  candidate,  195 ;  takes  the 
stump,  202;  popular  votes  for,  203; 
elected,  204 ;  his  inauguration,  205 ; 
dies,  207. 

Hartford  convention,  106. 

Hawaii,  proposed  annexation  of,  519, 
535,  546,  553. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  363, 368 ;  nom- 
inated for  President,  373;  popular 
votes  for,  383 ;  declared  elected,  393 ; 
his  administration,  400. 

Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  325,  330; 
votes  for,  as  President,  in  1872, 353 ; 
nominated  for  Vice-President,  379; 
in  canvass  of  1880,  412,  415 ;  again 
nominated,  441 ;  elected,  448 ;  death 
of,  472. 

Henry,  John,  votes  for,  in  1796, 51. 

Hill,  David  B.,  492,  493,  505,  542,  548, 
549. 


578 


INDEX 


Hobart,  Garret  A.,  nominated  for 

Vice-President,  538 ;  elected,  567,568. 
Homesteads,  free,  in  platforms.    See 

Land,  public. 
Hours  of  Labor,  in  politics  and  plat- 

forms,  370,  410,  422,  425,  462,  464,  512, 

513,  540. 

House  of  Representatives,  election 
of  President  by,  71, 140. 

Houston,  Samuel,  248, 288. 

Howard,  Jobn  E.,  suggested  for  Pres- 
ident, ill ;  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, in  1816, 112. 

"  Hunkers,"  Democratic  faction,  229. 

Huntington,  Samuel,  votes  for,  In 
1789,  27. 

Idabo,  admitted  to  the  Union,  518. 

Illinois,  admitted  to  the  Union,  118. 

Immigration,  restriction  of,  in  poli- 
tics and  platforms,  303,  320,  371,  401, 
405,  410,  414,  419,  430,  438,  444,  462, 
467, 474,  481,  496,  502,  506,  512,  531,  536, 
544. 

Impressment  of  American  seamen, 

87,  88. 
Income  tax,  in  politics  and  platforms, 

410,  422,  425,  431,  462,  511,  514,  540, 
544,  552. 

Independent  Treasury,  192,  207, 227. 

Indiana,  admitted  to  the  Union,  112; 
disputed  votes  of,  in  1817, 113. 

Informalities  in  certificates  of  elec- 
tors, 85 ;  of  Massachusetts  electors, 
1808, 94 ;  suspected  in  1824. 137. 

Ingersoll,  Jared,  Federalist  candi- 
date for  Vice-President,  102;  votes 
for,  in  1812, 104. 

"Injunction,  government  by,"  545, 
554. 

Internal  improvements;  in  politics 
and  platforms,  115,  143, 154,  158, 200, 
241,  252,  255,  273,  294. 

Inter-state  commerce;  in  platforms. 

See  Railroads,  regulation  of. 
Intoxicating  liquor;  in  politics  and 

platforms,  339,  364,  426,  441,  443,  466, 

505,  529,  530. 
Iowa  admitted  to  the  Union,  242. 
Iredell,  James,  votes  for,  in  1796,  51. 
Irregularities;    See  Informalities. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  candidate  for 
President,  in  1824,  126;  popular 
votes  for,  136 ;  electoral  votes  for, 


140 ;  votes  in  the  House  of  Repm 
sentatives,  141;  becomes  a  candi- 
date for  1828, 144 ;  popular  votes  for, 
148;  elected,  149;  inaugurated,  150; 
his  conduct  in  office,  151;  his  influ. 
ence  upon  politics,  153 ;  his  war  on 
the  Bank,  153, 162 ;  forces  the  nom- 
ination of  Van  Buren,  160 ;  nomi- 
nated for  reelection,  161 ;  popular 
votes  for,  163;  reelected,  164;  his 
popularity,  179;  opposes  Judge 
Hugh  L.  White,  181 ;  at  Van  Buren's 
inauguration,  189. 

Jacobins,  opprobrious  name  of  De- 
mocrats,  74. 

Jay,  John,  votes  for,  in  1789, 27 ;  Brit 
ish  treaty,  43  ;  votes  for,  in  1796,  51 ; 
in  1800,  63. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  antagonism  with 
Hamilton,  32 ;  votes  for,  in  1792,  39 ; 
leader  of  the  Republican  party,  44 ; 
named  for  President,  44 ;  attacked  by 
"Phocion,"  45,  49;  elected  Vice- 
President,  51 ;  votes  for,  in  1800,  63 ; 
elected  by  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, 72;  his  inauguration,  73;  his 
course,  in  office,  74,  77 ;  nominated 
by  caucus,  82 ;  reelected,  84 ;  rejects 
Monroe's  treaty, 88  ;  induces  Monroe 
to  withdraw,  92. 

Jenkins,  Charles  J.,  votes  for,  as 
President,  1872, 353. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  284;  nominated 
for  Vice-President,  303 ;  elected,  307 ; 
becomes  President,  313;  his  char- 
acter and  administration,  313 ;  his 
contest  with  Congress  and  impeach- 
ment, 315;  denounced  by  Republican 
convention,  319;  in  the  canvass  of 
1868,  321;  praised  by  Democrats, 
325. 

Johnson,  Hale,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  530. 

Johnson,  Herscbel  V.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  286;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  297. 

Johnson,  Richard  M.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  182 ;  electoral  votes 
for,  188 ;  elected  by  the  Senate,  187 ; 
opposition  to,  in  1840, 198  ;  not  re- 
nominated, 201 ;  electoral  votes  for, 
in  1840,  204 ;  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency, 1844,  208;  votes  for,  in  con- 
vention, 212. 

Johnston,  William  F.,  nominated  for 


INDEX 


579 


Vice-President,  264 ;  not  adopted  by 
Republicans,  271. 

Joint  rule,  twenty-second.  See  Elec- 
toral System. 

Julian,  George  W.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  253;  in  canvass  of 
1872,  338,  344;  electoral  votes  for, 
352. 

Kansas,  the  contest  over,  258,  260, 

268,  272,  279,  292. 

Kentucky,  admitted  to  the  Union,  38 ; 
legislature  nominates  Clay,  126; 
contest  in  1896  between  Gold  and 
Silver  forces,  526 ;  electoral  vote  di- 
vided, 567. 

Kins',  Leicester,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  232. 

King-,  Rufus,  34;  Federalist  candi- 
date for  Vice-President,  83 ;  votes 
for,  in  1804,  84 ;  in  1808,  95 ;  opposes 
coalition  with  Clintonians,  in  1812, 
101, 102 ;  votes  for,  for  President,  in 
1816, 112. 

King-,  William  R.,  named  for  Vice- 
President,  1840,  199;  votes  for,  as 
candidate,  1848,  234 ;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  249  j  elected,  257. 

"Kitchen  Cabinet,"  the,  152,  154, 
159. 

Know-Nothing1  order  and  party,  259 ; 
convention  of  1856, 261. 

Knox,  General  Henry,  suggested  for 
Vice-President,  24. 

Kremer,  George,  charge  by,  against 
Henry  Clay,  138. 

Ku-klux-klan,  the,  333. 

Labor  questions,  in  politics  and  plat- 
forms, 325,  337,  347,  350,  409,  414,  422, 
426,  430,  437,  441,  462,  503,  512,  531, 
540. 

Labor  Reformers,  party  of,  conven- 
tion Of  1872,  335. 

Land,  public,  questions  relating  to 
in  politics  and  platforms,  154,  179, 
215,  221,  236,  255,  293,  324,  336,  344,  347, 
350,  371,  377,  410,  423,  425,  430,  437, 
438,  444,  461,  463,  469,  474,  500,  506, 
512,  514,  531,  536,  540,  553. 

Lane,  Joseph,  248,  284 ;  nominated 
for  Vice-President,  285, 287 ;  popular 
and  electoral  votes  for,  297. 

Langdon,  John,  presides  over  the 
first  count,  29 ;  votes  for,  as  Vice- 


President,  in  1808, 95 ;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  99 ;  declines,  99. 

Lecompton  constitution,  for  Kan- 
sas, 279,  292. 

Lee,  Henry,  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, in  1832, 164. 

Legal-tender  notes.  See  Green- 
backs. 

Legislatures,  State,  as  nominating 
bodies,  168. 

Levering,  Joshua,  508 ;  nominated  for 
President,  530;  popular  votes  for, 
567. 

Liberal  Republicans,  origin  of  the 
party,  335 ;  convention  in  1872, 340. 

Liberty  League,  the,  convention  of 

1848,  232. 

Liberty  party.    See  Abolitionists. 

"  Lily  White  "  Republicans,  516. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  Mi  ;  the  debate 
with  Douglas,  281 ;  in  the  canvass  of 
I860,  290 ;  nominated  for  President, 
294;  elected,  297 ;  his  administration, 
299 ;  nominated  in  1864,  303 ;  elected, 
307;  his  reconstruction  plan,  309, 
313;  assassinated,  313. 

Lincoln,  Benjamin,  vote  for,  in  1789, 

27. 

"Little  Magician,"  the  [Van  Bu- 
ren],  191. 

"  Loco-focos,"  New  York  party  fac- 
tion, 228. 

Logan,  John  A.,  427 ;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  432;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  448. 

Log  cabin  and  Hard  Cider  cam- 
paign, 190. 

Louisiana,  purchase  of,  75 ;  admitted 
to  the  Union,  103 ;  frauds  in  Plaque- 
mines Parish,  16,  224;  vote  of  the 
State,  in  1864,  rejected,  311 ;  vote  in 
1868  objected  to,  330;  returning 
boards,  351,  381 ;  vote  in  1872  dis- 
puted and  not  counted,  354 ;  vote  of 
1876  disputed,  381, 389. 

Lyon,  James,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent and  declined,  350. 

Machen,  Willis  B.,  votes  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1872,  353. 

McClellan,  George  B.,  299;  nomi- 
nated for  President,  305 ;  his  view 
of  the  Democratic  platform,  306  ; 
popular  and  electoral  votes  for; 
307. 


580 


INDEX 


McKinley,  William,  "the  McKinley 
bill,"  489, 499, 524  ;  votes  for,  as  can- 
didate for  President,  1892,  497;  in 
the  canvass  of  1896,  527,  532 ;  nom- 
inated for  President,  538 ;  his  course 
during  the  canvass,  564;  elected, 
666;  popular  votes  for,  567;  elec- 
toral votes  for,  568. 

McLean,  John,  considered  as  a  can- 
didate for  President,  1830, 156  ;  nomi- 
nated, 1836, 183;  in  canvass  of  1848, 
230 ;  votes  for,  in  Whig  convention, 
237 ;  in  conventions  of  1856, 264,  270 ; 
in  canvass  of  1860, 289, 294. 

Macon,  Nathaniel,  proposes  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  122 ;  votes 
for,  as  Vice-President,  in  1824, 140. 

Madison,  James,  6;  nominated  for 
President,  in  1808,  91 ;  elected,  95  ; 
his  inauguration,  96;  his  first  ad- 
ministration, 97 ;  yields  to  war  party, 
98;  renominated,  99;  elected  a  se- 
cond time,  104. 

"Magician,  the  little"  [Van  Bu- 
ren], 191. 

Maguire,  Matthew,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  541. 

Maine,  admitted  to  the  Union,  118; 
liquor  law,  339. 

Maish,  Levi,  proposes  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  396. 

Mangum,  Willie  P.,  votes  for,  as 
President,  188. 

March  4th,  beginning  of  Presiden- 
tial term,  29, 38. 

Marcy,  William  L.,  153, 247, 261. 

Marshall,  Humphrey,  on  power  to 
count  electoral  votes,  277. 

Marshall,  John,  on  the  proposed  law 
of  1800,  66 ;  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, in  1816,  112;  attends  anti- 
Masonic  convention,  156. 

Maryland,  last  State  to  abandon  the 
district  system,  164. 

Mason,  James  M.,  on  electoral  votes 
of  Wisconsin,  275. 

Mason,  John  Y.,  261. 

Massachusetts,  choice  of  electors  in 
1789, 23  ;  in  1792, 38 ;  by  the  Legisla- 
ture, in  1800, 60 ;  defeat  of  Federal- 
ists in  1804,  84 ;  choice  of  electors,  in 
1808,  93;  in  1812,  103;  in  the  Hart- 
ford Convention,  107. 

Matchett,  Charles  H.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  1892, 513 ;  nominated 


for  President,  1896,  541;  popular 
votes  for,  567. 

Mexico,  and  Texas,  226 ;  war  with,  in 
platforms  and  politics,  227,  230,  234, 
249. 

Michigan,  admitted  to  the  Union, 
184;  votes  of,  how  counted  in  elec- 
tion of  1837,  187 ;  an  elector  of,  ob- 
jected to,  in  1877, 390 ;  chose  electors 
by  districts,  in  1892, 516. 

"Middle  of  the  Road"  populists, 

550. 

Military  interference  with  elec- 
tions.   See  Elections. 

Mills  hill,  tariff,  459,  468,  471,  473, 
482. 

Milton,  John,  votes  for,  in  1789,27. 
Minnesota,  admitted  to  the  Union, 
296. 

Minority  Presidents,  17. 
Mississippi,  admitted  to  the  Union, 

118;  votes  of,  in  1872,  objected  to, 

354. 
Missouri,  question  of  admission  to 

the  Union,  116, 118 ;  controversy  over 

its  vote  in  1820, 118 ;  its  vote  in  1872, 

354. 

Missouri  Compromise,  repeal  of,  260, 

271. 

Monroe  doctrine,  268,  300,  303,  476, 

496, 520,  535,  546. 

Monroe,  James,  diplomatic  services 
abroad,  86,  88 ;  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent, in  1808,  89,  90;  persuaded  to 
withdraw,  92;  votes  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1808,  95 ;  opposition  to, 
in  1816, 108 ;  nominated,  109 ;  elected, 
112;  inauguration,  114;  reelected, 
118 ;  second  inauguration,  120. 

Montana,  admitted  to  the  Union,  487. 

Morey  letter,  416. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  3,  6,  12,  34,  58, 

78,  83, 101,  111. 

Morris,  Thomas,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  216. 

Morrison,  William  E.,  tariff  bill, 
458 ;  votes  for,  as  candidate  for  Pre- 
sident, 505. 

Morton,  Levi  P.,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  479;  elected,  483;  in  the 
canvass  of  1896,  527 ;  votes  for,  as 
candidate  for  President,  538. 

Morton,  Oliver  P.,  proposes  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  358 ;  caiv? 
didateior  Presidential  nomination, 


INDEX 


581 


361, 368, 373 ;  member  of  the  electoral 
commission,  387. 

"Mugwumps,"  or  independent  Re- 
publicans, 419,  432,  446,  457;  de- 
nounced by  Republican  convention, 
477. 

Murchison,  Charles  F.  (fictitious 
name),  letter  to  Lord  Sackville, 
482. 

"Narrow  gauge"  Prohibitionists, 

528. 

National  Banks.     See  Banks. 

National  Democratic  party  (of 
1896),  origin  of,  550, 557 ;  convention, 
558. 

National  party.  See  Greenback 
party. 

National  party  (of  1896),  530. 

National  Republican  party,  conven- 
tion of,  in  1831, 157 ;  fusion  with  Anti- 
Masons,  163;  merged  with  Whig 
party,  180. 

National  Silver  party,  convention  of 

1896,  555. 

Native  Americans,  the  party  of,  231 ; 
revival  of,  259;  convention  of  1856, 
261 ;  condemned  by  Democratic  con- 
vention, 266. 

Navigation  laws  and  free  ships,  in 
politics  and  platforms,  414,  431, 439, 
476,  496,  534,  559. 

Nebraska,  act  to  admit  as  a  State, 
vetoed,  315:  admitted  to  the  Union, 
327 ;  an  elector  objected  to,  in  1877, 
390. 

Nevada,  an  elector  for,  objected  to, 

in  1877,  390. 

New  Hampshire,  choice  of  electors 
in,  in  1789, 22 ;  in  1804, 84 ;  calls  Dem- 
ocratic conventions,  159, 199 ;  choice 
of  electors  in,  in  1848, 242. 

New  Jersey,  a  Democratic  manoeuvre 
in,  in  1804,  94;  extraordinary  pro- 
ceedings in,  in  1812, 103 ;  vote  divided 
in  I860, 297. 

New  York,  loses  its  vote  in  1789, 23 ; 
decided  the  election  of  1800,  59;  in 
the  contest  of  1824,  128, 129, 135 ;  in 
Democratic  convention  of  1848, 228, 
232;  its  great  influence  in  politics, 
15,  59,  229,  447,  449 ;  party  warfare 
and  factions  in,  23,  86,  100,  228;  its 
popular  vote  In  1868,  329. 

Nicaragua  canalr  476, 497, 502, 535. 


North  Carolina,  peculiar  appoint- 
ment of  electors  in,  in  1792,  38 ;  ap- 
points electors  by  the  Legislature, 
in  1812, 103, 122. 

North  Dakota,  admitted  to  the  Un- 
ion, 487. 

Nullification,  154. 

Objections  to  electoral  votes.  See 
Electoral  votes,  rejection  of. 

0' Conor,  Charles,  305, 339 ;  nominated 
for  President,  350;  popular  votes 
for,  352. 

Official  returns  of  elections,  discrep- 
ancies in,  484,  516,  568. 

Ohio,  admitted  to  the  Union,  83. 

Orders  in  council,  British,  88. 

Oregon  question,  the,  215,  228;  the 
State  of,  admitted  to  the  Union,  296; 
electoral  vote  of,  in  1876, 381, 390. 

Ostend  Manifesto,  the,  261, 272. 

Pacific  Railroad,  273,  283,  287,  294. 
303. 

Palmer,  John  M.,  321,  338,  340 ;  elec- 
toral votes  for,  as  Vice-President, 
in  1872,  353;  nominated  for  Presi 
dent,  561 ;  popular  votes  for,  567. 

Panama  mission,  opposed  by  Ad 
ams's  political  enemies,  143. 

Panic,  financial,  of  1837, 191 ;  of  1873, 

357. 

Parker,  Joel,  325;  nominated  for 
Vice-President, 338 ;  declines,  339 ;  in 
canvass  of  1876,  379. 

Pendleton,  George  H.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  305;  popular  and 
electoral  votes  for,  307 ;  in  canvass 
Of  1868,  316.  321,  325. 

Pennsylvania,  appointment  of  elect- 
ors in  1800,  60 ;  its  vote  in  1876,  390 ; 
its  influence  in  politics,  15, 60, 86, 92, 
93, 100,  275. 

Pensions,  in  politics  and  platforms, 

302,  320,  324,  347,  371,  405,  426,  430, 436, 
462,  476,  502,  507,  512,  531,  535,  545, 554, 
561. 

People's  party,  origin  of,  491;  con- 
vention of  1892,  508;  of  1896,  550; 
fusion  on  electors  with  Democrats, 
564. 

Pickens,  Israel,  proposes  an  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  122. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  54. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  nominated  for 
President,  248 ;  elected,  257 ;  his  at> 


582 


INDEX 


titude  on  the  slavery  question, 
2R0;  in  the  Democratic  convention 
of  1*80,  264,  265. 

Pinckney,  Charles,  plan  of,  for  an 

Executive,  2. 
Pinckney,  Charles  C,  votes  for,  in 

1796,  51 ;  minister  to  France,  56 ;  re- 
fuses to  be  a  party  to  a  treacherous 

coalition,  62;  votes  for,  in  1800,  63; 

candidate  of  Federalists  for  Presi- 
dent, in  1804,  83;  votes  for,  in  1804, 

84 ;  in  1808,  95. 
Pinckney,    Thomas,   candidate    for 

Vice-President,  44;   votes  for,  in 

1796, 51. 
Plaquemines,  frauds  in,  16, 224. 
Platforms,  party. 

Abolition  or  Liberty  party,  in  1843, 
216. 

American,  of  1888,  480. 

Anti-Monopoly,  in  1884, 422. 

Barnburners,  in  1848, 239. 

Constitutional  Union,  in  1860, 289. 

Democratic,  in  1840, 199 ;  in  1844, 215 ; 
in  1848,  234;  in  1852,  249;  in  1856, 
266 ;  Of  Douglas  Wing,  in  1860,  283 ; 
of  Breckinridge  Wing,  287 ;  in  1864, 
304;  in  1868,  322;  in  1872,  349;  of 
"Straight"  Democrats,  349;  in 
1876,  374 ;  in  1880,  413 ;  in  1884,  434  ; 
in  1888,  468 ;  in  1892,  498 ;  in  1896, 
542. 

Free-soil,  in  1848, 239 ;  in  1852, 253. 

Greenback  party,  in  1876,  367;  in 
1880,409;  in  1884,  42a 

Know-Nothing,  in  1856, 261. 

Labor-Reformers,  in  1872, 336. 

Liberal  Republicans,  in  1872, 341. 
:  National,  in  1896, 530. 

National  Democratic,  in  1896, 558. 

National  Silver,  in  1896, 555. 

Native  American,  in  1856, 261. 

People's,  in  1892, 509 ;  in  1896, 551. 

Prohibitionist,  in  1872,  339;  in  1876, 
364;  in  1880,  411;  in  1884,  441,442; 
in  1888,  466 ;  in  1892,  505 ;  in  1896, 
529. 

Radical  Republican,  in  1864, 300. 

Republican,  in  1856, 271 ;  in  i860, 291 ; 
in  1864,  301 ;  in  1868,  318 ;  in  1872, 
346 ;  in  1876,  369 ;  in  1880,  403 ;  in 
1884, 428 ;  in  1888,  472 ;  in  1892, 494 ; 
in  1896,  533. 

Socialist  Labor,  in  1892, 513 »  in  1896, 
639. 


Union  Labor,  in  1888, 461. 
United  Labor,  in  1888,  463. 
Whig,  in  1844,  220;  in  1852,  251;  in 

1856,  273. 
Young  Men's  National  Republican, 
in  1832,  158. 

Pocket  veto,  179, 317. 

Polk,  James  K.,  vote  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1840,  204;  nominated 
for  President,  in  1844,  213 ;  elected, 
223;  his  inauguration,  225;  his  ad- 
ministration, 227;  jealousy  of,  to- 
ward Silas  Wright,  229. 

Polygamy,  in  politics  and  platforms, 

364,  371,  405, 419,  430,  442,  466,  475. 

Pomeroy,  Samuel  C,  nominated  for 
President,  442. 

Popular  Sovereignty,  258, 280. 

Popular  votes  for  President,  in  1824, 
135;  in  1828,  148;  in  1832,  163;  in 
1836,  185 ;  in  1840,  203 ;  in  1844,  223 ; 
in  1848,  243 ;  in  1852,  257  ;  in  1856, 276 ; 
in  1860,  297;  in  1864,  307;  in  1868, 
328;  in  1872,  352;  in  1876,  383;  in 
1880,  417 ;  in  1884,  448 ;  in  1888,  483 ; 
in  1892,  517 ;  in  1896,  567. 

Populists.    See  People's  party. 

President  of  the  United  States, 
method  of  election  of,  2-9, 68, 71, 77- 
82,  121,  140,  358,  394 ;  proposed  elec- 
tion of,  by  direct  popular  vote,  3, 13, 
154,  300,  358,  365,  394,  396,  397,  431, 
442, 553 ;  length  of  term  of  office  of, 
9,  153,  395;  reeligibility  of,  l,  2,  5, 
153,  221,  300,  337,  343,  395,  513 ;  third 
term,  360,  402,  546;  resignation  of, 
38;  special  elections  in  case  of  va- 
cancy, 37,  395 ;  succession  to  the  of- 
fice, 37,  450. 

Prohibitionist  party,  convention  of 
1872,  339  ;  of  1876,  364  ;  of  1880,  411 ;  of 
1884,  441,  442 ;  of  1888,  465 ;  Of  1892, 
505 ;  Of  1896,  529. 

Protection  of  American  industry, 

in  politics  and  platforms.  See  Tariff. 
Public  debt,  the,  in  politics  and  plat- 

forms,  303,  316,  319,  322,  370,  409,  422, 

462. 
Public  lands.    See  Land,  public. 

Radical  Republicans,  convention  of 
1864,  299. 

Railroads,  land  grants  to,  see  iawcf, 
public ;  regulation  or  public  owner- 
ship of,  in  politics  and  platforms, 


INDEX 


583 


337,  364,  410,  *22,  425,  430,  461,  474,  506, 
512,  513,  531,  540,  552. 

Handolph,  Edmund,  plan  for  an  Ex- 
ecutive, 2. 

Bandolph,  John,  opposition  to  Jeffer- 
son, 87 ;  makes  an  objection,  95 ;  on 
the  count  of  Missouri  vote,  in  1821, 
119, 120. 

Readjusters  of  Virginia,  417. 

Reannexation.    See  Texas. 

Reciprocity  treaties,  in  politics  and 

platforms,  490,  495,  500,  534. 

Reconstruction  of  rebellious  States, 
in  politics  and  platforms,  301,  308, 
313,  318,  333. 

Red  bandanna,  472. 

Reed,  Thomas  B.,  Speaker,  and  the 
rules  of  the  House,  487;  votes  for, 
as  candidate  for  President,  1892, 497 ; 
in  the  canvass  of  1896, 527 ;  votes  for, 
as  candidate  for  President,  538. 

Reeligibility  of  a  President.  See 
President. 

Reid,  Whitelaw,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  498 ;  popular  and  electoral 
votes  for,  517. 

Rejection  of  electoral  votes.  See 
Electoral  votes. 

Removal  of  deposits  from  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  178. 

Removals  from  office,  in  politics 
and  platforms.  See  Civil  Service  Re- 
form. 

Republican  party,  creation  of  the, 
260 ;  convention  of  1856,  269  ;  Of  I860, 
290  ;  Of  1864,  301 ;  of  1868,  318 ;  of  1872, 
345  ;  Of  1876,  368  ;  of  1880,  402  ;  of  1884, 
427 ;  Of  1888,  472  ;  of  1892,  494  ;  of  1896, 
532. 

Republican  party  (Jeffersonian), 
ilrst  known  as  Anti-Federalist,  nom- 
inates Jefferson  and  Burr,  in  1796, 
44 ;  its  triumph  in  1800,  63 ;  see  De- 
mocratic party. 

Resignation  of  President.  See  Pre- 
sident. 

Resumption  of  specie  payments,  in 
politics  and  platforms,  333,  343, 366, 
367,  370,  372,  375,  376,  379,  401. 

Returns  of  electors.  See  Electoral 
System. 

Rhode  Island,  an  elector  for,  objected 
to,  in  1877,  391. 

Riddle,  Haywood  T.,  proposes  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  396. 


Rives,  William  C,  182,  195  [note], 

289. 

Rodney,  Daniel,  votes  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1820, 121. 

Ross,  James,  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, in  1816, 112. 

"  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion," 

447. 

Rush,  Richard,  vote  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1820,  118,  121;  nomi- 
nated  in  1828, 146 ;  votes  for,  149. 

Russell,  John,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  340. 

Rutledgre,  John,  votes  for,  in  1789, 27. 

Sackville,  Lord,  British  minister,  482. 

St.  John,  John  P.,  nominated  for 
President,  446;  popular  votes  for, 
448. 

Sampson,  Ezekiel  S.,  proposes 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  396. 

Sanford,  Nathan,  proposes  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution,  122 ;  votes 
for,  as  Vice-President,  in  1824, 140. 

Santo  Domingo,  annexation  of,  333. 

"  Scallawasrs,"  357. 

Schools,  public,  in  politics  and  plat- 
forms, 364,  371,  475,  502,  507,  514,  531, 
540. 

Scott,  Winfield,  votes  for,  in  Whig 
convention,  1848,  237 ;  in  canvass  of 
1852,  247;  nominated  for  President, 
251 ;  popular  and  electoral  votes  for, 
257. 

Seceded  States,  electoral  votes  of,  re- 
jected, 309,  329. 

Secession,  298. 

Sergeant,  John,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  157 ;  electoral  votes  for, 
164. 

Sewall,  Arthur,  nominated  for  Vice- 
President  by  the  Democrats,  549; 
votes  for,  in  Populist  convention, 
554;  nominated  by  National  Silver 
party,  557 ;  popular  votes  for,  667 ; 
electoral  votes  for,  568. 

Seward,  William  H.,  his  relations 
with  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  247 ;  in 
the  canvass  of  1856, 270 ;  in  the  can- 
vass of  I860,  290,  294. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  304, 305.  321 ;  nom- 
inated for  President,  32fi ;  his  politi- 
cal position,  327 ;  popular  and  elec- 
toral votes  for,  328 ;  in  canvass  of 
1880,  412. 


584 


INDEX 


Sherman,  John,  402,  407,  408, 427, 432, 

47*,  47'.). 

Sherman  silver  purchase  act,  490, 

501,  521 ;  repealed,  522. 
Silver  question,  the,  in  politics  and 

platforms,  306,  308,  401,  409,  413,  430, 
437,  462,  475,  490,  494,  495,  501,  506,  508, 
611,  521,  526,  529, 531, 532,  535,  537,  541, 
^43,  547,  551,  555,  559. 

Slavery,  in  politics  and  platforms, 
115,  200,  202,  216, 226,  236,  239,  249,  252- 
264, 258,  262,  206,  271,  273,  279,  283,  287, 
292,  299,  300,  302. 

Smith,  Gerrit,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 232. 

Smith,  Green  Clay,  nominated  for 
President,  364. 

Smith,  William,  votes  for,  as  Vice- 
President,  in  1828,  149 ;  in  1836, 188. 

Socialist  Lahor  party,  513, 538. 

"Softs,"  Democratic  faction, in  New 
York,  264, 282. 

Soldiers'  vote,  in  1864, 307. 

"  Solid  South,"  105,  406,  447. 

South  Carolina,  appointment  of  elec- 
tors by  the  Legislature,  148,  164; 
abandons  the  system,  327 ;  vote  of 
1876  disputed,  381,  391. 

South  Dakota  admitted  to  the  Union, 
487. 

Souther  ate.  James  H.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  532. 

Spain,  relations  with,  520, 536. 

Special  elections  of  president.  See 
President 

Specie  circular,  Jackson's,  179. 

Specie  payments,  resumption  of.  See 
Resumption. 

Spoils  System,  and  civil  service,  in 
politics  and  platforms.  See  Civil 
Service  Reform. 

Springer,  William  M.,  proposes  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution,  395. 

"  Squatter  Sovereignty."  See  Pop- 
ular Sovereignty. 

"  Stalwarts,"  a  faction  of  the  [Repub- 
lican party,  419. 

Stampede,  rules  for  prevention  of, 

174,  369,  468. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  contest  with 
President  Johnson,  315, 405,  430. 

8tar-route  frauds,  419. 

State  rights,  in  politics  and  plat- 
forms, 75, 106, 180. 

Stevenson,  Adlai  E.,  nominated  for 


Vice-President,  505;  elected,  511 1 
votes  for,  as  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent, 1896,  549. 

Stewart,  G.  T.,  nominated  for  Vice. 
President,  364. 

Stockton,  Richard,  votes  for,  as  Vice 
President,  in  1820, 121. 

Streeter,  A.  J.,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 463 ;  popular  votes  for,  483. 

Succession  to  the  presidency.  See 
President. 

Sumner,  Charles,  270;  opposes  Grant, 
334. 

Tammany  Haa,  228, 363, 412, 433, 446, 

515. 
Tariff,  the,  in  politics  and  platforms, 
108,  115,  143,  154,  158,  200,  220, 227, 252, 
268,  293,  336,  343,  347,  350,  371, 376, 405, 
416,  419,  423,  426,  429,  436,  442, 444, 458, 
466,  467,  473,  480,  489,  494,  499,  504, 506, 
508,  523,  531,  533,  544,  558. 

Tariff  commission  of  1882,  419. 

Taylor,  Zachary,  movement  in  his 
favor,  230 ;  recommended  by  Native 
Americans,  231 ;  nominated  for  Pres- 
ident, by  Whig  party,  237;  elected, 
243 ;  his  conduct  in  office,  244 ;  dies, 
246. 

Tazewell,  L.  W.,  named  for  Vice- 
President,  in  1840,  199;  electoral 
votes  for,  204. 

Telfair,  Edward,  votes  for,  in  1789, 

27. 

Teller,  Henry  M.,  537,  538;  votes  for, 

as  candidate  for  President,  549. 
Tennessee,  admitted  to  the  Union,  47 ; 

legislature  nominates  Jackson,  144  j 

its  vote  not  counted  in  1864, 311. 
Tenure  of  office  act,  315, 457. 
Term  of  the  president!  al  office.   See 

President. 
Texas,  annexation  of,  209,  215,  226, 

227 ;  State  of,  admitted  to  the  Union. 

242;  vote  of,  in  1872,  objected  to 

354. 

Third  term  for  a  President.     See 

President. 
Thompson,   A.    M.,   nominated   foe 

Vice-President,  411. 
Thurman,  Allen  G.,  379, 387, 423,  i40; 

his  red  bandanna,  472;  nominated 

for  Vice-President,  472 ;  popular  and 

electoral  votes  for,  483. 
Tilden.  Samuel  J.,  363,  37*:  nocd. 


INDEX 


585 


nated  for  President,  379;  popular 
votes  for,  383;  electoral  votes  for, 
392 ;  in  canvass  of  1880, 411 ;  in  can- 
vass Of  1884,  439. 

Time  of  appointing  electors.  See 
Electors. 

Tippecanoe,  the  hero  of,  196. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  proposed  for 
President,  1816,  109;  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  110;  elected,  112;  re- 
elected, 121. 

Treasury  circular,  Jackson's,  179. 

Trusts,  in  politics  and  platforms,  463, 
466,  474,  496,  500,  507,  545. 

Tweed  ringr,  329, 363. 

Twenty  -  second   joint    rule.     See 

Electoral  votes. 

Two-thirds  rule,  in  Democratic  con- 
ventions, 161,  175,  182,  212,  233,  284, 
286,288,433. 

Tyler,  John,  favors  a  caucus  nomina- 
tion, 1824,  128;  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  1836,  183 ;  electoral  votes 
for,  188;  nominated  by  Whigs,  195; 
elected,  204 ;  becomes  President,  207 ; 
his  breach  with  the  Whigs,  207; 
nominated  for  reelection  and  with- 
draws, 221. 

Union  Labor  party,  convention  of 

1888,  460. 

United  Americans,  order  of,  259. 

United  Labor  party,  convention  of 
1888,  463. 

Unit  rule,  in  conventions,  173,  374, 
403,  433. 

Utah,  Territory  of,  246 ;  State  of,  fu- 
sion in,  565 ;  its  first  vote  for  Presi- 
dent, 567,  568. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  his  first  appear- 
ance in  politics,  100;  in  caucus  of 
1824,  131;  votes  for,  as  Vice-Presi- 
dent, in  1824,  140;  political  mission 
in  the  south,  144 ;  rejected  as  Minis- 
ter to  England,  155 ;  candidate  for 
Vice-President,  155;  nominated  by 
the  Democrats,  161 ;  elected,  164 ; 
nominated  for  President,  182 ;  popu- 
lar votes  for,  185 ;  elected,  188 ;  his 
inauguration,  188;  estimate  of  his 
character,  190;  his  opposition  to 
banks,  192 ;  renominated,  201 ;  popu- 
lar votes  for,  203 ;  defeated,  204 ;  the 
Democratic  favorite  for  1844,  206; 


his  letter  on  Texas,  210;  defeated 
by  the  two -thirds  rule,  212,  213; 
praised  by  Democratic  convention, 
216 ;  nominated  by  "  Barnburners," 
238;  by  Free-soilers,  239;  popular 
votes  for,  243. 

Venezuela,  President  Cleveland's  ac- 
tion, 520. 

Vermont,  admitted  to  the  Union,  38 ; 
disputed  validity  of  its  votes,  52 ;  its 
electoral  vote  of  1876, 391. 

Veto,  "  pocket,"  179 ;  power,  in  plat- 
forms, 215 ;  Mr.  Johnson's  numerous 
vetoes,  315;  Mr.  Cleveland's  use  of 
the,  458. 

Vice-President,  the  office  of,  sug- 
gested, 7;  abolition  of  the  office 
proposed,  79;  method  of  electing, 
changed,  80 ;  elected  by  the  Senate, 
187. 

Virginia,  and  Kentucky  resolutions, 
Of  1788  and  1789,  57.  249,  267  ;  adopts 
general  ticket  system  in  1800,  60; 
the  "Virginia  dynasty," 89, 106. 

Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,  305, 522. 

Wakefield,  W.  H.  T.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  465. 

War  Democrats,  298, 306, 356. 

War  of  1812,  98, 106. 

Washington,  George,  universal 
choice  for  first  President,  24;  ac- 
quiesces in  the  choice  of  Adams  for 
Vice-President,  25;  election  pro- 
claimed, 30 ;  first  inauguration,  31 : 
reelected  in  1792, 39 ;  second  inaugu- 
ration, 41 ;  opposes  "  Citizen  "  Genet, 
42 ;  supports  the  Jay  treaty,  43 ;  de- 
clines a  third  term,  44;  Farewell 
Address  of,  45 ;  votes  for,  in  1796,  51 ; 
attempt  to  elect  him  in  1800, 58. 

Washington,  State  of,  admitted  to 
the  Union,  487. 

Watson.  Thomas  E.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  554;  his  position  in 
the  canvass  of  1896,  562, 564 ;  popu- 
lar votes  for,  567;  electoral  votes 
for,  568. 

Weaver,  James  B.,  nominated  for 
President,  1880,  411;  popular  votes 
for,  417;  nominated  for  President, 
1892,513 ;  popular  and  electoral  votes 
for,  517. 

Webster,  Daniel,  elector  for  Monroe, 
in  1820,  118;  nominated  for  Presi- 


586 


INDEX 


dent,  in  1836, 183;  popular  votes  for, 
185;  electoral  votes  for,  188;  in  can- 
vass of  1848,  230;  votes  for,  in  Whig 
convention,  237 ;  the  compromises  of 
1860, 245 ;  in  canvass  of  1852, 247 ;  un- 
successful manoeuvre  to  nominate 
him,  250;  popular  votes  for,  25,. 

West,  A.  M.,  423 ;  nominated  for  Vice- 
President,  427. 

West  Virginia,  the  State  of,  formed, 

308. 

Wheeler,  William  A.,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  373;  elected,  393. 

Whig*  party,  origin  of,  179:  attitude 
of,  on  the  Bank,  184, 192 ;  convention 
of  1839,  193;  disclaims  responsibil- 
ity for  Tyler's  acts,  207 ;  convention 
Of  1844, 220 ;  of  1848, 237  ;  Of  1852, 250 ; 
moribund  after  the  election  of  1852, 
258 ;  convention  of  1856, 273. 

Whiskey  insurrection,  42. 

Whiskey  ring",  357, 363. 

White,  Hugh  L.,  nominated  for  Pres- 
ident, 183;  popular  votes  for,  185; 
electoral  votes  for,  188. 

Wilkins,  William,  nominated  for 
Vice-President,  160;  electoral  votes 
for,  164. 


Wilmot  proviso,  23a 

Wilson,  Henry,  318,  321,  345;  nom. 
inated  for  Vice  -  President,  348  ; 
elected,  352. 

Wilson,  James,  proposes  electors,  4. 

Wilson  tariff  bill,  524. 

Wing,  Simon,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, 513 ;  popular  votes  for,  517. 

Wirt,  William,  nominated  for  Presi- 
dent, by  anti- Masonic  party,  166; 
electoral  votes  for,  164. 

Wisconsin,  admitted  to  the  Union, 
242 ;  disputed  electoral  votes,  in 
1857,  275 ;  in  1877,  391. 

Woman   suffrage,  in   politics   and 

platforms,  340,  348,  371,  426,  441,  445, 
462,  466,  467,'  506,  514,  530,  536. 

Wood,  Fernando,  282. 

Wool,  tariff  on,  429,  473,  524,  534. 

Wright,  Silas,  nominated,  and  de- 
clines, as  Vice-President,  213;  war 
upon  him  in  New  York,  229 ;  dies, 
230. 

Wyoming,  State  of,  admitted  to  the 
Union,  518. 

Yancey.  William  L.,  resolution  of 
fered  by,  236. 


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